ARAB-AMERICAN INTERESTS

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ARAB-AMERICAN INTERESTS

The Influence of the Arab Lobby on American Foreign Policy

Minke van der Horst

Student Number: 1319590

m.r.van.der.horst@student.rug.nl

Word Count: 16.384

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PREFACE

This dissertation signifies the end of my time as an American Studies student. For several years I have seen, read, heard, and learned a lot about the United States, with great enthusiasm. I came across so many surprising and interesting topics during my studies that choosing a topic for my dissertation was not so easy. I was especially intrigued by America’s War on Terror, radical Islam, and the perception of Muslims in the media. My time as an intern at the Dutch ministry of Foreign Affairs pushed me somewhat further in the direction of racial issues and politics, but choosing what to do exactly was still quite difficult. Fortunately, my supervisor Prof. dr. D.F.J. Bosscher was able to combine all of my interests into one topic, suggesting to write a dissertation about the Arab lobby in the United States, of which the result now lies in front of you. I believe that this dissertation offers better insight not only into the working methods of the Arab lobby, but also into the obstacles that keep the Arab lobby from becoming more visible and successful in American foreign policy making.

I have worked on this dissertation with great enthusiasm and curiosity. As I did not know anything about the Arab lobby at the beginning, I felt somewhat like an explorer, each time discovering more interesting facts. I would like to thank Prof. Bosscher for his positive way of supervising, and for his interest in my progression. Especially his quick responses to my e-mails have been very helpful, in the way that it made sure I did not have to make the almost three hour journey from The Hague to Groningen too often. In any case, this dissertation is the result of several months of enthusiastic research, and not just a final obstacle to becoming a Master of Arts.

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INTRODUCTION

Everybody has heard of Irish-Americans. Italian-Americans. Hispanic-Americans. African-Hispanic-Americans. But what do you know about Arab-Americans?1

That the United States has a rich cultural society is common knowledge. Everyone is familiar with African-Americans, Italian-Americans, Jewish Americans, but what about Arab-Americans? When it comes to America’s cultural history, the first that comes to mind is the slave trade, racial issues, huge immigration flows from Europe, and the melting pot or mosaic that symbolizes the U.S. as one nation with many different cultures. We often seem to forget though that Arab-Americans are making up for a great part of these cultures; more than three million people in the U.S. have Arab roots.

Arab-Americans come from different Arab countries and have different religious backgrounds. Although only a small part is Muslim, Arab-Americans are often associated with Islam, and not in a positive way. Especially the events of September 11 have changed the way the U.S. perceived Islam and its followers, even up until now. Islam is often treated with suspicion, and Muslims often feel disrespected. Islam has become a touchy issue, and because of that the Arab lobby actively informs people about the Arab and Muslim world. To increase knowledge about these topics is still one of the Arab lobby’s most important missions.

Apart from being active on the domestic level, the Arab lobby also puts effort in shaping American foreign policy. Arab-Americans may have different backgrounds and religions, but whether they are Christians or Muslims, Sunnis or Shiites, they all share a desire for a shift in America’s policy in the Middle East. However, Arab-American political influence is still limited, especially when it comes to America’s policy in the Middle East. The Arab lobby is much less visible when compared to the Jewish lobby for instance, and while many articles and books have been written about the Jewish or pro-Israel lobby, I think too little is written about the Arab lobby and its potential.

This dissertation therefore focuses on the different factors that cause the Arab lobby’s limited influence in America’s foreign policy in the Middle East. Although the Arab lobby has potential to become more powerful, several internal as well as external factors are holding the lobby back on its road to success. Included in this dissertation are two case studies of Arab lobby groups – the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee and the Council on American-Islamic Relations – which offer good insight into how the Arab lobby works, but also what difficulties they face. Hopefully, this dissertation

1_{George Arney, “The Arab-American Community” in BBC News (1 Nov. 2001);}

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I LOBBYING IN WASHINGTON

Liberty is to faction what air is to fire,an aliment without which it instantly expires.2

Although James Madison wrote this in 1787 as part of The Federalist Papers, the essence of it still holds true today. The existence of factions – also called interest groups or lobbies – characterizes and reflects a free society. Interest groups cannot exist without liberty, as fire cannot burn without air. As long as America is a free country, groups will organize attempting to exert influence over the political process.3_{Since lobbying is a}

complicated process, this chapter will outline its main characteristics and strategies. Hereby, the Arab lobby can be placed in broader perspective later on, and enables us to view this specific lobby in relation to other lobby groups.

1. Definition and History

The term ‘lobby’ actually comes from the tendency of early congressional supplicants to hang around hotel lobbies in attempts to buttonhole members.4

America’s pluralism corresponds to its policymaking; almost every culture, class, profession, or interest is represented in a lobby. Since the very beginning of American politics, lobby groups have been part of the American policy making process, connecting the American people with their government.5_{Lobbies are also referred to as interest}

groups or pressure groups, which more clearly refers to their function: they represent certain interests, and press politicians to shape policy in a certain direction. In other words: “Lobbying is an attempt by an individual or a group to influence the passage of legislation by exerting direct pressure on members of the legislature.”6_{The right to lobby}

is officially laid down by law. The First Amendment of the Constitution, ratified in 1791 reads:

Congress shall make no law (…) abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.7

2_{James Madison, “The Federalist No. 10” (22 Nov. 1787);}_{http://www.constitution.org/fed/federa10.htm}_. 3_{Theodore J. Lowi and Benjamin Ginsberg, American Government: Freedom and Power (New York etc.: W.W.}

Norton & Company, 2002), 307.

4_{Wayne V. McIntosh and Cynthia L. Cates, “Cigarettes, Firearms, and the New Litigation Wars: Smoking Guns}

behind the Headlines” in The Interest Group Connection: Electioneering, Lobbying, and Policymaking in Washington, ed. Paul S. Herrnson et al. (Washington D.C.: CQ Press, 2005), 344.

5_{Paul S. Herrnson etc., “Preface” in The Interest Group Connection: Electioneering, Lobbying, and Policymaking}

in Washington, xiii.

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From the 1870s onwards, people began to use the term ‘lobbying’ instead of ‘petitioning’, since they could only confront members of Congress in the lobbies, and not on the floor of the House or Senate.8

The 1960s and 1970s saw an enormous growth in interest groups, with their attention increasingly directed toward Washington, the center of power.9_{One important}

reason for this growth was that the role of the government expanded. The U.S. saw an increase in governmental programs, which functioned as stimulus for lobby and action groups whose interests were being affected. Another reason for the growth of interest group activity was the emergence of the New Politics movement during the 1960s. This coalition of upper middle class professionals and intellectuals was formed in opposition to the Vietnam War and racial inequality. Its crusade against the war and racial discrimination was spearheaded by young members who became conscious of themselves and began to define themselves as a political force “in opposition to the public policies and politicians associated with the nation’s postwar regime.”10_{By constructing and}

strengthening ‘public interest’ groups such as the Environmental Defense Fund and the National Organization for Women, New Politics forces were able to enjoy a great deal of success in securing the enactment of policies they favored. Lastly, there has been an explosion of grassroots conservative activity that stimulated interest-group politics. A very well-known conservative group is for instance the Christian Coalition, with a strong anti-abortion focus.11

Since the number of interest groups was growing so fast, a Lobbying Disclosure Act (LDA) came into force in 1995. The LDA made it possible to get better insight in the American lobby process. Apart from requiring all lobbyists and organizations that employ lobbyists to register with Congress, this act also requires to disclose who these lobbyists represent, whom they lobby, what they are lobbying for, and how much they are paid. Anyone who fails to register, risks a civil fine up to $50,000.12_{Today there are thousands}

of organizations registered through the LDA. Those include among others economic groups, cultural or ethnic groups, human rights groups, and environmental groups. According to the Lobbying Database, the number of registered lobbyists in 2008 was 15.966, and the total lobbying spending in 2007 $2.82 billion.13

Although the existence of interest groups is a positive sign of democracy, it also has its downside. For instance, the still growing number of interest groups is a complicating and time-consuming factor for policy making. Two years ago, its number

8_{Lowi and Ginsberg, 316.}

9_{Allan J. Cigler and Burdett A. Loomis, “Introduction: The Changing Nature of Interest Group Politics” in}

Interest Group Politics, eds. Allan J. Cigler and Burdett A. Loomis (Washington D.C.: CQ Press, 2002), 10.

10_{Lowi and Ginsberg, 314.} 11_{Lowi and Ginsberg, 312-316.}

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was already considered problematic, since groups “frequently clash with each other over policy goals and choices,” leading to “paralysis as decision makers fear offending groups that, collectively, represent a sizable segment of the voting public.”14_{Another point of}

critique is that powerful lobbies sometimes promote policies by which their own self-interests are being placed above national interest.15_{Certain interests, such as business}

interests, have such strong influence in shaping economic foreign policy that dissenting opinions are less likely to be heard.

Despite this, lobbying is an important element in American politics that will exist for many more years, serving the useful function of providing Congress members with vital information. James Madison already foresaw this, when he wrote: “Take in a greater variety of parties and interest [and] you make it less probable that a majority of the whole will have a common motive to invade the rights of other citizens (…).16

2. Membership

In order to be effective for an interest group, and to stand out among thousands of other organizations it is most important to attract members. People are more willing to become member of a certain group when the group’s political goals or ideas coincide with their own ideas. Apart from this, interest groups can attract members by offering certain benefits. In case of CAIR for example, new members are offered a 10% discount on select CAIR events and publications, a ‘Know Your Rights Pocket Guide’, and several other membership advantages.17_{ADC members, on the other hand, receive up to 15% discount}

on car rental at a certain car rental company.18_{Interest groups with primarily economic}

or political goals may attract members through social interaction and good fellowship.19

Further, lobby groups need financial resources in order to sustain the organization and to fund activities. Most groups survive thanks to annual membership dues and donations. Certain Arab lobby groups make it even more attractive for Muslims to donate, by calling donations ‘Zakat-eligible’, meaning that such donation fulfills the third pillar of Islam: giving money to charity. Nevertheless, the most important reason for people not to join an interest group is what Cigler and Loomis call the ‘free rider’ problem. ‘Rational’ individuals would “choose not to bear the participation costs (time, membership fees) because they can enjoy group benefits (such as favorable legislation) without joining.”20

This means that especially groups pursuing collective benefits – the Arab lobby for

14_{Howard John Wiarda, The Crisis of American Foreign Policy: The Effects of a Divided America (Lanham etc.:}

Rowman & Littlefield, 2006), 51.

15_Ibid.

16_{http://www.constitution.org/fed/federa10.htm} 17_{http://crm.cair.com/site/PageServer}

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instance, which seeks benefits for all Muslims nationwide and even worldwide – can have great difficulties surviving.

The average lobby group member is usually a person with higher income, education, and with a management or professional occupation.21_{Although there are}

several groups that serve the interests of the working-class and lower-class people, such as labor organizations, this means that most of the time the interests of the higher class are being served. Middle and higher class people simply have more time and money to spend on membership.

3. Strategies

Interest groups can use several strategies in order to obtain political power (see appendix I: ‘How Interest Groups Influence Congress’). Practical ways for lobbies to transfer information to policy makers or legislators are for example by participating in hearings, providing background documentation about certain issues, or by organizing protests.22_To

provide members of Congress with information about a certain issue is the method most used by lobby groups. They can do this directly, but groups can also use the media by releasing research findings or giving tips to reporters. Another way to provide Congress with information is via active constituents, who can write letters, make phone calls, visit Washington, etc., in order to reach members of Congress. The Arab organization CAIR also uses this strategy, clearly mentioning on its website how to call Congressional offices, how to arrange a meeting with a member of Congress, and how to write a letter to representatives. All in support of the group’s position of course. In all above mentioned cases interest groups should know the ins and outs about issues that are of importance to them, because this information will be distributed among its members and involved constituents. Obviously, this information will always be biased, since interest groups will only provide information when it is in their advantage to do so. Even so, biased information may be preferred to no information at all.23

A special, but often used strategy for interest groups to influence politicians is to set up a political action committee (PAC). Such committees contribute campaign support to parties or particular candidates during elections, mostly in the form of money. PACs exist since 1944, raising and spending money in order to elect and defeat candidates. Therefore, PACs are also described as being “the election arm of an interest group.”24

Most PACs represent labor, business, or ideological interests. The role of PACs cannot be

22_{Pablo T. Spiller and Sanny Lao, “Buy, Lobby, or Sue: Interest Groups’ Participation in Policy Making – A}

Selective Survey” in NBER Working Paper Series (Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2006), 9.

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underestimated; after individuals, PACs as a group are the largest source of campaign contributions in congressional elections. However, lobbying through PACs had to be regulated by Congress in order to prevent bribery. PACs can now contribute $5.000, provided that they contribute to at least five different federal candidates each year.25

However, political donations can be divided into hard money and soft money. Hard money represents reported contributions to candidates, which are regulated by the Federal Election Commission – a statute that governs the financing of federal elections. Contributions of PACs can thus be ranged on the side of hard money. On the contrary, soft money represents unregulated donations, meaning these can go up to amounts of $100.000 and more per organization, union, or corporation. During the 2000 elections for example, the top five of the soft money contribution list contributed together the sum of $15 million to the Democratic Party.26

After these strategies, a next step for lobby groups is trying to gain access to key decision makers. Lobbying itself has to do with ‘influence on’ a government; access however has to do with ‘influence within’ it.27_{This means that with access, an interest}

group member has direct involvement in the decision-making process. It takes a lot of time and effort for a lobby group to establish this sort of access. A final way to become more influential is to use the courts in order to affect public policy. One famous example of this was the strategy of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and its court case of Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka. Nowadays, business organizations often use the courts since many government programs are applied to them.28

4. Lobbying and Foreign Policy

It may seem strange that many interest groups have a say in America’s foreign policy, since we ought to think that “on foreign policy the entire country is supposed to speak with one voice,” instead of the voice of thousands of different organizations.29_Indeed,

lobbying and foreign policy did not always go together. America’s foreign policy used to be made by a small group of White House officials and the State Department who did not have to worry about “the pressures of interest groups.”30_{As we have seen in the}

first paragraph, during the last decades the number of interest groups has enormously increased. Consequently, their influence in foreign policy making is now at the same

26_{Ronald G. Shaiko, “Making the Connection: Organized Interests, Political Representation, and the Changing}

Rules of the Game in Washington Politics” in The Interest Group Connection: Electioneering, Lobbying, and Policymaking in Washington, ed. Paul S. Herrnson et al (Washington D.C.: CQ Press, 2005), 3.

27_{Lowi and Ginsberg, 318.} 28_{Ibid., 321.}

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level as in domestic politics. One factor that contributed to this was the war in Vietnam. America’s foreign policy there led to street demonstrations, protests, and town meetings. Ultimately, this led to greater public participation in U.S. foreign policymaking, which came to be called ‘the democratization of policy’. Since more and more people wanted to have a voice in foreign policy making, the State Department now has to ‘promote’ its foreign policy plans, in order to build public support.31_{Interest groups can}

be very influential in foreign policymaking. Still, they do not make foreign policy; they can only shape it.

There are several types of interest groups that help shape America’s foreign policy. These are the economic interest groups, of which the tobacco industry as single-issue group has been very successful in keeping American foreign policy from putting heavy restrictions on international trade in tobacco products. Another influential type of group is the ethnic interest group, of which the Jewish-Americans have the reputation for greatest influence. Their emotional ties to Israel make them one of the most active interest groups in the field of foreign policy.32_{Many of them are united in the American}

Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), a lobby that works to strengthen the relationship between the U.S. and the Middle East. The main reasons for AIPAC’s strong influence in foreign politics are its membership size, its unity in purpose, and its high level of political involvement.33_{However, apart from the Jewish-Americans, other ethnic}

groups such as Irish-Americans, Cuban-Americans, and Arab-Americans are also gaining influence in America’s foreign policy. Finally, the reputation of the human rights interest groups has also grown over the last years. These groups, such as Amnesty International, are dedicated to the treatment and welfare of other people around the world, mainly focusing on countries where people suffer under certain political regimes. Especially Amnesty International’s efforts are often made public, which has turned the organization into one of the most well-known human rights groups worldwide.

5. Ethnic Lobbies

Like immigration itself, ethnic lobbying is as American as apple pie and sushi and corned beef and spanakopita.34

In 1997, Paul Glastris already noted that ethnic lobbyists – who “seek to create policies favorable to the nations of their ethnic heritage” – became increasingly more organized

31_{Ibid., 19-20.}

32_{Lowi and Ginsberg, 366-367.}

33_{Jacqui S. Porth, “How Lobbyists Influence Foreign Policy” in USIA 1.9 (1996);}

http://usinfo.state.gov/journals/itps/0796/ijpe/pj9lobby.htm

34_{Paul Glastris, “Multicultural Foreign Policy in Washington” in U.S. News & World Report (21 July 1997);}

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and effective, and that ethnic lobbying was becoming a “growing political force.”35

Although ethnic lobbies indeed became more powerful the past years, there also came “cracks in the armor of powerful ethnic interests.”36_{For example, although still powerful,}

the pro-Israel and anti-Castro lobbies cannot as easily get their way as they used to. When large interest groups such as AIPAC grow in members, divisions within the group also grow, making it more difficult to gain outside support.37_{Nevertheless, foreign policy}

decisions still increasingly reflect ethnic interests “rather than some overarching sense of national interest.”38

In his book Ethnic Groups and Foreign Policy, Mohammed Ahrari mentions three characteristics that determine ethnic group success in foreign policy. First, the ethnic group must press for a policy in line with U.S. strategic interests in the group’s old country. Ahrari mentions the Jewish-Americans as example of having the most advantage in this respect. Even today, this group’s interests are still most in line with America’s own interests in the Middle East. Second, the ethnic group must be assimilated into U.S. society, yet retain enough identification with their old country in order to be motivated to take political action. Third, ethnic group success depends on its degree of homogeneity, although this differs from group to group. Irish-Americans for example are more homogeneous than Arab-Americans, but this has not enhanced their ability to influence foreign policy. Based on his research, Ahrari rightly predicted that the Arab lobby would become more active. Later on we will see if he was also right in predicting that they are “likely to neutralize the negative stereotypes associated with them” through their increased involvement in politics.39

Although very successful and strongly motivated, even AIPAC – to which all above mentioned characteristics can be ascribed - begins to show cracks in its armor. Israel’s policies have become more controversial in recent years, and several people begin to question America’s unconditional support for Israel and its large amount of foreign aid (Israel receives the largest share of America’s foreign aid). The recent publication of John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt’s book has opened up a discussion about the role of America’s Jewish Lobby and the role of the U.S. in the Middle East. The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy, as the book is called, is very controversial since it offers severe critique on AIPAC and U.S. support for Israel. Despite this upcoming controversy, AIPAC will probably remain the most powerful ethnic lobby for many years to come. Still, its cracks may offer some leeway for other ethnic groups to gain more influence in Washington.

35_Ibid.

36_{Uslaner, 356.} 37_{Ibid., 357.}

38_{Cigler and Loomis, 356.}

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6. The Arab Lobby

There’s no ‘Arab lobby’ in the same sense that there’s an Israel lobby. To say that there is would be insane.40

One of the main reasons why one cannot speak of the Arab lobby in the same terms as of the Israel lobby is that the Arabs are culturally and politically more divided than the Jews. Arab-Americans are divided by religion, origin, and ideology. Michael Suleiman, a political scientist who has studied and written extensively about Arab-American politics once said: “Arabs, including Arab-Americans, like to think there is something called ‘the Arab world,’ when in fact there are many Arab worlds. They assume there should be unity when there isn’t.”41_{Along with a shared cynicism about politics this has prevented Arab-Americans}

from participating in American politics.42

The Arab lobby is not exclusively composed of Arabs; the lobby is defined by its ideology – although this ideology differs within each separate organization – and not by the ethnicity of its members. For the Arab lobby – and this applies for each separate organization – that ideology tends to be pro-Arab on the one hand, and anti-Israel on the other. Although very limited, the influence of the Arab lobby can be noticed especially on the local level, where efforts of Arab-Americans for example have changed the educational curricula. Also, Arab-Americans participate in human relations councils. On the national level, Arab lobbyists are invited to briefings of the State Department. In one particular case, the lobby managed to influence President George W. Bush, by persuading him to not use the term ‘Islamofascism’ anymore, since it would be racist.43

The very beginning of the Arab lobby can be traced back to 1951, when king Saud of Saudi Arabia asked U.S. diplomats to finance an Arab lobby. Isaiah Kenen, founder of AIPAC called this first official Arab lobby the ‘petro-diplomatic complex,’ being an array of oil lobbyists, missionaries, CIA agents, and diplomats.44_{The lobby became an active}

spokesman for the Arab cause, and served as counterweight to the American Zionist Committee for Public Affairs – the later AIPAC. Although the Zionists and Arabs have always been each others opposites in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the U.S. had several reasons to support their friend’s ‘worst enemy’. First of all, during World War II President Roosevelt had already promised King Saud that he would make no policy decisions about

40_{Khalil Marrar qtd. in Justin Vogt, “Imagined Community” in The National Newspaper (31 Oct. 2008);}

http://www.thenational.ae/article/20081031/REVIEW/417597144/1120

41_{Qtd. in Vogt.} 42_Vogt.

43_{John Perazzo, “Discover the Arab Lobby Network” in Front Page Magazine (17 Jan. 2007);}

http://www.likud.nl/press428.html

44_{Mitchell Bard, “The Israeli and Arab Lobbies” Jewish Virtual Library;}

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Palestine without consulting the Arabs.45_{One of the possible reasons was that by}

maintaining good relations with the Arabs, the U.S. could be assured of oil at a good price. The search for closer ties with the Arabs continued between 1953 and 1956, when President Eisenhower sought regional alliances with Arab countries in order to encircle the Soviet Union with Western-aligned states. Moreover, during these years the President and his associates had a negative view of Israel which worked to the advantage of the Arabs. U.S.-Israel relations were cooled down due to diverging national interests, and Israel’s refusal to several American demands. From denying Israel arms, to threatening the Jewish state with economic sanctions, the Eisenhower administration did everything it could to avoid any policy that might vindicate the Arab’s perception of U.S. favoritism toward Israel.46_{The events around the Suez crisis of 1956 illustrated America’s desperate}

attempts to remain impartial, in this case by trying to refuse to take sides. After Nasser’s nationalization of the Suez Canal, Great Britain and France viewed the situation as a threat to their national interests, and together with Israel both countries agreed on a joint military operation. The U.S. however, did not support their invasion of Egypt and ordered them to withdraw forces. Relations between the U.S. and Egypt were thereby improved, but at the cost of America’s relations with Britain and France which cooled down in the months following the war. Taken this together, the decision to finance an Arab lobby next to the Jewish lobby did not come as a complete surprise. By maintaining good relations with the Arab world, the U.S. tried to do away with its reputation as ever-supporting friend of Israel.

However, despite its promising start the exclusive alliance between the U.S. and the Arabs did not “solidify into a permanent fixture of U.S. policy.”47_{Until 1972, no Arab}

organizations of major significance were established, and the already active ones only started to focus on Washington since 1978. Although the oil embargo of 1973 turned the Arab lobby into an “official, active, and visible spokesman for the Arab cause,” the embargo against the U.S. and other Western countries for supporting Israel during the Yom Kippur war was obviously not very constructive for U.S.-Arab relations.48_{Apart from}

this, the Arab lobby’s former weakness was that it existed of only a few small organizations without a unified objective. Besides, Arab priorities were not the same as those of Washington, and “Arab leaders were unreliable and did not share the U.S. vision of international, let alone regional, security.”49_{The event that united and energized the}

Arab-Americans was the Arab uprising in the West Bank and Gaza in 1987. However, the

45_{Ami Isseroff, “President Harry S. Truman and US Support for Israeli Statehood” MidEastWeb (2001-2003);}

http://www.mideastweb.org/us_ supportforstate.htm

46_{David Verbeeten, “How Important is the Israel Lobby?” in The Middle East Quarterly XIII.4 (2006);}

http://www.meforum.org/article/1004

47_Ibid.

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Gulf War split the Arabs once again in 1990 as supporters of Saddam Hussein clashed with more moderate factions.50

Lately, the American government has begun to pay more attention to the Arab-American community. In October 2000, George W. Bush visited Dearborn – a suburb of Detroit with the biggest concentration of Arabs in the world, outside the Middle East – being the first presidential candidate who made such gesture. By visiting the Arab-Americans, George Bush tried to win their votes. Dearborn is part of the swing state Michigan, and with the Arab-Americans as being the “archetypal swing voters” they are an important group during presidential elections.51_{Bush’s successor Barack Obama}

visited Detroit during his campaign in June 2008, where he spoke with leaders of the Arab, Black, and Hispanic community. Although most Arab-Americans support Obama, they also have critique, especially on several statements he made on foreign policy. His statement for instance that Jerusalem should remain the undivided capital of Israel angered many Arab-Americans, and also the fact Obama repeatedly distanced himself from his father’s Muslim heritage caused a lot of resentment among Arabs and Muslims. Despite this critique, Arab-Americans strongly favored Obama during the presidential elections, believing he might be able to bring the Arab world and the U.S. closer together. According to Osama Siblani, the Arab-American News publisher who spoke with Obama during his Detroit visit, the Arab community is in need of a “serious dialogue (…),” “with the belief that this community can play an important role in national security and in bridging the gap between the Arab World and the U.S.”52_{Now all Arab-Americans have}

set their hope on President Obama in establishing this dialogue, by which they finally get the chance to increase their political influence as community.

It is however not just a lack of a direct dialogue that causes the Arab’s limited influence in Washington. First of all, the majority of Arab-Americans come from countries with little tradition of political involvement, such as Lebanon and Saudi-Arabia. Therefore, they feel no urge to become politically active in the U.S. either. Apart from this, the Arab lobby and Arab-American community are still divided over many issues, ranging from domestic to foreign policy issues.53_{This lack of unity is an ever-returning factor that}

keeps the Arab lobby from greater success. Although Arab-Americans share an Arab culture, this is also an element that alienates them from American society, since their culture is much less understood than for example the Italian or Jewish culture. Although other racial groups in the U.S. have experienced discrimination because of their backgrounds too, the culture and history of the Arab-Americans still affect their political involvement today. Arab-Americans always had to fight against anti-Arab attitudes, which

50_{Uslaner, 358-359.}

51_{“The Birth of an Arab-American Lobby” in The Economist 357.8192 (2000), 41.}

52_{Khalil AlHajal, “Obama Addresses Diverse Detroit Crowd” in The Arab American News (20 June 2008);}

http://www.arabamericannews.com/news/index.php?mod=article&cat=Community&article=1197

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started far back in American history. After the Great Migration between 1880 and 1924 when about 200,000 Arabs lived in the U.S., resistance grew among Americans. They claimed Arabs were un-American and that their culture did not fit in.54_{In more recent}

years, many events have been perceived by the Arab-Americans “as ways to ensure that they are politically voiceless,” such as the spying practices of the FBI on Arab-Americans after the Arab-Israeli war of 1967, and the arresting of Muslim activists in Chicago in the 1990s despite absence of criminal charges.55_{The attacks on the World Trade Center in}

both 1993 and 2001, and the following War on Terror again gave the Arabs a negative image. Especially after 9/11 Arab-Americans experienced discrimination and threats, as they were portrayed as terrorists or Muslim fundamentalists. Even today, many people associate Arabs with Islam, while only a small percentage of the Arab community really is Muslim. How this negatively affects the Arab lobby will be further explained in chapter IV, about the role of Islam in the Arab lobby.

Since its rather difficult position in relation to other lobby groups, the Arab lobby has made it one of its priorities to take away above mentioned misunderstandings about the Arab community, and to increase knowledge about Arab-Americans and Islam. Still, many factors and stereotypes still work against the Arab lobby, contrary to a group such as AIPAC which does not suffer from negative stereotypes.56_{The Arab lobby has a long}

way to go in gaining a reputation as the Jewish lobby. “But now there is at least a putative rival — and that is quite a change in American politics.”57

54_{http://www.arabamericanmuseum.org/Arab+American+History.id.150.htm}

55_{Louise Cainkar, “No Longer Invisible: Arab and Muslim Exclusion after September 11” in Middle East Report}

224 (2002); 24.

56_{Uslaner, 359-360.}

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II

INSIDE THE ARAB LOBBY:

THE AMERICAN-ARAB ANTI-DISCRIMINATION COMMITTEE

The American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee (ADC) is a civil rights organization committed to defending the rights of people of Arab descent and promoting their rich cultural heritage.58

Even though the number of Arab-American organizations increased from the 1970s onwards, the Arab lobby still cannot equal the well-founded organizational structure, the political influence, nor the success of the pro-Israel lobby. By now, the Arab-Americans have only one officially registered lobby in Washington: the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee, which is the largest Arab-American grassroots organization in the U.S. and the longest-surviving of the mainstream groups among the Arab-American organizations. ADC mainly focuses on domestic issues, but is also strongly committed to “encouraging a balanced U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East.”59_{In the following chapter}

the history, goals, and methods of ADC will be examined, especially when it comes to their efforts in shaping America’s foreign policy.

1. History and Organizational Structure

Founded in 1980 by Jim Abourezk and James Zogby, ADC was meant to function as counterweight to a Jewish civil rights organization, called the Anti-Defamation League (ADL). This league had the purpose “to stop the defamation of the Jewish people and to secure justice and fair treatment to all.” Nowadays, the ADL is concentrated more on fighting anti-Semitism in general.60_{ADC, however, functions as advocacy group for}

Arab-Americans, combating defamation and negative stereotyping of this specific group, and “promoting the rich cultural heritage” of the Arab people.61_{More specific objectives of}

ADC are to empower Americans, to defend their civil rights, and to promote Arab-American civic participation. ADC claims to be a non-religious organization, but it originally focused its attention on Christian Arab-Americans, since they make up the majority of the Arab population in the U.S. In the course of time, ADC lost its Arab-Christian focus, emphasizing now that it welcomes “people of all backgrounds, faiths and ethnicities as members.”62

58_{http://www.adc.org}_{; About ADC; Mission Statement.} 59_{http://www.adc.org}_{; About ADC.}

60_{http://www.adl.org/main_about_adl.asp}

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In 2000, the National Association of Arab-Americans (NAAA) merged with ADC, which positively influenced ADC’s political involvement. The NAAA was founded in 1972 as foreign policy lobbying group aimed to strengthen U.S. relations with Arab countries, and dedicated to formulate and implement an objective, nonpartisan U.S. foreign policy agenda in the Middle East. More specifically, the NAAA wanted to counterbalance America’s shift toward Israel, by being the first Arab-American organization to employ full-time registered congressional lobbyists.63_{Specific part of its demands was to end the}

occupation of Palestine, Lebanon, and the Golan Heights. NAAA’s working method roughly was as follows: its Board of Directors operated at the national level, formulating the Association’s policy objectives. The NAAA’s national office monitored all developments in Washington concerning the Middle East. The staff prepared reports to assist the Board in setting policy objectives. The President managed the day-to-day operations, and finally, NAAA’s network of members and supporters functioned as link between the Association and individual members of Congress.64_{Although the NAAA was one of the first official}

Arab organizations with the priority to counterbalance the Jewish lobby by supporting the Palestinians, and although it attracted over 200.000 members, its leaders had to come to the conclusion that the NAAA “has not been effective in changing Congressional sentiment on Middle East policy.”65_{When the NAAA merged with ADC, the latter automatically}

became more politically focused. This resulted in the establishment of a Government Department within ADC. NAAA-ADC is now officially registered as Political Action Committee, within the sector of Foreign & Defense Policy.66_{In the 2008 election this PAC}

has spent $8.540, not much when one realizes that AIPAC spent almost $2 million just on lobbying Congress, which is roughly the entire ADC budget.67_{Still, even with its small}

budget, ADC is present throughout the entire country, with chapters spread over 25 states, and members in 50 states.

ADC is made up of several specific departments, all working together in order to carry out its mission as good as possible. First, there is ADC’s Communication Department, challenging defamation and stereotyping of Arabs in the media. The Communication Department’s staff appears on national and international media outlets to make people aware of racial bias. Next, there is ADC’s Legal Department providing counselling in cases of discrimination, and assistance in litigation. As mentioned before, since several years ADC has a Government Department which works with Congress, the White House, the State Department, and many other elements of the U.S. government to promote Arab-American interests. This is done for example by monitoring bills that might

63_Vogt.

64_{“The National Association of Arab-Americans”}_{http://www.cafearabica.com/organizations/org12/orgnaaa.html} 65_{Khalil M. Marrar, “The Effects of the Pro-Arab Lobby on American Foreign Policy in the Israeli-Palestinian}

Conflict,” Paper submitted for the 48th Annual Convention of the International Studies Association (Chicago, Feb. 28, 2007 - March 3, 2007), 11; http://www.allacademic.com

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affect Arab-Americans, by building networks and coalitions with organizations that have similar interests in order to strengthen its position, and by representing the Arab-American community before Congress, the White House and the Executive Agencies.68

When ADC is seriously concerned about a certain bill or issue, its representatives often try to arrange a meeting with the involved U.S. officials to share opinions. Further, the Education and Outreach Department combats discrimination in schools by working directly with the schools, teachers, and parents. By this ADC ensures “that the curricula do not perpetuate stereotypes or misinformation about the Arab world or Islam.”69

Finally, ADC has an Organization Department and an IT Department. The first mobilizes the community by coordinating efforts of all chapters, local offices and activists across the nation. The IT Department manages ADC’s website, where people can make online donations or send letters to Congress.70

There are several ways individuals can help, joining the cause of ADC. Those are regular lobby methods, such as registering to vote and encouraging others to vote, writing to Congress, getting involved in the civic and political life of ones community, and by writing a Letter to the Editor to ones local paper or to national news organizations.71

Furthermore, ADC’s website includes Action Alerts that exists of eye-catching slogans calling on people to take action, such as “Oppose Congress’ compromise on our constitution!” (issued 19 June 2008) and “Urgent! Help Iraqi refugees! Contact Congress right now” (issued 15 May 2008). Apart from that, ADC has online checklists to see how politically involved one is, and how one can be an effective lobbyist. ADC Live Media Updates on ADC’s homepage also encourage people to take immediate action on certain issues by posting eye-catching headlines. Everything is done to heighten political involvement of the Arab-American community.

2. Foreign Policy Goals

Concerning America’s foreign policy, ADC encourages a “balanced U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East,” and it supports “freedom and development in the Arab world.”72_{As to}

the Israeli-Palestinian conflict ADC supports a two-state solution. The following selected conclusions from the 2008 ADC Board Resolutions offer good insight into ADC’s foreign policy goals in the Middle East:

- ADC calls on the U.S. government to use its influence to require the Israeli government to withdraw immediately from all occupied Arab territories. ADC also

68_{http://www.adc.org}_{; Government Affairs} 69_{http://www.adc.org}_{; About ADC}

70_Ibid. 71_Ibid.

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urges the U.S. to take measures so that Israel ends the suffering in Gaza, permitting the resumption of international assistance;

- ADC will keep advocating the rights of the Palestinian people to freedom, equality and self-determination in an independent, sovereign Palestinian state;

- ADC endorses and fully supports the Palestinian civil society call for the implementation of boycott, divestment and sanctions against the state of Israel until such time as Israel shall dismantle its illegal settlements in the Occupied Territories, dismantle the Wall, recognize the right of Palestinian refugees to return to their homes, and recognize the fundamental rights of all Palestinians, including the rights of Palestinian citizens of Israel to full equality;

- Concerning the 33 day war of Israel against Lebanon in 2006, ADC wants the U.S. to order an investigation of all violations of international humanitarian laws that were committed during that war. According to ADC, Israel deliberately committed war crimes against the Lebanese civilian population.73

As these conclusions show, ADC has a clear anti-Israel focus. Apparently, to ADC a balanced policy in the Middle East means that the Palestinians are being recognized by Israel and that they are allowed to return to their own Palestinian state. According to ADC, another important aspect of this balanced policy – and this opinion is shared by the entire Arab lobby – is that the U.S. should stop favor the Israelis over the Palestinians: “U.S. interests in the Arab world would be better promoted if the United States were an objective and consistent supporter of the rule of law and international legitimacy.”74_Apart

from that, the U.S. must show leadership and determination in ending suffering in Gaza, and it must use its influence on Israel in order to let Israel withdraw from Arab territories. A positive sign of ADC specifically and the Arab lobby in general, is that they do recognize the state of Israel. This is a good starting point. However, to have Israel withdrawn from the occupied territories is going to be a long road. Moreover, what may appear a balanced policy to the Arab-Americans is considered not balanced at all to others. A balanced policy can only start with an apology of both the Israelis and Palestinians for all violent actions. The true realization of a balanced policy seems impossible however, as each involved party has dissenting opinions about it.

Still, ADC is backed by many other Arab groups in its ideas of how a balanced policy should look like. Its efforts for a Palestinian state in the Middle East are roughly in line with the ideals of other Arab organizations. They all share the desire that Palestinians are being recognized as a “people with the right to their own flag, passport, and elected government (…) and a permanent place in Palestine.”75_{Nevertheless,}

73_{http://www.adc.org}_{; About ADC; 2008 ADC Board Resolutions} 74_Ibid.

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Americans are angry with each other” and “Lebanese-Americans continue to sneer at each other,” according to Hussein Ibish, former spokesman of ADC.76_{Unlike the Israel}

lobby, the Arab organizations have not yet been able to create an image of unity. Even though the Israel lobby is also not completely united when it comes to the Arab-Israeli conflict, they have managed to speak with one voice, creating an illusory image of unity.77

As it comes to the war in Iraq, ADC argues that this conflict cannot be viewed separately from the Israel-Palestine conflict. The organization claims that the Iraq war

(…) reinforces the double-standards which are applied to international law in the Middle East, above all with regard to the ongoing Israeli occupation of Palestinian lands. The linkage between the two issues, which has been made by President George W. Bush among others, underscores the urgent need for an end to the occupation, the creation of a Palestinian state, and the development of a just and lasting peace.78

ADC’s Hussein Ibish and co-founder of the website www.electroniciraq.net Ali Abunimah also connected America’s policy in Iraq to its policy in Israel. In 2003, they wrote an op-ed for the Chicago Tribune, arguing that “without a complete and final end to Israel's occupation, no amount of success in post-conflict Iraq will mean anything positive for the region, and no substantial healing of the wounds can begin.”79_{The authors therefore}

urged the U.S. to “take the lead in finally resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict,” because:

Every opinion poll, survey and serious analysis regarding public opinion in recent years demonstrates that the Palestinian plight is by far the most important issue in every state and among every segment of society throughout the Arab world. All developments in international relations including the Iraq war, for good or ill, are seen through this lens.80

This makes clear that most ADC’s foreign policy goals ultimately lead to this one wish: the establishment of a Palestinian state.

3. Achievements and Obstacles

Since ADC’s primary mission is to protect civil rights of Arab-Americans, ADC’s actions are especially visible on the domestic level, where it fights against discrimination and hate

76_{Qtd. in Vogt.} 77_Vogt.

78_{“ADC Reiterates Reasons for Opposing the Attack against Iraq,” ADC Press Releases (19 March 2003);}

http://www.adc.org/index.php?id=1755

79_{Ali Abunimah and Hussein Ibish, “Our Damaging Foreign Policy; Occupation Sends Arabs Wrong Signal” in}

Chicago Tribune Op-Ed (28 March 2003); http://www.adc.org/index.php?id=1759

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crimes. From the very beginning, ADC has managed to inform and mobilize people to join the cause, combating negative media images of Arab-Americans. Activities ranged from protesting against the characterization of Arabs and song lyrics in Disney’s Aladdin in 1993,81_{to expressing concerns about the Patriot Act post-9/11,}82_{and calling Congress in}

order to censure Republican Congressman Steve King, who said that if Barack Obama was elected President, “the radical Islamists and their supporters will be dancing in the streets in greater numbers than they did on September 11 because they will declare victory in this War on Terror.”83_{As largest grassroots Arab-American civil rights organization in the}

U.S., ADC has become one of the leading groups in fighting such cases.

However, ADC’s success on the domestic level contrasts with its lack of influence when it comes to shaping America’s foreign policy. ADC’s director of communications, Laila Al-Qatami admitted that the organization has not been very successful thus far: “I would be hard pressed to say the lobbying we do on foreign policy has been all that successful. It really hasn’t.”84_{Notwithstanding the disappointing results, ADC keeps}

trying. For example, in 2006 ADC filed a federal lawsuit claiming that Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld failed to fulfill constitutional obligations to protect U.S. citizens under attack in Lebanon. The suit asked the court to issue an order compelling Rice and Rumsfeld to request a cease fire and to stop sending more weapons to Israel as long as citizens were in danger in Lebanon.85_{In August 2006,}

ADC withdrew the lawsuit when a ceasefire had been implemented. With this ceasefire in place “ADC has been successful in pushing the issue of the cessation of hostilities.”86_This

particular case shows that ADC does have the ability to put pressure on America’s policies by using the courts. Its lack of influence however, appears from its inability to successfully lobby in Congress.

One of the reasons for ADC’s limited influence in foreign politics is its varying membership size, combined with a lack of money. At its height, during the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon, ADC had 22.000 members. However, events in the Middle East ultimately led to a size of about 5.000 in 2002. Although ADC has a registered lobbyist working on behalf of the Arab-Americans, its small budget of $2 million a year makes successful lobbying difficult.87

81_{Marvin Wingfield and Bushra Karaman, “Arab Stereotypes and American Educators” (March 1995);}

82_{“ADC Fact Sheet: The Condition of Arab Americans Post-9/11” (27 March 2002);}

83_{“Ask Congress to Censure Rep. King’s Racist Remarks,” ADC Action Alerts (2008);}

http://capwiz.com/adc/issues/alert/?alertid=11125146

84_{Qtd. in Vogt.}

85_{“ADC Files Lawsuit Against Secretaries of State and Defense for Failure to Protect US Citizens in Lebanon,”}

ADC Press Releases (24 July 2006); http://www.adc.org/index.php?id=2865

86_{“ADC Achieves Goal with Lawsuit,” ADC Press Releases (22 Aug. 2006);}

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Apart from a stable growing membership size and a bigger budget, ADC needs other Arab-American groups in order to unify and gain more influence in America’s foreign policy. Several Arab-American groups including ADC are very aware that Arab-Americans should engage more in American politics to influence the course of the peace process in the Middle East. This Arab-American ‘camp’, “which supports a two-state solution and seems more willing to compromise on the right of return for Palestinian refugees, represents a more establishment-orientated sector of the community.”88_{However, in his}

article Justin Vogt – who is on the editorial staff of The New Yorker – continues that there is also a group that rejects the idea that “Washington will ever be an ‘honest broker’ between Israelis and Palestinians.”89_{Still, together with ADC, the majority of the}

Arab-American organizations continue fighting for more influence in Washington. During all these years from the very beginning of the first Arab-American organization up till now, there has been made important progress:

(…) the pro-Arab lobby has developed much more potential strength than it possessed in the past since its position that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict should be resolved through the two-state solution corresponds to U.S. official perceptions at the highest levels.90

4. Controversy and Critique

Despite a growing acceptance of the Arab lobby in Washington, there have been several cases in which ADC officials caused a lot of controversy, by making extreme statements mainly about the Israel-Palestine conflict. Especially James Zogby, co-founder of ADC, appears to have a record of anti-Israel extremism. Zogby, who founded and directed several other (Muslim) rights groups such as the Arab American Institute (AAI), for example referred to Israelis as “Nazi’s” during the 1982 Lebanon war, only two years after the establishment of ADC. Whereas Zogby co-founded an organization with the main purpose to protect human rights in general, and the rights of Arab people in particular, he rendered himself guilty of making statements the Jewish ADL described as “crude anti-Semitism.”91_{An ADL report at the time described the ADC as follows:}

The ADC has emerged as perhaps the most vocal and highly active pro-PLO propaganda group in the U.S. ADC's activities and publications reflect a number of goals not included in its stated purpose, ranging from suspension of U.S. aid to Israel to provision of political support to suspected PLO terrorists residing in the U.S... Throughout the summer and fall of 1982, ADC conducted several press conferences and issued press

88_Ibid. 89_Ibid.

90_{Marrar, “The Effects of the Pro-Arab Lobby,” 10.}

91_{“John Zogby - shyster pollster & James Zogby - head of the American Arab Institute - propagandists for the}

Saudi-Wahabi lobby,” Militant Islam Monitor (25 Oct. 2004);

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releases condemning Israelis as 'Nazis' and referring to the Israeli military action in Lebanon as both a war of 'genocide' and a 'Holocaust' against innocent Palestinians (...).92

Furthermore, the Zionist Organization of America revealed that Zogby signed a New York Times ad in 1988 declaring that “Israel is an apartheid state, found on pillage and predicated on exclusivity," and has "a quintessentially racist character.”93_{The ad urged}

an immediate end to all U.S. aid to Israel. Although Zogby’s statements were not directly connected to ADC, and he did not make these remarks on behalf of ADC, his name was still connected to the organization, thereby applying a negative image to it.

Apart from James Zogby, there have been more ADC officials and spokespersons who contributed to the rising controversy around ADC by making doubtful statements. In most cases those statements included the Islamic Resistance Movement Hamas, and the Lebanese terrorist organization Hezbollah. For instance, in 1994 then-ADC President Hamzi Moghrabi spoke with Rocky Mountain News about Hamas, denying its terrorist character:

I will not call it a terrorist organization. I mean, I know many people in Hamas. They are very respectable. They don’t accept violence. And I don’t believe Hamas, as an organization, is a violent organization.94

By calling an organization that is notorious for its numerous suicide bombings “very respectable,” Moghrabi did not only bring himself in a very difficult position, it also nullified all good intentions of the Arab committee he represented. The same can be said for Hussein Ibish, who was ADC’s spokesman when in 2000 he answered “no” to the question whether or not he condemned Hezbollah and Hamas. “I think that Hezbollah fought a very good war against the Israelis,” Ibish explained.95_{Despite these extreme}

statements, it must be said that it is mainly the pro-Israel bloc that brings this up as reasons to condemn Arab organizations like ADC. Still, these statements have been made, and as spokesperson of a politically active organization one must always be careful when talking about issues which are on top of the involved organization’s priority list. Hussein Ibish made this mistake again by openly defending Hezbollah in the Los Angeles Times. On 26 May 2000 Ibish wrote: “Everywhere Hezbollah fighters, derided by the Israeli and U.S. governments as 'terrorists,' conducted themselves in an exemplary manner... [They are] a disciplined and responsible liberation force.”96_{This statement can}

92_Ibid.

93_{Qtd. in “Pollster John Zogby Signed Newspaper Ad Calling for “Dismantling” Israel,” Independent}

Media Review Analysis (4 Dec. 2002); http://www.imra.org.il/story.php3?id=14801

94_{Qtd. in Morton A. Klein, “ZOA Urges FBI to Cancel Award to Official of Pro-Terrorist Group,” Zionist}

Organization of America (25 Sept. 2003);

http://www.zoa.org/sitedocuments/pressrelease_view.asp?pressreleaseID=602

95_Ibid.

96_{Hussein Ibish, “Know Now that Arab Lives are as Worthy as Israelis’,” Los Angeles Times (26 May 2000);}

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be considered a continuation of what then-ADC president Hala Maksoud said in 1996 in the Washington Times:

I find it shocking…that [one] would include Hezbollah in…[an] inventory of Middle East ‘terrorist’ groups…Hezbollah is a Lebanese resistance organization engaged in the legitimate defense of Lebanese land…[t]his hardly qualifies as terrorism.97

With “this” Maksoud referred to Hezbollah’s defending tactics, denying that killing hundreds of people in a car-bomb attack is considered a terrorist attack.

All these controversial statements of ADC representatives do not make ADC very trustworthy in its foreign policy ideals. Although claiming to seek the best for both Israelis and Palestinians, they defend organizations such as Hamas of which its main goal is the destruction of Israel, including the Jews. While trying to defend the rights of Arab Americans, ADC does not condemn anti-Semitic groups such as Hamas. This is especially painful now, as Hamas calls for suicide attacks against Israel, and it

“

vowed to make Gaza "a graveyard" for Israeli soldiers” in answer to Israel’s attack on Gaza during the last week of December 2008.98_{On its website, ADC extensively condemns Israel for its}

actions, while remaining silent about any attack of Hamas.

Usually, it is one of the pro-Israel organizations that brings ADC’s controversial statements out in the open. The Zionist Organization of America for example, is often very critical of Arab-American organizations. In a press-release in 2003, the Zionist Organization accused with many others ADC of defending Hezbollah and Hamas. Apart from that, the release read that ADC had made anti-Semitic statements, and that ADC accused the U.S. of committing genocide in Iraq.99_{These accusations were all part of a}

debate about an upcoming ‘prestigious service award’ that would be given to Imad Hamad, head of the ADC Michigan chapter, for his work with law enforcement after the 9/11 attacks. However, the Zionist Organization charged him of being “sympathetic to terrorists and unworthy of the honor.”100_{Ultimately, the FBI rescinded the award and}

released a statement saying that Hamad was somehow connected with people the government wanted to deport, suspecting them of having ties to terrorist groups.101

In short, it is not only a lack of members and money that causes ADC’s lack of influence in Washington. Each controversial statement of an ADC representative will be used by pro-Israel organizations in order to weaken the position of the Arab-American community, and strengthen their own. Although still a large organization, its record of

97_{Qtd. In Klein;}_{http://www.zoa.org/sitedocuments/pressrelease_view.asp?pressreleaseID=602} 98_{Griff Witte, “Israeli Forces Enter Gaza Strip” in Washingtonpost.com (4 Jan. 2009);}

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/story/2009/01/03/ST2009010302192.html

99_Ibid.

100_{“FBI denies service award, claims recipient holds ties to terrorism,” The Michigan Daily (9 Oct. 2003);}

http://www.michigandaily.com/content/fbi-denies-service-award-claims-recipient-holds-ties-terrorism

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controversial statements turned ADC into an interest group that is closely watched and treated with suspicion – not only by the pro-Israel lobby, but also by the American government.

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III INSIDE THE ARAB LOBBY:

THE COUNCIL ON AMERICAN-ISLAMIC RELATIONS

CAIR's mission is to enhance understanding of Islam, encourage dialogue, protect civil liberties, empower American Muslims, and build coalitions that promote justice and mutual understanding.102

As already appears from its name and mission statement, the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) is foremost an American-Islamic organization that considers the enhancement of understanding Islam its most important goal. CAIR functions as one of the few political oriented Arab-American organizations that unites American Muslims. This turned CAIR into the most powerful Islamic pressure group in the U.S. However, just as ADC, CAIR has made several enemies. Charges against CAIR became serious to such an extent that it led U.S. Congress to place the organization under investigation. One of the reasons was that the U.S. government suspected the Council of financing terrorism and perpetuating violence.103_{Critics of CAIR are growing in numbers, and suspicion keeps}

surrounding the Council which makes it difficult for CAIR to reach its goals and to do exactly for which it was founded for in the first place: defend American Muslims’ rights.

1. Organizational Structure and Success

CAIR was founded in 1994 as non-profit organization by Ibrahim Hooper, Nihad Awad, and Omar Ahmad, all of whom had close ties to the Islamic Association for Palestine, which will be discussed later on in this chapter. Since 2000 CAIR has its headquarters in Washington D.C., close to America’s political heart: the Capitol Building. With 32 chapters in 20 states and one in Canada, CAIR is now America’s largest Islamic civil liberties group. The majority of CAIR’s annual funding is raised at the annual banquets, of which the national banquet in Washington attracts more than 1.000 participants each year.

Seeking to empower the American Muslim community, CAIR uses media relations, government relations, education, and advocacy in order to put forth “an Islamic perspective to ensure the Muslim voice is represented.”104_{The following departments}

together form CAIR’s organizational structure: the Civil Rights Department counsels, mediates, and advocates on behalf of them who have experienced religious discrimination or defamation. Just as ADC, CAIR also has a Governmental Affairs Department that conducts and organizes lobbying efforts on issues related to Islam and Muslims. The

102_{http://www.cair.com/AboutUs/VisionMissionCorePrinciples.aspx}

103_{Paul Sperry, Infiltration: How Muslim Spies and Subversives have Penetrated Washington (Nashville: Nelson}

Current, 2005), 250.

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department monitors legislation and government activities, and responds to that on behalf of the American Muslim community. The Communication Department has the same function as ADC’s Communication Department, but instead of fighting negative stereotypes of Arab-Americans, CAIR’s department ensures an accurate portrayal of Islam and Muslims in the local and national media. CAIR claims to have become “a respected and credible source for journalists and other media professionals.”105_The

Research Department conducts empirical research studies on subjects relevant to the American Muslim Community. This includes gathering and analyzing data for the annual civil rights report; a report that discusses each year the status of Muslim civil rights in the U.S.106_{CAIR does not stand alone in defending Muslim rights, as it works in cooperation}

with other civil rights groups and civic groups such as Amnesty International, NAACP, and the American Civil Liberties Union.107

Not part of its organizational structure, but still very important in empowering American Muslims are CAIR’s Action Alerts. These alerts function in the same way as ADC’s alerts do for the Arab community. CAIR claims that the alerts “have produced overwhelming results and have made a significant impact in bringing about change.”108

Examples of recent action alerts on CAIR’s website are: “Urge Congress, President to Stop Israeli ‘Massacre’ in Gaza” (issued 28 Dec. 2008), and “Thank Fox for 'Simpsons' Episode Challenging Islamophobia” (issued 3 Dec. 2008) which is not as urgent as the first one, but it shows CAIR’s willingness to not only demonstrate but also make known its appreciation for positive results. What all alerts have in common is that they are always very practical. For example, “10 Steps You Can Take To Help Gaza” is an alert CAIR posted January 5, 2009 in order to help end Israeli attacks on the Gaza Strip and restore the cease-fire. This alert makes it very easy for people to take action. Included in the ten steps is CAIR’s advice to participate instantly in a ‘Let Gaza Live’ National March in Washington, to visit local offices of ones elected representatives and talk with them, and to sign CAIR’s online petition. Almost every step includes a link to practical advice or explanations, making it almost impossible for people to not take action. Indeed, such Action Alerts proved to be very successful; “the pressure almost always works.”109_Finally,

CAIR also gives clear advice on how to reach members of Congress, by for example giving effective tips for making phone calls, such as “express how you feel but avoid being confrontational or argumentative,” and “get to the point quickly.”110_{Though this may}

seem as very logical advice, it may have its effect on people and help them to take the final step.

105_Ibid. 106_Ibid. 107_{http://www.cair.com/AboutUs/25FactsAboutCAIR.aspx} 108_{http://www.cair.com/AboutUs/VisionMissionCorePrinciples.aspx} 109_{Sperry, 147.}

ARAB-AMERICAN INTERESTS