The Pollution of Landscape
in Silius Italicus’ Punica
Nelleke Malaya Klaaske Koornstra
n.m.k.koornstra@student.rug.nl
S2192594 First supervisor: dr. C. M. van der Keur Date: August 30th, 2020
1
Table of Content
1. Introduction p. 2
a. General introduction p. 2
b. Theoretical framework p. 4
2. Chapter One: Foreshadowing the Violation of Italy p. 8 3. Chapter Two: Hannibal, Scipio and Landscape p. 17
I. Hannibal p. 17
i. Hannibal’s march to Italy p. 17
ii. Hannibal in Italy p. 30
II. Scipio (Africanus) p. 35
4. Chapter Three: The Landscape of Roman Defeat p. 40
5. Conclusion p. 61
2
Introduction
Landscapes in Latin epic often have more functions than simply setting the scene.1 In fact,
they often add meaning to the context in which they occur, and as such greatly contribute to the narrative. Silius Italicus’ landscapes in his epic Punica are highly significant as well. Scholars have previously noted that the Flavian poet often merges myth, history and
geography into the landscapes of his poem.2 Although Silius’ landscapes have certainly been
studied before,3 not all landscape passages have been studied as thoroughly and/or examined
together to study the interconnection between them.
Silius’ landscapes interact most evidently with those of Homer, Virgil, Ovid and Lucan, while the Flavian poet employs Lucan’s locus horridus in particular to show how the Second Punic War transformed Italy from a locus amoenus into a locus horridus.4 The
transformation of Italy into a locus horridus may also be connected to another motif in the Punica: the transformation of earth into hell as Hannibal unleashes hell onto earth.5 As such,
the Underworld plays a more prominent role in the epic than as formerly suggested by Hardie (1993: 81).6
In this thesis, I take a closer look at Silius’ landscape by discussing a variety of passages in order to examine the (symbolic) meaning(s) of landscape and its relation to the epic’s characters and some of the underlying themes/motifs. I will argue that Silius
consistently frames the Roman defeats as pollution of the (Italian) landscape to demonstrate
1 More on the functions of landscapes below. 2 Morzadec (2009: 378 – 384); Behm (2019b: 347).
3 For the river in Silius as a symbolic motif, see Santini (1991); for waterscapes in the Punica see Haselmann
(2018). For the perception and representation of landscapes among Statius and Silius, see Morzadec (2009). For Silius’ geography, see Bona (1998). The publications by Haselmann and Bona unfortunately could not be consulted during the time of research for this thesis due to the extraordinary circumstances of the global pandemic, during which libraries and universities offered limited services.
4 McIntyre (2008: 188 – 257).
5 See Van der Keur (2015: 281 – 282), who shows that the Underworld reflects the war on the surface,
particularly at Saguntum. See also Hardie (1993: 81).
6 For more on the presence of the (powers of the) Underworld throughout the Punica, see also Cowan (2013) for
references to the Underworld in Book 7; Littlewood (2013), who discusses Hannibal’s connection to chthonic powers.
3 the nefas of Roman bloodshed.7 Additionally, I will offer an interpretation of this motif by
connecting it to the references to civil strife and rural Italy which are made throughout the epic. By doing so, I hope to contribute to a better understanding of the epic’s characters, themes/motifs, as well as Silius’ creativity.
The first chapter is dedicated to the discussion of landscape in two important
programmatic passages: Juno’s speech (1. 45 – 54) and the prophecy of Dido’s priestess (1. 125 – 132). Additionally, the setting of the priestess’ prophecy (Dido’s temple, 1. 81 – 98) will be discussed. Since these three passages are the first passages in which landscape plays a role and already reveal important motifs, this chapter will also function as an introductory chapter.
In the second chapter, I will examine how landscape passages contribute to the characterization of Hannibal and Scipio. The locus horridus has formerly been interpreted as a representation of the (destruction brought by the) Carthaginians,8 but several Roman leaders
are associated with or situated in the locus horridus as well – including Scipio, who ultimately defeats the Carthaginian general. This chapter will first explore how Hannibal is characterized by his interaction with landscape and/or how landscape passages reflect his character.
Although Silius’ Hannibal has already received much attention from previous scholars,9 I will
focus specifically on his characterization in and through landscape passages, since it strongly relates to the image of Italy Silius portrays. Furthermore, I will examine how landscape passages contribute to the portrait of Scipio.
Lastly, I will analyze the landscape in the four battle episodes of Roman defeat, by focusing on the portrayal and the role of landscape in these battle scenes. Naturally, I will discuss the episodes in the order in which Silius narrates the battles: the Ticinus river, the Trebia river, Lake Trasimene and the landscape at Cannae. Additionally, I will briefly look at
7 Although Santini (1991: 71) (as well as Morzadec (2009: 181) and Littlewood (2011: 185), both in reference to
Santini) does mention ‘pollution’, he barely explores this concept, since his focus is on showing how the river plays a role as a motif, suggesting that the river re-occurs frequently in Silius in a mache parapotamios as a metaphor for man’s struggle against nature.
8 McIntyre (2008: 188 – 202; 211 – 242); Behm (2019b: 347), who refers to McIntyre.
9 For Hannibal as another Caesar, see for example Ahl / Davis / Pomeroy (1986: 2511ff.).; Hardie (1993: 64);
Tipping (2010: 89 – 92); Stocks (2014: 67 – 70). For Hannibal as (anti-)Aeneas, see Ahl / Davis / Pomeroy (1986: 2511ff.) and Klaassen (2010). For Hannibal’s association with Hercules, see Asso (2010: 180 – 189); Tipping (2010: 156ff.); Stocks (2014: 218 – 21). See Hardie (1993: 80) and Chaudhuri (2014: 205) for Hannibal’s association to the Giants; see (Hardie 1993: 60) and Littlewood (2013) for Hannibal’s link to the Underworld.
4 Silius’ depiction of landscape in battle scenes after the four major Roman defeats to examine whether the image of landscape changes as victory shifts to the Romans’ side.
Theoretical framework and methodology
For a long time, space in a story has been an understudied element in narratological theory. Space, which may be understood as “an umbrella term for the conception, structure, and presentation of the entirety of objects such as settings, landscapes, natural phenomena and subject matter of different genres” (Kirstein 2019: 248),10 was often viewed as merely the
element necessary to set the scene of a story, rather than an inherently significant aspect of a story that strongly relates to the narrative. However, in the footsteps of the spatial turn of the past two decades in other disciplines such as anthropology, geography, sociology, history and various other social sciences, scholars of narratology have become increasingly interested in the roles of space in a story and how space relates to the narrative (De Jong 2012: 1 – 2).11
Space now has come to be viewed by scholars of literature as a meaningful element integrated into a narrative that significantly contributes to the story.
Indeed, space can have many more functions besides setting the scene or embellishing the narrative as a descriptive passage.12 For instance, space may have a thematic function,
when space is one of the central elements in a narrative, such as in travel stories. Further, space can mirror or contrast themes of the narrative, which in turn may foreshadow an event in the narrative (analepsis), or shed a different light on a theme. A common function of space in ancient narrative texts (especially in poetry), is the symbolic function, when space acquires a layer of meaning in addition to its scene-setting function. In such passages, we may often find certain notions arranged in opposition (such as urban versus rural, civilization versus wilderness, high or low, light or dark), which may be negatively or positively charged, or may be related to certain ideological or cultural values.13 A well-known example of a semanticized
10 Kirstein borrowed from Nünning (2013: 634).
11 The spatial turn can – in a nutshell – be described as the contemplation of space in the cultural, social and
literary disciplines, and has enabled the study of spaces and spatial representations as an essential element in encompassing processes of adapting the world (Kirstein 2019: 246). For more on the spatial turn (including references to literature), see Kirstein (2019, 246, with n. 4; 247). See also Skempis & Ziogas (2014: 1) on the
spatial turn in literary sciences.
12 De Jong (2012: 13 – 17).
5 space containing idyllic features may be the locus amoenus. In this thesis, we will also
encounter its opposite: the locus horridus. Another important function space can have, is the characterizing function. In such cases, the described space may reveal something about the character or their situation. The focalization of space (the perspective through which the space is described) may also reveal something about a character’s inner feelings, which is called the psychologizing function. The symbolic, characterizing and psychologizing functions cannot always be easily distinguished from each other in a given passage, and may in fact frequently overlap. Lastly, space may be personified. In ancient Greek and Latin texts, it can sometimes be difficult to distinguish between personification of metaphysical space as a result of
anthropomorphism, or the actual projection of qualities usually associated with humans on objects/nature/animals.
Considering the many functions space can have in a story, the examination of spatial elements can help us better understand a story. In this thesis, the focus will specifically be on the functions and meanings of landscapes in the Punica. Since landscape is a subcategory of space, the study of the functions of landscape in a story can be greatly helpful in gaining a better understanding of the story, its themes and its characters.
First, let me clarify what ‘landscape’ refers toin this thesis. Landscape may be defined as “the external world mediated through subjective human experience in a way that neither region nor area immediately suggest. Landscape is a construction, a composition of the world we see; in other words, it is a way of seeing the world” (Cosgrove 1984: 13).14 A landscape
has cultural meaning, though its meaning may vary from person to person and/or from moment to moment to the same person.15 In short, landscape is a subjective rather than
objective experience of a physical environment.
In literature, space – and thus landscape too – is always fictional (Kirstein 2019: 249). However, landscapes can (and often do) still retain elements of the real world. In fact, a minimal amount of real-world aspects are necessary to enable readers to associate the object in the text with the object in the real lifeworld.
Landscapes play a significant role especially in epic, since epic poetry is often pervaded by ethnological elements and cultural input in a combination of myth and history.16
14 This definition is also employed by the authors of Valuing Landscape in Classical Antiquity: Natural
Environment and Cultural Imagination (2016): see the introduction to the volume.
15 McInerney & Sluiter (2016: 7). 16 Skempis & Ziogas (2014: 3).
6 Space (and thus landscape) in epic may reflect socio-political ideologies, sincesocial values may be connected to, inferred or deduced from locations, terrain or environment, turning physical environment into landscape (McInerney & Sluiter 2016: 1 – 2).17
Epic poets give new meanings to landscapes, often through providing etymologies and aetiologies of landscape, and recontextualize landscapes by reframing both mythical and historical topographies into a new socio-political context.18 There may often be a significant
relationship between epic characters and landscape as well, for they often interact with landscape: they may transform it, but they themselves and their destinies are also defined by it.19 Semanticisation of space can thus bring about (or further contribute to) the
characterization of the figures in the text.20
In this thesis, ‘landscape’ will refer to the external, physical “real-life” natural world, as well as ‘urban landscape’ or ‘city scape’. The latter is important to examine, for the urban landscape is always connected to the plot.21 As such, it can have important narrative
functions, such as foreshadowing an action or event, or contributing to the characterization of a figure. Further, landscapes appearing in a character’s mental world (such as in dreams or visions) shall be included as well. Lastly, mythical and mythological landscapes (such as the Underworld) must necessarily be included in the examination of the functions of landscape in the Punica, for they often blur into the “real-life” world in epics (such as the dwelling of the Bagrada serpent in Punica 6, and Cumae in Pun. 12. 85 – 157).
Intertextuality
Silius Italicus and his fellow Flavian poets have often been criticized for unoriginality by modern classicists.22 However, in the past few decades, the scholarship on Latin poetry has
seen a rise in interest and a reappreciation of Flavian poetry, with new articles, bundles and commentaries on the works of the Flavian poets appearing more frequently. An important factor in this re-interest has been the introduction of the concept of intertextuality into
literature studies, since it offers classicists an opportunity to re-evaluate Flavian poetry. While
17 Cf. Skempis & Ziogas (2014: 4). 18 Skempis & Ziogas (2014: 7). 19 Skempis & Ziogas (2014: 7). 20 Kirstein (2019: 251 – 252). 21 Behm (2019a: 262).
7 there is no single text-book definition of intertextuality per se, it is typically used as a term that refers to the reuse of texts and may be used to study the relationship between texts, enabling scholars of literature to reflect upon patterns of poetic imitation of various texts at the same time.23
Landscape in Latin epic is particularly intertextual in nature due to its symbolic potentiality.24 As such, a landscape passage in a given text can gain an extra layer of meaning
through intertextuality, and, in turn, give additional meaning to the text in which it occurs. In this thesis, I will examine the meanings of landscapes in the Punica by looking closely at the intertextuality and functions of landscapes in certain passages, and explore how Silius’ landscape passages relate to the broader context of the epic. By doing so, I will show how attention for landscape passages may contribute to our understanding and interpretation of individual passages, as well as of the epic as a whole.
23 Coffee et al. (2020: 2 – 3). Intertextual references may comprise out of verbal references to an earlier text as
well as thematic echoes.
8
Chapter One:
Foreshadowing the Violation of Italy
One of the important functions of landscape in Silius is foreshadowing future events. At the beginning of the epic, two passages foretell the violation the Italian landscape will suffer due to the battles: Juno’s speech (1. 45 – 54) and the prophecy of Dido’s priestess (1. 125 – 132).25 The setting of the prophecy, Dido’s temple (1. 81 – 98), also gains additional
significant meaning through its references to Virgil and through associations with the
Underworld.26 Furthermore, these three passages contribute to the initial characterizations of
both Juno and Hannibal. As such, these three passages – in which landscape plays a
significant role – function as an important introduction to some of the themes of the epic and to the initial characterization of Hannibal. In this chapter, these three landscapes shall be examined by discussing the passages and the context in which they occur. Furthermore, the relationship between the passages and the broader context of the epic shall be addressed.
Juno’s speech (1. 45 – 54)
From the onset of the Punica, Silius paints a vivid image of an Italy polluted by human blood and gore. The first occurrence of this image is included in Juno’s prophetic soliloquy in 1. 45 – 54.27 First, Silius ascribes the (mythological) origin of the hostility between Carthage and
Rome (1. 17 – 37) to the ira of Juno and makes her the divine instigator of the wars. Seeing Rome’s growing power as a threat to her beloved city Carthage, the goddess incites the Carthaginians to war (1. 32 – 33 bellandi corda furore / Phoenicum extimulat). After the Carthaginian defeat in the First Punic War, Juno stirs up a new conflict, choosing Hannibal as the leader.28 In 1. 42 – 44, she recalls Aeneas’ arrival in Latium where the Trojan founded a
new kingdom. She lets this slide, but on the following conditions:
25 While more prophecies occur in the Punica (such as the prophecy of Jupiter in 3. 570 – 629, the prophecy of
Jupiter Ammon in 3. 700 – 712, Proteus’ prophecy in 7. 437 – 493, and the prophecy of the Sibyl in 13. 497 – 515) as well as other foreshadowing passages, I have chosen to treat only the abovementioned passages,
precisely because they function as introductory passages. Furthermore, landscape does not play a significant role in these other prophecies.
26 Although the temple is not part of a natural landscape, it falls under ‘urban landscape’, which is mentioned in
the introduction.
27 Juno’s speech is modelled on her speeches in Aen. 1.37 – 59 and 7. 293 – 322 (Feeney 1982: 40). 28 For the connection between Juno and Hannibal, see for example Stocks (2014: 82ff.).
9 45 “... dum Romana tuae, Ticine, cadavera ripae
non capiant, famulusque mihi per Celtica rura sanguine Pergameo Trebia et stipantibus armis corporibusque virum retro fluat, ac sua largo stagna reformidet Thrasymennus turbida tabo;
50 dum Cannas, tumulum Hesperiae, campumque cruore Ausonio mersum sublimis Iapyga cernam
teque vadi dubium coëuntibus, Aufide, ripis per clipeos galeasque virum caesosque per artus vix iter Hadriaci rumpentem ad litora ponti.”
“As long as your banks, Ticinus, cannot contain the Roman dead, and that the Trebia, a slave to me, shall flow backwards through the fields of Gaul, blocked by Trojan blood and their weapons and the corpses of men; and as long as Lake Trasimene shall shrink from its own pools disturbed by abundant gore; and as long as I shall see from heaven Cannae, the grave of Italy, and the Iapygian plain submerged by Roman blood, while the Aufidus, doubtful of its course with its banks closing in, can hardly force a passage to the Adriatic sea through shields and helmets and severed limbs of men.”29
(Pun. 1. 45 – 54).
Although it is unclear to whom Juno is speaking – perhaps to herself –, its prophetic contents are more than clear.30 Through the eyes of Juno we are foretold the future disasters Italy will
suffer at the hands of the Carthaginians. The image is illustrated vividly: the riverbanks of the Ticinus will not be able to contain the dead bodies, the Trebia river will flow backwards due to all the corpses, and Lake Trasimene shall be fearful of its own waters polluted by gore. The image climaxes into a description of Cannae, which will become Italy’s very grave (1.50 tumulum Hesperiae), with the nearby Aufidus river struggling to flow properly to the Adriatic Sea, almost clogged by weapons and severed limbs of soldiers.
29 Translations are my own unless otherwise indicated. 30 Santini (1991: 68).
10 The prediction only includes the four major Roman defeats (the battle at the Ticinus river, the battle at the Trebia river, the battle at Lake Trasimene and the battle at Cannae). However, the focus in the passage here is not so much on what the Roman soldiers shall suffer, but rather on these battles’ effects on the Italian landscape: the balance of nature will be severely disrupted by human bloodshed. While it is true that this motif of contaminated waters occurs elsewhere in Latin literature and thus is not necessarily original,31 Silius could
also have chosen to focus on the emotional/psychological impact on the Romans after the defeats to foretell the effects of the lost battles. However, the Flavian poet instead chooses to highlight how the Italian landscape will be affected to foreshadow the future disasters – an image that reoccurs frequently throughout the epic.32
This image is of highly significant symbolic meaning: the disruption of the balance of nature is an expression of pollution caused by violent, human bloodshed.33 While blood shed
by enemies in wartimes was typically an acceptable form of bloodshed and even celebrated, blood shed by Romans was lamentable and a sign of the foe’s barbarity.34 As we saw in
Juno’s speech, Silius strongly emphasizes that the victims will be of Trojan/Roman blood (1. 45 Romana…cadavera; 1. 46 sanguine…Pergameo; 1. 50 – 51 cruore / Ausonio; 1. 126 Idaeoque…sanguine). What is more, these Roman victims will fall on Italy.35 While the
emphasis on the Roman victims on one hand is of course related to Juno’s focalization, it is also related to the idea Silius seems to express here: the victims’ identity is precisely what
31 Santini (1991: 72); McIntyre (2008: 198).
32 1. 125 – 132; 1. 545 – 547; 5. 127 – 129; 6. 8 – 13; 6. 106 – 112; 6. 296 – 298; 6. 602 – 605; 6. 706 – 708; 7.
145 – 150; 7. 481 – 482; 8. 668 – 670; 9. 187 – 190; 9.365 – 366; 10. 319 – 320; 12. 673; 11. 135 – 139; 11. 507 – 510; 11. 550 – 552; 11. 565 – 566; 12. 79 – 82; 12. 693 – 699; 13. 8 – 9; 13. 743; 17. 496 – 497; 17.600 – 602. See also Santini (1991: 73 – 75). These repetitions also function like markers in the structure of the narrative and ensure narrative coherence (Morzadec 2009: 181, 184).
33 In Roman religion, human bloodshed (including through murder) was believed to cause pollution of the space
in which it happened. For more on pollution of (divine) space by human bloodshed in Roman religion, see Lennon (2013: 90 – 135). The disturbance of nature’s balance in Silius may further relate to the disruption of cosmic balance as a result of the war between the Underworld (with Juno as leader) and Heaven (Jupiter). For more on the relevance of this theme, see Hardie (1993: 80 – 81); Vessey (1974: 28 – 36); Küppers (1986: 164 – 170).
34 Lennon (2013: 124, 132).
35 Including the Ticinus and the Trebia as part of the Roman territory is technically an anachronism, since these
rivers were not yet part of Roman territory during the Second Punic War (Biggs 2019: 371). However, Silius seems to include these two rivers in Italian territory, assuming the borders of the Empire of his own time, since his contemporary readers would know the Ticinus and the Trebia as Italian rivers.
11 makes the bloodshed a nefas. Furthermore, tabo (1. 49) with its double meaning of ‘gore’ and ‘pest’ or ‘plague’ (a highly contagious disease) further underlines the image of pollution of Italy.36
The notion of pollution by human bloodshed recalls Lucan, who demonstrated the nefas of the civil war by frequently referring to the pollution of characters’ hands (or their weapons) after killing a fellow Roman.37 Silius, however, conveys the nefas of (civil) war by
focusing on the pollution of the (Italian) landscape instead.38 This has two important
implications. Firstly, since the Ticinus, Trebia and Lake Trasimene are inhabited by local deities and nymphs, committing human violence at these sites was a form of sacrilege as well.39 Secondly, as will be explored in the next chapters, the disturbance and defilement of
the formerly ‘pure’ landscape of Italy must be read in connection with the references to the civil war as well as to rustic Italy made throughout the epic, as these imply the dissolution of traditional Roman ideals/values as represented by the peaceful, pastoral life. By focusing on the disrupting effects of the war on the landscape, Silius effectively underlines the nefas of the war.40
The image of rivers polluted by blood and corpses recalls Lucan as well: as the Neronian poet reminisces the civil war between Marius and Sulla in 88 – 87 BC, the Tiber is described as being clogged with Roman corpses (Luc. 2. 209 – 210 congesta…/…cadavera gurges; 2. 212 – 213 strage cruenta / interruptus fluxit). Additionally, the foreshadowing of the Ticinus, Trebia and Aufidus filled with gore and corpses also recalls Virgil: in Aeneid 6, the Sibyl foresees the Tiber foaming of blood as a result of the war between Aeneas and Turnus (6. 87 Thybrim multo spumantem sanguine cerno), which in a way was a form of civil strife as well, since their peoples are the ancestors of the Romans. These allusions to Lucan
36 For more on the concept of pollution in Roman religion, its definition and the variety of Latin terms used to
indicate pollution, see Lennon (2013: 15, 19, 29ff.).
37 Lucan calls the civil war a nefas frequently throughout Bellum Civile. For the pollution of a person and / or
their weapon in Lucan, see for example 2. 114 (pollutae…dextrae); 2. 536 (pollutos…enses); 3. 135 – 136 (iugulo se polluet isto /…manus); 3. 749 – 750 (capulum per viscera… / polluerat gladii); 4. 259 – 260 (polluta
nefanda / agmina caede). Aside from these, there are many more examples, but these cited cases should be
enough to illustrate my point.
38 Silius frequently evokes civil strife throughout the epic, as has long been observed. The implications hereof
shall be discussed in the next two chapters.
39 Santini (1991: 71); Morzadec (2009: 181).
40 Nefas “may be used to refer to sexual, violent or impious acts, but in all cases the possibility of divine anger /
12 and Virgil reinforce the notion of nefas, since civil war was the ultimate crime that caused pollution.41 As we shall see in chapter 3, Silius evokes this idea consistently by repeatedly
echoing or referring to both Virgil and Lucan in his battle episodes.
Aside from foreshadowing the future Roman defeats and the pollution of Italy, Pun. 1. 45 – 54 also reveals Juno’s association with destruction, and more specifically, with the transformation of Italy into a locus horridus, since we are viewing the future of Italy through the eyes of the goddess who desires to see the land in such a state.42 The passage thus also
contributes to the characterization of Juno as a goddess of destruction, echoing the portrayal of Juno in Virgil’s Aeneid.43 In the next section we will see that Silius picks up another
Virgilian motif: Dido’s curse.
Dido’s temple (1.81 – 103) and the prophecy of Dido’s priestess (1.125 – 137)
After stating he will begin to trace the origins of the war, Silius mentions Dido in 1. 23, summarizing her flight to the coast of North-Africa and her founding of Cartage – a shortened version of Aen. 1. 340 – 426. The next significant passage related to Dido is Sil. 1. 81 – 122, when Hannibal takes an oath as a young boy in the temple of Dido, which is situated in the middle of Carthage. The environment is rather gloomy: the temple is surrounded by yew-trees and pines casting a sorrowful shade, hiding and keeping the temple from daylight (83 – 84), and its doors are splattered with blood (102). The marble statues of the founders of the
Phoenician race, including the former Carthaginian queen herself with her husband Sychaeus, are described as mournful (1.86 maesto), and the face of Dido’s statue sweats (1. 98).44 The
eerie environment is further emphasized by elements that associate the temple and its setting with the (powers of the) Underworld: an altar dedicated to Hades (92), the rumbling and hissing of the earth (95), and the presence of the dead after being summoned (97).
The passage is linked to several important Virgilian passages: Aeneas’ arrival in Carthage (1. 421ff.) and his viewing of Juno’s temple (1. 441 – 493), and Dido’s suicide (4. 630ff.). Silius opens his passage on Dido’s temple with urbe fuit media (1.81), recalling Aen. 1. 441 – 493 through the verbal echo of lucus in urbe fuit media (1. 441) at the beginning of
41 For civil war causing pollution, see Lennon (2013: 128). 42 McIntyre (2008: 198).
43 For Juno’s association with the (powers of the) underworld, see for example Chaudhuri (2014: 126). 44 Cf. the sweating of the Palladium in Aen. 2. 174 after the Greeks steal the statue of Pallas Athena from her
13 the description of Juno’s temple in Virgil’s Carthage.45 More parallels may be found between
the two passages,46 but more striking – and more relevant for the present research – is the
rather stark contrast between Silius’ first portrayal of the center of Carthage and Virgil’s respectively.47 Since both passages introduce the interior of Carthage for the first time in each
respective epic, they influence the reader’s first impression of the city significantly. Virgil offers us a first view of Carthage a few lines before describing Juno’s temple, namely in 1.421 when Aeneas views Carthage from a hill. The city appears rather lively and thriving, with its inhabitants busy building houses, streets, a theater and more (1. 421 – 429). It is even
compared to bees making honey (1. 430 – 440), associating the city with the rural and with the locus amoenus. The sight of the temple with its illustrations of the Trojan War – raising the fame of the Trojans – alleviates Aeneas’ fears and worries (1. 450 – 452). In other words, Carthage is described as a rising city and as a welcoming, safe place for Aeneas. Silius’ first introduction of Carthage (1.81 – 103), however, is quite the opposite: the Flavian poet paints a rather gloomy and sinister – hellish even – image of the city through the description of the location of Dido’s temple with its many references to the Underworld.48 It sets the tone for the
rest of the epic: the passage encourages the reader to associate Carthage with the powers of the Underworld and the locus horridus.49 This, in turn, contributes to another underlying
theme in the Punica, namely the cosmic conflict between the Underworld (led by Juno with Hannibal as her pawn) and heaven (led by Jupiter with Scipio as his instrument).50
The passage also recalls Dido’s suicide in Virgil. First, Silius mentions that the location of the temple is where the former Carthaginian queen ended her life (1. 85 – 86).51
Next, her statue is placed next to that of Sychaeus (1.90), her murdered husband, with whom she was united in the Underworld in Virgil (Aen. 6. 451 – 476). But perhaps most significant in its symbolism is the inclusion of the Trojan sword laying at the feet of Dido’s statue (90 – 91) – a reference to Dido’s suicide in Aen. 4. 630ff. since she used the sword she was gifted
45 Feeney (1982: 61); Ahl, Davis and Pomeroy (1986: 2496).
46 See for example Ahl, Davis and Pomeroy (1986: 2496ff.) for these parallels. 47 McIntyre (2008: 198).
48 Yews (1.83) are typically associated with the Underworld (Feeney 1982: 66); the altar dedicated to Hades
(1.92) is an obvious link to the Underworld, as is the reference to the practice of necromancy (1.97). The cracks in the earth (1.95) suggest the barrier between the living and the dead is broken.
49 McIntyre (2008: 198).
50 For bibliography on this theme, see note 33. 51 Ganiban (2010: 78).
14 by Aeneas to end her life.52 The reference to her suicide in turn recalls her final speech in the
Aeneid, in which she cursed the descendants of Aeneas and wished for a descendant of her own race to avenge her (4. 622 – 629). Silius’ Hannibal will be the one to fulfill the role of Dido’s avenger, for he takes his oath in her temple.53
Aside from linking the Punica to Dido’s curse through the references to Virgil, the scene is also crucial for the characterization of Hannibal. Firstly, Silius significantly changes the context in which Hannibal takes his oathaccording to historical sources: while Polybius and Livy state that Hannibal took the oath when Hamilcar was preparing for an expedition in Spain, Silius omits this detail.54 Even more significant is the change from Jupiter’s temple –
where the oath took place according to Polybius and Livy – to Dido’s temple as the location of the oath, by which Silius effectively makes Hannibal Dido’s avenger.55
Secondly, Hannibal, merely a boy at this point, does not appear to be fearful of the eerie environment whatsoever, which makes it seem as if he is accustomed to it. This encourages the reader to associate Hannibal with the powers of the Underworld.56 This link
between Hannibal and the powers of the Underworld is further developed by the passage that follows: the prophecy of Dido’s priestess.
After Hannibal takes his vow, a sacrificial victim is offered to the goddess Hecate and inspected by Dido’s priestess. Having observed the insides of the sacrificed animal, she utters a prophecy that foreshadows the disasters that await Italy:
125 “Aetolos late consterni milite campos Idaeoque lacus flagrantes sanguine cerno. quanta procul moles scopulis ad sidera tendit, cuius in aërio pendent tua vertice castra! iamque iugis agmen rapitur; trepidantia fumant 130 moenia, et Hesperio tellus porrecta sub axe
52 In other words, Silius’ Dido strictly refers to the Dido who felt deceived after Aeneas left – quite the contrast
with Dido’s first appearance in the Aeneid, where she is initially presented as a regal woman, a founding heroine building a new city (Behm 2019a: 281).
53 See Ganiban (2010: 74 – 85) for an introduction on the relationship between Dido, Juno and Hannibal. 54 Ganiban (2010: 81): Polybius 3.11. 5; Livy 21. 1. 4.
55 Ahl / Davis / Pomeroy (1986: 2495 – 6); Ganiban (2010: 78); Stocks (2014: 87). For Hannibal taking his oath
in Jupiter’s temple, see Polybius 3.13 and Livy 2.1.
15 Sidoniis lucet flammis. fluit ecce cruentus
Eridanus.”
“I see that the Aetolian fields are covered far and wide with soldiers, and lakes gleaming with Trojan blood. How huge the mass of cliffs that rises far towards heaven, on which your camp balances on the airy summit. Now the army rushes down from the mountains; terrified cities send up smoke, and the land that lies stretched beneath the western heavens shines with Punic fires. Behold! The river Po runs with blood.”
(Pun. 1. 125 – 132)
Dido’s priestess partially echoes Juno’s prophetic words in 1. 45 – 54 as she describes the carnage that will taint Italy in her prediction of the battles at Cannae and Lake Trasimene (125 – 126), and the battles at the Ticinus and Trebia rivers which are tributaries of the Po-river (129). Aside from predicting Hannibal’s major successes, the priestess also foretells his journey over the Alps (127 – 129), the burning of the Falernian vineyards (130 – 131) and Marcellus’ death (132 – 133). But when she starts to prophecy the storm that drove Hannibal from Rome (134 – 135), signifying his failed attempt to attack Rome, Juno quickly prevents her to reveal more. The reveal of the future is thus limited to the mention of Hannibal’s successes to encourage the future Carthaginian general. At the same time, the passage invites the reader to link the Punic leader with violation of nature since his successes – his victories at the Ticinus, Trebia, Lake Trasimene and Cannae – entail the defilement of Italy’s landscape in the process. In chapter two we will see that many landscape passages in the Punica are linked with Hannibal to characterize him as a violator of nature, which contributes to his characterization as an impious figure.
This passage, like Juno’s speech, too recalls the Sibyl’s prophecy from Aen. 6, with line 1. 126 echoing the Sibyl’s prediction of the Tiber foaming of blood (Pun. 1. 126
Idaeoque lacus flagrantes sanguine cerno; cf. Aen. 6. 87 Thybrim multo spumantem sanguine cerno), this time paralleling Lake Trasimene to the Tiber. Additionally, the prophecy seems to be partially modelled on the frenzied matrona’s prophecy in Luc. 1.688ff: both mention the Alps, and both foreshadow the death of a great antagonist.57 Both the reference to the Sibyl’s
prophecy as well as to the matron’s prophecy again evoke civil strife.
16 This chapter shows the significance of the first three landscape passages in the Punica: Silius focuses on the effects of the war on the Italian landscape in both Juno’s speech and the prophecy of Dido’s priestess to underline the nefas of the war to come. This notion is further emphasized through allusions to both Virgil and Lucan in Silius’ descriptions of the waters soon to be defiled by human gore. Silius introduces the image of pollution early on in the epic, and its repetition throughout the epic not only functions like a narrative marker, but highlights its importance as a motif. As such, the landscape in both Juno’s speech and in the priestess’ prophecy has an important symbolic and foreshadowing function.
Furthermore, the passages are important in the initial characterization of Juno, Hannibal and Carthage: early on in the epic the reader is encouraged to associate Juno, Hannibal and Carthage with destruction and the powers of the Underworld through these landscape passages. Additionally, Hannibal and Carthage are linked to the Underworld by the actual setting of Hannibal’s oath at the gloomy temple of Dido as well as through intertextual references that evoke the Underworld.
In the following chapters I will explore how Silius continues to unfold the imagery of pollution. We will see that Silius mostly focuses on conveying the notion by painting vivid images of gore contaminating Italy, while only occasionally using explicit words that indicate the pollution of Italy, such as in a passage towards the very end of the epic which most clearly confirms the idea.
17
Chapter Two:
Hannibal, Scipio and Landscapes
This chapter examines how the semanticization of landscape contributes to the
characterization of Hannibal and Scipio respectively.58 The first section of this chapter will
discuss the characterization of Hannibal through (his interaction with) landscape passages, and is split into two parts: Hannibal’s march to Italy and Hannibal in Italy.59 In the second
section of this chapter, I examine how landscape passages contribute to the portrayal of Scipio.
HANNIBAL’S MARCH TO ITALY
i. Hannibal over the Ebro
The first river Hannibal crossed as he marched from Iberia to Rome, was the Ebro.
The Ebro functioned as both a natural, physical boundary between the realms of the Romans and the Carthaginians on Iberia, as well as a political one since the Romans and Carthaginians signed a treaty at the end of the First Punic War which forbade the Carthaginians to go
beyond the Ebro on the Iberian Island (Livy 21.2.7; Polybius 2.13.7). Thus, Hannibal’s crossing of the Ebro was a breach of the treaty – a rather crucial moment in the war. While Silius surprisingly does not include a narration of the event into his main narrative, he does refer to Hannibal’s crossing of the Ebro as an important moment in the war at several times in the epic.60
For instance, early on in the epic a reference is made by a Saguntine envoy in Rome as he requests the Romans for help (1.564 – 671) while Saguntum was under siege by Hannibal. The Saguntine messenger calls Hannibal ‘scornful’ of the border that is the Ebro (1. 643 medium indignatus Hiberum). Even if it is not entirely clear whether the envoy’s statement
58 See p.6 in the introduction for the semanticization of space and characterization.
59 For the sake of readability, I have chosen to discuss the passages in the order they appear in the epic, rather
than organizing them into aspects Hannibal is associated with, which would have forced me to jump back and forth between passages. Rather, I discuss them in their natural order to show that Hannibal is often associated with several things in one passage, and that they all correlate to one another.
60 See Kozák 2015: (3, n. 14) for more references to the mentioning of the Ebro in the Punica. Livy mentions the
18 means that Hannibal has indeed crossed the Ebro at this point in the epic, the treachery of the Carthaginian general is made clear just a few lines later in the speech when the envoy tells the Romans that Hannibal has broken the treaty of peace by besieging Saguntum (1. 648 – 649 ruptique…foederis).61
More obvious allusions are made later on in the epic. A particularly significant reference is made in 2. 449 – 52, in the final lines of Hannibal’s shield ekphrasis:
extrema clipei stagnabat Hiberus in ora,
450 curvatis claudens ingentem flexibus orbem. Hannibal, abrupto transgressus foedere ripas, Poenorum populos Romana in bella vocabat.
On the outer rim of the shield flowed the Ebro, enclosing the huge circuit with its curves and windings. Hannibal, crossing the river after having broken the treaty, was summoning the Punic peoples to war against the Romans.
(Pun. 2. 449 – 452)
Hannibal’s crossing of the Ebro is here referred to as a breach of the treaty by the narrator (2. 451 abrupto transgressus foedere ripas). The depiction of the Ebro as the outer rim on his shield has important implications, since it echoes two other important shield ekphrases: firstly, the image of the Ebro as the border of the shield is modelled on Achilles’ shield, which is encircled by the Oceanos (Il. 18. 607 – 608), which is the boundary of the Greco-Roman mythological world.62 Secondly, the Ebro river marks the end of the ekphrasis of Hannibal’s
shield, in imitation of the ekphrases of Achilles’ shield and Aeneas’ shield (Aen. 8. 626ff.), which are concluded by the Oceanos and the Araxes respectively.
But there is also a crucial difference between the shields: while the rivers on the shields of Achilles and Aeneas encircle the whole oikoumene, the Ebro merely is a boundary of Hannibal’s shield.63 Additionally, unlike Aeneas’ shield which foretells the future and
foreshadows Roman world domination, Hannibal’s shield only looks back to his national past
61 Kozák (2015: 9ff.) rightfully questions when exactly Hannibal crossed the Ebro in Silius’ epic. 62 Bernstein (2017: ad 449 – 52).
19 and the present of the epic, displaying the foundation of Carthage, the encounter between Dido and Aeneas, Dido’s suicide, Hannibal’s oath, Regulus’ capture (a reference to the First Punic War), African hunters, Saguntum and finally the Ebro as the outer rim.64 The image of
the Ebro on the edge of Hannibal’s shield thus symbolizes the limit of his world – a limit imposed on the Punic leader and his people by the Romans with the Ebro treaty. By crossing the river, Hannibal breaks free out of this world; an act of heroic and rightful vengeance in honor of his people from the Carthaginian perspective, but an act of impiety from the Roman perspective, since the Ebro also symbolizes the treaty, which Hannibal violated by crossing the river. The reference to the event on the shield thus contributes to his characterization as perfidus.
Another significant contrast between the end of the ekphrases of Aeneas’ shield and Hannibal’s shield must be pointed out. While both ekphrases end with a reference to a river as mentioned hereabove, the symbolism of the references is almost the opposite: while the ekphrasis of Aeneas’ shield refers to the bridging of the Araxes by emperor Augustus (Aen. 8. 728 pontem indignatus Araxes), symbolizing control over the territory as well as bringing order (and thus civilization) to the peoples,65 Hannibal’s shield, on the other hand, ends in a
reference to his violation of the Ebro treaty, causing disorder. He does not civilize, but is rather considered the opposite to the Romans, a ‘barbarian’. In fact, this contrast was alluded to earlier in 1.643 when the Saguntine envoy called Hannibal medium indignatus Hiberum, an echo of pontem indignatus Araxes (Aen. 8. 728). Thus, this inverted parallel contributes to the portrayal of the Carthaginian general as an uncivilized barbarian. Additionally, it foreshadows his failure to properly bring rivers he needs to cross (such as the Rhône and Durance later on) under his control, instead prefiguring his future violations of rivers as he crosses them.
For such a pivotal political moment, Hannibal’s crossing of the Ebro receives
surprisingly little attention from the narrator himself. An allusion to Lucan, however, hints at the significance of the event, paralleling Hannibal’s crossing of the Ebro to Caesar’s crossing of the Rubicon (Pun. 2. 451 abrupto transgressus foedere ripas; cf. Luc. 1.4 rupto foedere regni).66 Since both acts were a breach of a treaty, the parallel is fitting. Silius only obliquely
refers to the event through his characters a handful of times in the remainder of the epic.
64 Ganiban (2010: 87); Lovatt (2013: 173). Since the shield is made by mortals, it does not foreshadow the future
as Aeneas’ shield does, although it may prelude Hannibal’s own downfall (Harrison 2010: 283). For the significance of Dido on Hannibal’s shield, see Ganiban (2010: 84 – 91).
65 For the river as a symbol of dominion over both territory and people, see Campbell (2012: 373). 66 Cf. Vessey (1974: 29).
20 Flaminius, for example, urges his men in a speech before the battle at Lake Trasimene to remember how their Carthaginian enemy crossed the Ebro even though it was forbidden (5.161 quosque nefas vetiti transcendere flumen Hiberi) and is now near the Tiber. In contrast, the Capuans remember the crossing of the Ebro river as one of Hannibal’s great deeds (11. 144). Silius, however, remarkably never truly highlights the event, instead reserving this for Hannibal’s crossing of the Rhône, Durance and Alps to illustrate the Carthaginian’s impious nature.
ii. Hannibal viewing the tides at Gades (3. 14 – 60)
Aside from the ekphrasis of Hannibal’s shield, there is another ekphrasis involving landscape that contributes to the characterization of Hannibal: the description of the tides of the Atlantic Ocean at Gades (3. 45 – 61). After the sack of Saguntum, Hannibal visits the temple of Hercules at Gades (3. 14 – 60) on the Iberian island. After viewing the temple doors which display the labors of Hercules, he views the tides of the Atlantic Ocean. He sees how a tidal wave of the ocean hits the shore (3. 46 – 48), but from 3.49 the focalization shifts to that of the narrator as the passage transitions to the aetiology of the tides, which encompasses a combination of a scientific and mythological explanation of the ebb and flow of the ocean.67
Although previous scholars have remarked that the tides in the passage are a metaphor for the fluctuations of fortune,68 the description of the tides has otherwise often been viewed
by scholars as not more than a digression. However, Manolaraki (2010) has excellently shown that the passage is rich in both intra- and intertextuality and as such is much more significant than a mere digression: not only is the passage connected to other episodes in the Punica as part of a tidal motif, but it is also linked with passages in the Aeneid (1. 742 – 46), Georgics (2. 475 – 82), Seneca (Dial. 1 .1. 4.), and Livy (28. 30. 8 – 31. 1).
Manolaraki argues how Silius establishes himself as a knowledgeable figure as a means to illustrate and emphasize Hannibal’s lack of full understanding of the cosmos and his failure to see the bigger picture – including his own fate. First, Silius self-fashions himself as a figure of authority by implementing an explanation of the workings of the tides (3.49 – 60),
67 Manolaraki (2010: 297).
21 which contains both intra- and intertextual references that further strengthen his authority.69
Hannibal, on the other hand, lacks this knowledge. Secondly, Silius foreshadows Hannibal’s future defeat by recalling Livy’s account of the naval battle between the Carthaginians and the Romans at Gades in 206 BC, when the tides influenced the movements of the ships such that pursuers became fugitives and vice versa, ultimately leading to a Carthaginian defeat (28.30.8 – 31. 1).
Silius thus possesses a knowledge which Hannibal lacks, for the latter fails to
contemplate and understand not only the workings of the tides, but the deeper symbolical and philosophical meaning of the ebb and flow of the ocean as well: like the ocean’s tides, so too human fortune fluctuates.70 Yet the Carthaginian general only identifies himself with the
rising tide, ignorant of the future ebb of his fortune.71 What is more, in stoicism, the tides of
the ocean are viewed as a manifestation of the order of nature and of the power of Jupiter.72
Thus, Hannibal’s lack of any contemplation of the origin of the tides indicate not only his limited understanding of the phenomenon itself, but also of the very powers of the universe. This, in turn, ties in with the characterization of the Carthaginian leader as a challenger of Jupiter, since he aims to cast the Thunderer from his throne at the Capitol. Hannibal’s
hastiness (3. 61 propere) in viewing the tides further confirms that he only views the tides on a superficial level. The general’s lack of deeper understanding is revealed by the shift in focalization (from Hannibal to Silius) and emphasized by Silius’ self-fashioned authorial voice.73 In short, the tidal episode significantly contributes to the characterization of Hannibal
as a figure with a limited vision and understanding of the world.74
69 For example, in a eulogy of Archimedes (14. 341 – 49), Silius refers to Archimedes’ understanding of the tides
(14. 3476 – 349) which strongly recall the narrator’s explanation of the tides in 3. 49 – 60. Through these verbal echoes, Silius connects himself to Archimedes. Silius also seems to draw a parallel between himself and the bard Iopas, who had access to the knowledge of the cosmos (Aen. 1. 742).
70 See also Schrijvers (2006: 108 – 109).
71 Manolaraki (2010: 307 – 308): Hannibal is elsewhere compared to raging waters (1. 468 – 469 talis…fluctus;
1. 646 spumeus…fluctus; 2. 290 venturam pelagi rabiem).
72 Komorowska (2018: 131). 73 Manolaraki (2010: 298).
74 The episode may also have been an attempt to outvie Lucan. Silius’ tidal episode also calls to mind Luc. 1.
412 – 419, where Lucan questions how the tides work in a brief digression from his catalogue of Caesar’s troops. After a series of speculations regarding the workings of the tides, Lucan states that he will leave the question to those who study the works of the world (1. 417). Silius’ explanation of the phenomenon thus seems a reply to this challenge, as if an attempt to surpass the Neronian poet.
22 iii. Hannibal’s dream
Aside from the prophecy of Dido’s priestess discussed in chapter one, Hannibal’s association with the destruction of Italy is illustrated in another foreshadowing passage, namely in Hannibal’s dream (3. 172 – 213). After the capture of Saguntum, Hannibal is visited by Mercury in his sleep, who urges the Carthaginian general to march to Italy. In his dream Hannibal sees a giant, black serpent that destroys everything on its path. When Hannibal asks about the serpent, Mercury explains that the snake and its desolation symbolize Hannibal’s own destructive expedition towards Italy: like the serpent, the Punic leader shall ravage woods and lay cities to waste on his path to Rome.75
The dream is recorded by Cicero and Livy as well, but Silius modifies a few elements which affect the reader’s interpretation of the dream passage. Firstly, Silius highlights the destructive nature of the serpent by repeating twice how the beast wrecks everything in its path, uprooting trees and dragging rocks torn from mountains (3. 189 – 191; 3. 208 – 210). Next, Silius’ serpent is venomous and spreads its foaming venom all over earth (3.210 et late humectat terras spumante veneno), which recalls Tisiphone who earlier was described in similar terms (2.538 mixto quae spumante felle, veneno), evoking a link between the serpent in the dream and the powers of the Underworld.76 Furthermore, in Silius, the serpent is
described as a pestis (3. 201), its double meaning (‘monster’ but also ‘pestilence’, ‘plague’) hinting at the disorder Hannibal will cause by polluting Italy with Roman blood.77 Finally,
while Mercury in Cicero’s and in Livy’s version explains that the dream symbolizes the destruction of Italy without specifying at whose hands this will occur (Cic. Div. 1. 49 et eum admiratum quaesisse de deo quodnam illud esset tale monstrum, et deum respondisse
vastitatem esse Italiae; Liv. 21. 22. 9 tum quae moles ea quidve prodigii esset quaerentem, audisse vastitatem Italiae esse), Silius’ Mercury makes a direct comparison between Hannibal and the serpent, and also includes Hannibal’s descent from the Alps: as the serpent destroys
75 For more on Hannibal’s parallels to serpents, see (Vessey 1982: 330 – 331) Marks (2005a); Tipping (2010: 72
with n. 59; 73, 79); Hulls (2013: 354).
76 Another parallel between the serpent in Hannibal’s dream and Tisiphone may be pointed out, for squalenti
tergore serpens in 3. 209 recalls 2.547 multus colla micat squalenti tergore serpens: apparently the serpent in the
dream – which is a representation of Hannibal – resembles those on Tisiphone’s head. Furthermore, the snake is black (3.191 ater), which is a color commonly associated with the Underworld (Van der Keur 2015: 239).
23 the landscape, so too Hannibal will rush down from the Alpine mountains and lay cities to waste (3. 211 – 213).
In other words, the dream foreshadows the destruction that awaits Italy at Hannibal’s hands, so that this passage contributes to Hannibal’s characterization as a destructive force. Additionally, since the serpent is associated to the Underworld, the passage invites the reader to connect Hannibal to the Underworld.
iv. Hannibal crosses the Pyrenees (3. 415 – 441)
Spurred on by Mercury, Hannibal gathers his troops (3. 222 – 405) and marches to Italy. The first physical boundary he crosses is the Pyrenees. The Pyrenees are not described at length as the Alps are; Silius merely mentions that the Pyrenees provide a vantage point and that the mountains divide Spain and Gaul as an eternal barrier (3. 417 – 419). However, Silius does delay the narrative briefly by inserting an etymology of the mountains (3. 420 – 441): the name of the mountains is derived from Pyrene, who birthed a serpent after being raped by Hercules. The birth of the serpent illustrates the transgression that took place as well as prefigures Pyrene’s ill fate, since monstrous births were considered a token of ill omen.78
Pyrene next fled to a nearby cave in the wild, where she was violently torn apart by wild beasts. When Hercules found her severed body parts, he exclaimed her name in grief. But Hercules’ inability to control his impulses, makes him no different than the wild beasts that mauled Pyrene. Indeed, it was his own transgression – namely ravishing Pyrene – that led to her death in the first place (3. 425 – 426 letique deus… / causa fuit leti miserae deus).79
Since Pyrene was not only assaulted, but met a tragic end as well, the myth clearly illustrates Hercules as a figure who violates boundaries.80 The mythical etymology invites the
reader to link Hannibal to the violent side of Hercules, and highlights Hannibal’s
transgressive nature: as Hercules violated Pyrene, so too Hannibal violates the mountain range as he crosses them, disturbing its natural balance. Indeed, this notion is confirmed by Silius himself, who explicitly states that Hannibal disturbed the peace of the world at the beginning
78 For monstrous births as omens, see Lennon (2013: 8).
79 For more on Hercules’ portrayal and the relevance of this episode, see Augoustakis (2003).
80 See also Asso (2010: 190), who proposes that Hercules here recalls his portrayal in Greek comedy as a
womanizer, glutton and drunkard. Augoustakis (2003: 236) suggests that Hercules here is reminiscent of
Hercules furens, and that Hannibal mirrors Hercules’ dark side rather than his virtuous side. For more literature
24 of the passage (3. 415 – 416 At Pyrenaei frondosa cacumina montis / turbata Poenus terrarum pace petebat). Of course, this phrase has a double meaning: not only does Hannibal disrupt the peace of the world’s nature, but also the peace between the Romans and the Carthaginians, since he brought war to Italy. In short, the episode contributes to Hannibal’s characterization of a violator of boundaries, while also anticipating the battles soon to be fought.
v. Hannibal’s crossing of the Rhône (3. 446 – 454), the Durance (3. 468 – 476) and the Alps (3. 477 – 556; 630 – 646)
After crossing the Pyrenees, Hannibal traverses the Rhône and the Durance, which are both described as rather turbid streams, posing quite the challenge for the Carthaginians. Silius adapted Livy’s report of the dangerous events, changing elements which significantly influence the reader’s interpretation of the episode. Unlike Livy, Silius is not interested so much in historical facts such as the methods which Hannibal used to cross the rivers, nor the numbers of men he lost during this hazardous journey. Instead, Silius frames Hannibal’s crossing of the rivers as violations of nature. To start, let us look at Hannibal’s crossing of the Rhône.
First, Silius focuses on the description of the Rhône as a turbulent stream not so much to indicate the level of peril awaiting the Carthaginians as Livy did, but rather to illustrate the Rhône’s non-Roman – and thus ‘barbaric’ – identity. The poet first describes the river as a mighty stream (3. 448 ingentemque…amnem), cleaving the fields with its foaming, raging gulfs (3. 449 spumanti Rhodanus proscindens gurgite campos) until it rushes with speed into the sea (3. 450 ac propere in pontum lato ruit incitus alveo). What is more, the Rhône is ‘hostile to bridges’ (3. 455 inimicum pontibus amnem), indicating it is not domesticated by the Romans, and thus not part of Roman, ‘civilized’ territory. As a non-Roman river that
represents the uncivilized territory, its turbulence seems to mirror the savageness of Hannibal, who arrived with forceful (3. 444 ferox) speed at the Rhône (3. 446 accedit Rhodani festino milite ripas), destroying (3. 445 populatur) the land of the Volcae on his way.81
Another, seemingly small yet rather effective way in which Silius modifies Livy’s account of the crossing of the Rhône, is by inverting the subject experiencing fear: in Livy, the elephants were afraid of the deep waters (21. 28. 5 ut quemque timentem altitudinem destitueret vadum), but in Silius, it is the river who is frightened (3. 463 territus) by the
25 elephants stepping into its water, changing its flow backwards (3. 464 stagnisque refusis) in reaction. The reversal of the stream indicates a disruption of natural balance – a reaction we will see more often later on – caused by Hannibal and his army. The personification of the river by the attribution of a human emotion (fear) and its resistance to the invaders emphasize Hannibal’s violation.82 Additionally, the ominous rumblings (3. 465 minitantia murmura)
which the Rhône creates by stirring up its depths too highlight Hannibal’s transgressive behavior.
Next, Silius adds another layer of symbolic meaning to the episode by describing the Rhône in a way that recalls the Acheron river from the Underworld: the Rhône rumbles with sand (3.465 torsit harenoso minitantia murmura fundo), in a way similar to the Acheron in the Underworld spewing up sand (Aen. 6. 296 – 297 turbidus hic caeno vastaque voragine gurges / aestuat, atque omnem Cocyto eructat harenam; cf. Pun. 13. 572 gelidam eructans cum murmure harenam).83 As we shall see below, this association of a natural barrier with the
Underworld recurs later in Book 3, when Hannibal faces the Alps: the height of the Alps is compared to the depth between upper earth and the Underworld in 3. 483 – 485.
Lastly, through an allusion to Lucan’s catalogue of Caesar’s troops, Silius recalls Caesar’s march to Rome, evoking a parallel between Hannibal and Caesar. This is done through the inclusion of the Arar, a tributary of the Rhône, in Pun. 3. 451 – 454. Firstly, the Arar has historical significance, as Caesar fought his first major battle of the Gallic Wars at the Arar in 58 BC.84 Secondly, Silius describes how the Rhône drags the Arar into the sea
with its rushing waters (3. 452 gurgitibus…anhelis; 3. 453 raptumque per arva) and forbids the smaller river to carry its own name to the neighboring shore (3. 451 – 454), which recalls Lucan’s reference to the Arar in Luc. 1. 433 – 434 Rhodanus raptum velocibus undis / in mare fert Ararim (‘the Rhone drags the Arar, snatched, with its rapid waves to the sea’).
Additionally, the Arar losing its name seem to be a modification of Lucan’s description of the river Isar (another tributary of the Rhône), which loses its name as well when it flows into the Rhône (1.400 – 401 per tam multa suo, famae maioris in amnem / lapsus, ad aequoreas nomen non pertulit undas). Since Lucan refers to these two rivers in his catalogue of Caesar’s Gallic
82 As we shall see in the analysis of the Ticinus, Trebia and Lake Trasimene, the personification of bodies of
waters is a recurrent motif in the epic.
83 Cf. also spumanti…gurgite (3. 449) ~ spumante gurgite (13. 567) in the description of the Cocytus. 84 Commentarii de Bello Gallico 1.29.
26 auxiliary troops before Caesar marches to Rome, the references to Lucan fittingly evoke a comparison between Hannibal and Caesar.85
Having crossed the Rhône, Hannibal and his men must cross another dangerous river: the Durance (3. 468 – 476). The Durance river is similarly described as turbidus (3. 468) and spumanti (3. 475). But the Durance is even more turbid than the Rhône, since it drags trunks of trees and rocks on its raging waters (3. 468 – 471). Its shallow waters are called deceitful (3. 472 vada…fallacia), and for passengers on foot the Durance is non fidus (3. 473). This does not stop Hannibal and his army from crossing it. However, this is not without cost, for many of Hannibal’s men are dragged down by the violent waves of the Durance, drowning in the depths of the river (3. 475 – 476).86
Again, Silius draws on Livy for his description of the Durance, while making changes which affect how we interpret this passage. For example, Livy too noted that the Durance was non navigable (21.31.11. non tamen navium patiens est), dangerous for foot soldiers (eadem pediti quoque incerta via est) and does not provide secure footing (nihil stabile nec tutum ingredienti praebet). However, Silius changes the wording, choosing terms (non fidus and fallax) which are typically associated with humans, and in the Punica especially with the Carthaginians. In this sense, the Durance seems to mirror Hannibal, who is characterized as perfidious throughout the epic. Additionally, the Durance’s violent stream cascading from the Alps also seems to mirror – or rather foreshadow – Hannibal’s crossing of the Alps: just as the river comes down from the Alps with a rush, taking trees (3. 470 avulsas ornos) and boulders with it, so too Hannibal – who fells down trees (3. 639 raptas…ornos) and destroys boulders in order to pass through the mountains (3. 640 – 643) – will descend from the Alps.87 What is
more, the spuming Durance (3. 475 spumanti) echoes the foaming Rhine in Lucan (1. 371 spumantem vertice) as the latter describes the Rhine in his catalogue of Gallic troops, again invoking a parallel between Hannibal and Caesar’s journey to Rome, and thus between the leaders.
Next, while Livy does not mention any drowning, Silius does. In fact, the Flavian poet frames their deaths as a deliberate act of the Durance by personifying the river: the river whirls (3. 475 torquens) the men in its waves and submerges them in its depths (3.476
85 For bibliography on the paralells between Hannibal and Caesar, see note 9 in the introduction.
86 Santini (1991: 92 – 93) views both the Rhône and the Durance passages as part of the ‘man’s struggle against
nature’ motif that runs through the Punica.
27 immersit fundo). In other words, Silius displays the Durance as hostile to the Carthaginians, which underlines the river’s resistance to invaders. This, in turn, highlights Hannibal’s violation for crossing the river.
In short, Hannibal’s crossing of the Rhône and Durance are framed as violations of these waters: failing to tame the rivers and bring them under his control (as the Romans would), the Carthaginian leader merely crosses them to reach his bigger goal, namely Italy. The personification of both rivers effectively emphasizes his transgression. Silius develops this notion even further in the following episode, when Hannibal faces yet another obstacle: the Alps.
As the Punic general crosses the Alps, he is once again associated with destruction, violation, the Underworld, and additionally, with Gigantomachy. As mentioned above, the Alps are, like the Rhône, associated with the Underworld, since the height of the mountains is compared to the depth of the earth to the Tartarus in the opening lines of the episode (3. 483 – 486). Since these barriers which Hannibal must cross in order to reach Italy are associated with the Underworld, the Carthaginian general – who himself is associated with the (powers of the) Underworld88 – here almost appears as if he breaks through the barriers of the
Underworld itself and emerges into the civilized landscape of Italy, which is exemplified by the peaceful Ticinus river as we shall see in chapter three.
Next, Hannibal’s journey over the Alps is framed as an act of violation of nature and against the gods from early on in the episode.89 For example, the placement of Pelion next to
Ossa (3. 495 Ossaque cum Pelio) in Silius’ mountain catalogue hints at gigantomachy, since the Giants piled Ossa onto Pelion in an attempt to reach the heavenly gods.90 But the act of defiance
against the gods is actually indicated more explicitly as Silius starts to narrate the beginning of their journey, contrasting the soldiers’ conscience and Hannibal’s lack thereof: the soldiers move forward with hesitant step, as if they are violating Nature (3. 502 natura prohibente) by bearing impious weapons (3. 501 impia…arma) and opposing the gods (3. 503 divisque repugnent), contrary to their leader (3. 503 contra quae Hannibal) who shows no hesitance at all.
In fact, Hannibal himself frames his journey over the Alps as an act of challenging Jupiter as he addresses his reluctant soldiers in a brief speech, in which he compares the Alps to
88 See chapter 1 for an introduction on Hannibal’s association with the Underworld; note 56 for references. 89 Cf. Santini (1991: 94 – 96): the passage signifies Hannibal as a violator of boundaries.
28 the walls of Rome and to Jupiter’s hill – the Capitoline Hill (3. 509 – 510 nunc, o nunc, socii, dominantis moenia Romae / credite vos summumque Iovis conscendere culmen).91 This was
already foreshadowed in 1. 116 – 117 when the young Hannibal takes his oath at Dido’s temple, swearing he will not be stopped by the heavenly gods, nor the treaty, nor the high Alps or the Tarpeian rock (non superi mihi, non Martem cohibentia pacta, / non celsae obstiterint Alpes Tarpeiaque saxa).92 Thus, rather than emulating the virtuous Hercules whom he relates himself
to throughout the epic and who was the first to climb the Alps (3. 496), and whom Hannibal now tries to surpass by choosing a new path over the Alps (3. 513 – 515), the Carthaginian leader appears and acts more like a theomach in his crossing of the Alps, since it is framed as an explicit act of defiance against the gods.
Additionally, the reluctance and fear shown by Hannibal’s soldiers and the general’s subsequent encouragement recall the hesitance of Caesar’s men and their leader’s response when he ordered them to cut down the sacred Massilian groves in Luc. 3. 429ff – an episode which Silius echoes later in Hannibal’s crossing of the Alps as well, as we shall see below. Since the Massilian groves were sacred, the felling of those trees was a heinous act of sacrilege (3. 435 violata…robora). In fact, Caesar himself admits he commits sacrilege (3. 437 credite me fecisse nefas), and he makes the first move to push his soldiers into action. Although Hannibal does not explicitly admit to his ungodliness as Caesar did, he does explicitly state he aims to challenge Jupiter himself, and like Caesar, he takes the leadership by moving ahead. The reference to Lucan’s episode of Caesar’s felling of the Massilian grove thus frames Hannibal’s journey over the Alps as a nefas, illustrating Hannibal’s impiety, and once more associates the Carthaginian general with Caesar.
Next, Hannibal’s violation of the area is further hinted at when the Alps transform even further into a locus horridus, as the mountains are stained with blood after the Carthaginians encounter some locals in a battle:
mutatur iam forma locis: hic sanguine multo infectae rubuere nives, hic, nescia vinci, paulatim glacies cedit tepefacta cruore.
91 For the Alps as motif in the Punica, see Von Albrecht (1964: 24ff.); Šubrt (1991). 92 See for this observation also Littlewood (2013: 208).
