Els Bogaerts

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Els Bogaerts Rethinking ‘culture’ in Indonesia in a time of decolonisation 100131 1

This is a draft. Please do not copy, distribute and/or quote without the author’s consent.

‘Kemana arah kebudajaan kita?’

¹

Rethinking ‘culture’ in Indonesia in a time of decolonisation

Els Bogaerts

Decolonisation does not only refer to ‘the process whereby colonial powers transferred institutional and legal control over their territories and dependencies to indigenously based, formally sovereign, nation-states’ but also to ‘a movement for moral justice and political solidarity against imperialism.’ ‘It thus refers both to the anti-imperialist political movement and to an emancipatory ideology which sought or claimed to liberate the nation and humanity itself.’

(Duara 2004:2)

When in 1969 Claire Holt returned to Indonesia after an absence of twelve years, signs of

‘“cultural change,” “economic development or “modernization,” [...] could be seen and felt everywhere, not least in the sphere of the arts’ (Holt 1970:163).

In the 1950s ‘among individuals and groups consciously concerned with the

cultivation of the arts [...], love of the past, awareness of the present, and aspirations for the future produced efforts in three different directions. There were those who strove to preserve traditional art forms in their classical purity, as in music, dance and dance drama; those who tried to meet the challenges of modern times by grafting new

elements upon the solid body of tradition or even modifying some of its basic principles;

and those who, turning away from tradition entirely, were introducing new inventions or adapting borrowings from outside. (Sometimes all three of these directions were pursued by one individual or were the declared policy of one organization.) This,’ she writes, ‘as far as I could judge, remained true in the ‘sixties, but the lines seemed more sharply drawn’ (Holt 1970:163). The ‘bitter debate’ ‘between proponents of nationalism and of internationalism’ ‘was no longer raging. If it continued simmering below the surface, signs of it were not discernible’ (Holt 1970:163). Holt describes the

developments she encounters when visiting Jakarta, Bandung and Yogyakarta: the establishment of Taman Ismail Marzuki in Jakarta;² the emancipation of Bandung artists away from their Dutch teachers’ influence³, ‘in part in consonance with world art trends’

(Holt 1970:170), while painting at ASRI (Akademi Seni Rupa Indonesia, the Indonesian

1 Bung Hatta ‘Kemana arah kebudajaan kita?’, Pidato sambutan Wakil Presiden pada malam resepsi Kongres Kebudajaan Indonesia ke-II tanggal 6 Oktober di Bandung. MI V/47, 24 Nopember 1951, p.6; 14;

24-25). According to Hatta, ‘[m]emang, setiap waktu apabila ada Kongres Kebudajaan, kita selalu bertanja dalam hati kita: “Kemana arah kebudajaan kita?”’. This happened at the first culture congress in Magelang and now the question will again be a topic of discussion.

2 Already in 1956 there had been efforts to establish an ‘Indonesian Kunstkring’ and to build a Gedung Kebudajaan, a House of Culture that later was realised by LEKRA (Holt 1970:165).

3 ‘In the middle of the 1950s, the Department of Fine Arts (Senί Rupa) of the Bandung Institute of Technology was decried by nationalists as an alien enclave in independent Indonesia’ (Holt 1970:170).

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Academy of Fine Arts)⁴ in Yogyakarta had undergone far less revolutionary changes (Holt 1970:181). Painters such as Hendra Gunawan having been actively involved in art associations as the Yogyanese Pelukis Rakjat (the People’s Painters) were imprisoned, while both Pelukis Rakjat and Seniman Indonesia Muda (SIM, the Young Artists of Indonesia)⁵ had disappeared since 1965 (Holt 1970:179). An Islamic studio, Sanggar Muslim, had been opened by Amri Jahja.

But how did it ‘start’? How did Indonesia take its ‘first’ steps in rethinking culture in a time of decolonisation?

As in most decolonising countries, in Indonesia ‘[t]he nation-state was seen as the protector of culture and the opponent of cultural imperialism’ (Betts 2004:46). While the consecutive Indonesian governments promoted the development of nationalism in culture, art and science (‘perkembangan kebangsaan dalam kebudayaan serta kesenian dan ilmu pengetahuan’, Jones 2005:95-6),⁶ ways to define culture, including the arts, in the new (post-colonial) context were discussed during official cultural congresses, the Kongres Kebudajaan, organised from 1948 onwards.⁷ The congresses’ resolutions led to the establishment of art institutes many of which still function to this day.

Meanwhile, the Dutch tried to maintain their influence in the cultural sphere through the publishing of newspapers and journals in Dutch, the cultural exchange programme Sticusa (Stichting Culturele Samenwerking, Foundation for Cultural Cooperation), the radio broadcast ‘Kunstagenda’ (Art Agenda), and other media. Their idea to provide the intellectual elite and part of the middle class with possibilities to draw from European and more especially Dutch culture⁸ received fierce criticism during the 1950 Indonesian culture conference (Damono 1987:10).

In the same period, Indonesian intellectuals and artists gathered in sanggar, ‘the’ place to be as a source for cultural exchange⁹, discussing kebudajaan and kesenian and their role in the striving for a new identity while coming to terms with the colonial past. Mass media were very important in the voicing of ideologies and in the striving for a national culture detached from the colonial burden. Despite the political and economic

turbulence and chaos of the first years of independence, dozens of journals saw the light, several of them being published from the end of the nineteen fourties until the

4 Referred to by Holt (1970:181) as the ‘Art Academy’.

5 Holt (1970:179) calls them ‘the Young Painters of Indonesia’.

6 Tod Jones investigates the cultural policy of the successive Indonesian governments (Jones 2005:1), focusing ‘on the policies and institutions of the key official state apparatus concerned with regulating culture in Indonesia’ (Jones 2005:5) during the New Order and Reform eras (Jones 2005:20). Especially the second chapter of his thesis ‘From cultural regulation to cultural leadership: the changing uses of culture in the periods of Constitutional Democray (1950-1957) and Guided Democracy (1957-1965)’ (Jones 2005:92- 135) is relevant to research on Indonesian culture between 1950 and 1965.

See also clause 32 in the 1945 Constitution: ‘Pemerintah memajukan kebudayaan nasional Indonesia.’

(UUD 1945, 1989:9) (Bab XIII, Pendidikan, Pasal 32). The consecutive drafts of the UUD 1945 clause concerning national culture and its relation to regional cultures (clause 32 and its clarification), as well as the official reactions to the drafts and the possible interpretations of the final version have been analyzed by Yampolsky (1995).

7 For information about the cultural congresses, see Foulcher (1986), Damono (1987), Jones (2005), and Nunus Supardi (2007).

8 Cf. Sticusa Jaarverslag 1953

9 Cf. Spanjaard 2003:81

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beginning of the nineteen sixties, thus almost covering the entire period of this research project.¹⁰ They were written in Indonesian for an Indonesian readership. These journals offer an interesting insight in the discourse of the time, in the topics considered to be important, in the cultural contacts within Indonesia – among small elitist groups – and in the international contacts. They also offer an insight into the shifts that took place in the course of time, because of the changing politics.¹¹ Above all, they show us how certain representatives of the new nation perceived the developments and how they themselves were actively taking part in them.

This article focuses on the emancipatory ideologies in Indonesia ‘which sought or claimed to liberate the nation’ from the remains of the colonial past after having obtained political independence – ‘ideologies’ in plural since many parties were involved in the process of (re)defining culture in the independent nation-state. They were all vibrantly and enthusiastically looking to the future, working at the formation of a new ‘Indonesian’ culture, but following different paths and having different inputs.

This implied a complex process of forgetting the past but also remembering what was valuable, an often very personal process that has been well described by Toety Heraty (1996:64-73) and analyzed by Goenawan Mohamad (2002: 183-212).

I will look at the ‘early’ discussions concerning culture and decolonisation as they were voiced in Mimbar Indonesia, a journal of general interest, published in Jakarta from 1947 to 1966.¹² I use the adjective ‘early’ as I will concentrate on the journal’s issues that were published in 1950, with flash-backs to past issues, and some small excursions to the following years, in order to maintain the continuity of these discussions.

Mimbar Indonesia: ‘sedap dibatja dan sedjuk dirasa seperti angin pagi atau hebat sebagai taufan’

The first volume of Mimbar Indonesia was published on 10 Nopember 1947. The journal presented itself as ‘Madjallah merdeka diselenggarakan untuk pembangunan, politik, ekonomi, sosial dan kebudajaan’¹³ (MI I-1, 10 Nopember 1947). It was ‘entirely founded as a national enterprise and for that reason the date of its first issue has been fixed on November 10^th, the Day of the National Hero’, an important event in the history of the

10 Dolk (1993:179-181) and Kratz (1988:820-833) give an overview of the journals they consulted for their research.

In 1950 about a hundred journals were published (with 800.000 copies per issue), while by the end of 1954 186 different journals were published (with 1.243.000 copies per edition). ‘Dilihat dari djumlahnja perkembangan madjalah ini sangat menggembirakan, terutama djika dibandingkan dengan keadaan sebelum perang. Pada tahun 1950 diseluruh Indonesia ada lebih kurang 100 madjallah [sic] dengan oplaag 800.000 lembar tiap terbit, sekarang mendjadi 186 matjam madjalah dengan oplaag 1.243.000 lembar tiap terbitnja. Tjatatan ini sampai achir tahun 1954’ (IR IX-1:4).

‘Perkembangan madjalah di Indonesia’ – oleh Sawarno (p.4-5) in: Ipphos Report, Tahun IX No. 1, 1 Agustus 1956.

11 This is clearly shown in Keith Foulcher’s analysis of the journal Konfrontasi.

12 Data from Dolk 1993: pp. 180-1. I would like to thank Liesbeth Dolk for generously sharing her archive of Mimbar Indonesia and other Indonesian journals with me.

13 From 2 October 1948 onwards (MI II/40), the text on the front cover, ‘Madjallah Merdeka’, is replaced by ‘Independent non-party’.

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struggle for freedom for the nation and the country (‘Perdjoangan Kemerdekaan Bangsa dan Tanah Air kita’) (MI II-46, 10 Nopember 1948:3). ‘Perdjoangan’ became an important theme of Mimbar Indonesia and added to its branding, next to the liberal attitude and a cosmopolitan eagerness and intellectual approach. Responsibility towards the building of the nation (‘kewadjibannja mengabdi kepada tjita-tjita kebangsaan’) was taken seriously, as well as complete independence (‘bebas dari segala pertalian partai atau golongan politik apapun (independent non-party)’) (Pemberitahuan, Mimbar Indonesia tetap terbit! MI II-39, 25 September 1948, p. 24).

The editors ‘hoped that in conformity with its name¹⁴ the magazine will develop into a forum from which the public has the opportunity to participate in voicing opinions concerning problems with regard to Indonesia and the world, in all political and social fields, especially problems pertaining to political, economic, social, and cultural

reconstruction in connection with the trend of the times’ (MI I-1, 10 Nopember 1947).¹⁵ For all these reasons, the journal lends itself as a valuable source for analyzing the discourse on culture in Indonesia at the time.

In January 1950, the editorial board consisted of Sukardjo Wirjopranoto (Responsible), Adi Negoro, Prof.Mr.Dr. Supomo, and H.B. Jassin.¹⁶ Changes in the ‘redaksi MI’ took place when Supomo had become Minister of Justice, while Sukardjo Wirjopranoto had become the Indonesian representative in Vatican, Rome. They were replaced by Ir.

Pangeran Mohamad Noor as Head, and Mr. Suwandi and Mr. Jusuf Wibisono as

members (this is mentioned in a separate frame by Pengurus Jajasan Dharma on p. 7, MI IV-11-12-13, 1 April 1950). H.B. Jassin’s presence was influential, especially when

becoming the editor for literature and culture.

From 15 January 1951 onwards, Zenith was published as the cultural edition of Mimbar Indonesia (‘Edisi Kebudajaan Mimbar Indonesia’), as a contribution to the building of the Indonesian nation and state in the field of culture (‘“sebagai sumbangan untuk membangun masjarakat dan Negara Indonesia dalam lapangan Kebudajaan”

disamping pembangunan dilapangan politik, sosial dan ekonomi’) (Zenith, 15 Djanuari 1951). From November 1956 onwards, going into its tenth year of publication, Mimbar Indonesia devoted a special quire to art and culture, entitled Seni dan Kebudajaan (MI X-45, 10 November 1956).

Not only did the (written) texts of the reports, articles, essays, discussions and letters to the editor inform the readers and form opinions, the visual contributions in the form of cartoons, advertisements, reproductions of paintings, drawings and etches, and especially photographs were similarly important. Soon after the establishment of Mimbar Indonesia, Ipphos, the Indonesia Press Photo Service,¹⁷ provided photographs

14 The editors translated ‘Mimbar Indonesia’ with ‘the Forum for Indonesia’.

15 Letter from the editors, glued in between the last page and the back flap. The English text is a translation of the Introduction (‘Kata pengantar’) of page 1.

16 The first volume lists Sukardjo Wirjopranoto (Pen. Djaw.), Andjar Asmara (Harian), Adi Negoro and Prof.Mr.Dr. M. Supomo as its editors (MI I-1, 10 Nopember 1947).

17 The Indonesian Press Photo Service (IPPHOS) Coy Ltd., the first national press agency, had been established in 1946, after a group of photographers had taken the initiative to devote themselves to the country and the revolution as ‘alat propaganda Negara jang Merdeka’ (IR IV/5, 1 Oktober 1951:149). They called themselves ‘suatu perusahaan nasional jang dikendalikan oleh bangsa Indonesia dengan modal nasional’ (IR IV/5, 1 Oktober 1951:153). The first issue of their journal, IPPHOS Report, was published on

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on a regular basis. The photographs reveal how Indonesia presents itself abroad and how this presentation is represented in Indonesian journals. As the Indonesian press is considered to be responsible for seriously propagating the building of the nation in order to provide stimuli to the ‘semangat pembangunan’, it was urged to give priority to making manifest the developments by publishing visual proofs of the progress and those who were building the nation (‘lukisan bukti²-pembangunan dan orang² jang membangun’), rather than focusing on politicians and cocktail parties (‘terlalu banjak dimuat gambar² para politici dan partai² koktel dan resepsi²’) (Adi Negoro 1950:8; 22).¹⁸ Although during the first years of its existence the journal experienced serious

difficulties because of the circumstances, it was able to survive. Technical problems consisted for example of a lack of paper and problems with the printing process. When two editors of Mimbar Indonesia, Ir. Moh. Noor and Sukardjo Wirjopranoto, were forced to move to Yogyakarta by the Federal Government, they had to leave the editorial board (announced in MI II-46, 10 Nopember 1948:3). In 1949, thousands of copies of the magazine were impounded and consequently destroyed by the Dutch, because they were ‘inciting non-cooperation with and fight against the Netherlanders’.¹⁹ The ban was lifted as of 20 January 1949 (Direksi dan redaksi MI 1949:3).²⁰

One year after the launch of the journal, its editors made up the balance of the year’s struggle (‘Setahun perdjuangan Mimbar Indonesia’). As Sukardjo Wirjopranoto writes,

‘[t]he balance of one year of work shows a not gain, of course not in a financial but in a spiritual sense. Our spiritual gain consists principally of an enhanced national

consciousness of thousands of our readers and co-readers, scattered throughout Indonesia and various [s]trata of the community. Mimbar Indonesia contributes to the canalization of this enhanced national consciousness and the formation of it. Our goal and our efforts are keyed on one national Indonesia, raising of the standard of living, one and indivisible Freedom and one and indivisible Peace. For those reasons we reject chauvinistic federalism, poverty, mock freedom and agression in any form. [...] At last a personal note: my compulsory expulsion to Jogja shall mean no setback for the Mimbar Indonesia, but rather an advantage’ (original in English, MI II-46, 10 Nopember 1948, p.4; 30).

1 August 1948. The aims of Ipphos Report were first to achieve independence (‘mentjapai kemerdekaan’) and then to give form to independence (‘mengisi kemerdekaan’) (IR IV/5, 1 Oktober 1951:153). As many journals in this period, also Ipphos report experienced serious difficulties and almost did not survive when the government of the Republic moved to Yogyakarta. Some of the leaders of IPPHOS were even

imprisoned several times (IR IV/5, 1 Oktober 1951:151). The buildings in Jakarta were destroyed by the Dutch during the “aksi polisioneel” (ibid.). Despite these and many other obstacles, such as the lack of paper at certain times, the journal was able to persist until 1963.

18 ‘Membangkitkan pembangunan’, MI IV-46, 18 Nopember 1950, p.8; 22.

19 In the Indonesian version: ‘“mengandjurkan non-kooperasi dan perlawanan terhadap Belanda”

(aansporing tot non-coörperatie en strijd tegen de Nederlanders).’

20 ‘Kata pengantar kembali’ by Direksi dan redaksi MI III-1-6:3, 5 Pebruari 1949.

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Mimbar Indonesia was distributed all over Indonesia²¹ and abroad²². The journal strove at maintaining close contact with the readers, addressing them with ‘sidang pembatja’

(MI IV-48:12). In the editors’ column ‘Obor. Dari sidang pengarang ke sidang

pembatja’²³ (MI II-35:31, 28 August 1948) it invited readers to send in articles, preferably pieces which were not too long, and if possible typewritten. The style of the

contributions was left to the authors, as long as they were good reading, cool as a morning breeze or terrific as a hurricane.²⁴ Further, the editors would like to receive short stories or other contributions from areas distant from Jakarta (‘daerah² jang djauh dari Djakarta’), critical in tone, as long as they would not offend certain ethnic, religious racial or social strata (‘tetapi djangan jang mengina atau melukai perasaan sesuatu golongan bangsa kita atau penduduk, walaupun dibolehkan kritik jang sehat’). From the next issue onwards, Mimbar Indonesia was about to accommodate ‘rubrik tanja djawab’

(question and answer), and some other new columns.

Already from the start, the readers were invited to participate in the then current discussions. Also, they were encouraged to engage themselves in the national struggle and do for the country what was within their possibilities. In April 1950, for example, Adi Negoro called on the readers: ‘[...] selamat bekerdja masing-masing dalam

bagiannja, dengan satu tudjuan, mengadakan satu negara jang besar dan mulia, tempat harapan angkatan baru dan angkatan jang akan datang, sambung bersambung’ (Adi Negoro 1950:7).²⁵

The articles in Mimbar Indonesia shed light on how Indonesians started to fill in independence on the level of culture, anxiously grasping the opportunities and the challenges to build the new nation, while coming to terms with colonisation, as well as keeping the revolutionary fire burning.²⁶ Simultaneously and in a dynamic process, there were the initiatives taken to set the first steps in the shaping of a culture, the striving for modernity and its links with the world, the putting of the new country on the world map, and the countering of the continuing presence of the Dutch. The voices in Mimbar Indonesia express a multitude of opinions that are sometimes completely opposite to each other and provide a wealth of information and a pluriformity of

thoughts and ideas. Those who speak are ‘kaum tjerdik pandai Indonesia, para sardjana, seniman dan seniwati, ahli senilukis dsbnja, jang namanja tidak kami sebutkan

dihalaman ini, karena djumlahnja dekat sepuluh ribu, berkediaman di seluruh

Indonesia, dari berbagai-bagai kedudukan, dari jang tinggi sampai jang rendah dan dari segala bangsa, diluar dan didalam negara’ (Direksi, Redaksi, Tata Usaha 1948:3).²⁷

21 Volume II/9 (28 Pebruari 1948).mentions cities in Sulawesi, Kalimantan Selatan, Kalimantan Barat, Kalimantan Timur, Sumatera, Pulau² N.I.T. lain-lain, and Djawa.

22 In Singapore, Leiden, Den Haag, New Delhi (India), Karachi (Pakistan), Cairo (Egypt), Canberra (Australia), New York City (USA), Manila (Philippine), London (England), Djaddah (S. Arabia), Zürich (Switserland) (MI II/9, 28 Pebruari 1948).

23 ‘Torch’, a column from the authors to the readers.

24 ‘Tentang gajabahasa atau langgam karangan terserah masing² kepada lagulagak dan lenggang jang disukainja, setjara revolusioner atau setjara klasik atau setjara antara dua itu, semua baik, asal sedap dibatja dan sedjuk dirasa seperti angin pagi atau hebat sebagai taufan.’

25 MI IV-11-12-13, 1 April 1950:7.

26 ‘Api Revolusi tak kundjung padam. Djustru dalam Pembangunan.’ (MI IV/1, 7 Djanuari 1950, pp.3- 4;23). Title of an article by Sukardjo Wirjopranoto.

27 MI II-46:3 10 Nopember 1948 ‘Kata pengantar’ – oleh Direksi, Redaksi, Tata Usaha.

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ic

Based on fragments and examples, an impression will be given of how the task to give form and contents to independence was seized, of the themes that were considered to be important to be reported on by Mimbar Indonesia and of the choice for certain representations.

1950 – A new era?

‘Dalam segala usaha kita untuk mendapat bentuk-bentuk baru, untuk menjusun tata-hukum (rechtsorde) baru sebagai pendjelmaan ideologi² kita, kita harus senantiasa menjesuaikan diri dengan kehendak Zaman. Dari sebab itu kita harus senantiasa mengikuti segala peristiwa Dunia jang symptomatis bagi akan lahirnja zaman baru.’ (Supomo 1948:3)²⁸

27 December 1949, the date when the official transfer of sovereignty had taken place, put an end to the struggle for political independence. 1950 indicates the beginning of a new period, when ‘the active pursuit of the new’ (Foulcher, paper/article 2009: 1) took off.

Time was pressing to give contents to independence (‘soal jang paling mendesak terasanja adalah mengisi kemerdekaan’)²⁹ (Sugardo 1950:3). All energy, capital and ideas should be activated in order to achieve this aim (Dari Redaksi 1950:3, MI IV-20). In the first place ‘mengisi kemerdekaan’ was interpreted as a striving for econom

development and social welfare for the Indonesian people, but in the discussions on the shaping of a national identity and the potential role of culture in this process, the slogan was used too.

1950 was a pivotal year, the beginning of a short period in Indonesian history when everything was possible, at least it seemed to be so. Although the journals of the time did pay attention to the lack of social improvement for many, the political struggles and the chaos, they breathe out an optimism, an open and tolerant view, a critical stance, a thirst for information and knowledge, and a longing to be modern. Indonesia had to be made Indonesian, and the journals supported this project. Nobody realized that in less than ten years time the potentialities and possibilities would have been closed down because of the political developments, while the largest disillusions and the most devastating disaster still was to come.

1950 was the year of the Konferensi Kebudajaan held in Jakarta from 4 to 6 August (Jassin 1950:3; 29). The conference aimed at reflecting on the Cultural Agreement between Indonesia and the Netherlands, a result of the 1949 Round Table Conference, and addressed national culture and its relationship to the culture of other peoples.³⁰ It was organized by the Lembaga Kebudajaan Indonesia which was established in March,

28 Supomo, ‘Pada pintu gerbang zaman baru’, in MI II/2, 10 Djanuari 1948, p.2-3.

29 The slogan ‘mengisi kemerdekaan’ was very popular at the time. See for another example the article

‘Ipphos Coy. Ltd. genap 5 tahun’, published in Ipphos Report IV/5, 1 Oktober 1951:150-1953, where Ipphos was said to be established as ‘suatu perusahaan nasional jang dikendalikan oleh bangsa Indonesia dengan modal nasional’ in order to achieve independence (‘mentjapai kemerdekaan’) and thereafter to give form/contents to independence (‘mengisi kemerdekaan’) (IR IV/5, 1 Oktober 1951:153).

30 ‘Kebudayaan nasional dan hubungannya dengan kebudayaan bangsa-bangsa lain’ (Supardi 2007:151).

See also Foulcher 1986:15 and Jones 2005:102-103.

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following a recommendation of the ‘first’³¹ Culture Congress (Kongres Kebudajaan, Magelang, August 1948), in cooperation with the Ministry of Education, Teaching and Culture (‘Kementerian Pendidikan, Pengadjaran dan Kebudajaan’ (Ki Hadjar Dewantara 1948:17).³² Another achievement of the government’s cultural policy in the same year was the establishment in January of the Indonesian Academy of Fine Arts³³ (Akademi Seni Rupa or ASRI) in Yogyakarta (Holt 1967:205) and the Konservatori Karawitan Indonesia in Solo on 27 August (K.H. Dewantara 1950:12-4).³⁴

In 1950 artists of the Gelanggang group resumed their activities,³⁵ the Surat Kepertjajaan Gelanggang was published, the Lembaga Kebudajaan Rakjat or LEKRA saw the light (17 August), and the all-Indonesian Women’s Congress (Kongres Perwari seluruh Indonesia; Perwari: Persatuan Wanita Republik Indonesia) took place in December in Semarang (MI 1950-51-52:16),³⁶ to give but a few examples of how the cultural project was tackled by several organisations.

‘Kebudajaan’ and ‘bangsa Indonesia’

‘If culture is the expression of national consciousness, I will not hesitate to affirm that in the case with which we are dealing it is the national consciousness which is the most elaborate form of culture.’ (Fanon 1977:198-199)

‘Nasionalisme Indonesia adalah nilai-nilai yang sengaja diformulasikan sebagai antitesa terhadap dominasi kolonialisme Belanda oleh sekelompok masyarakat yang sebelumnya memiliki identitas masing-masing yang terpisah. Sebagai sebuah ikatan kebangsaan, entitas Indonesia tidak pernah ada sebelumnya dan baru muncul pada awal abad XX, serta mencapai puncaknya ketika sebuah bangsa dan negara baru diproklamasikan kemerdekaannya pada tahun 1945. Sejak saat itu semua penduduk yang ada dibekas wilayah Hindia Belanda itu kemudian menyebut diri mereka, atau disebut sebagai bangsa Indonesia. Secara perlahan-lahan baik melalui proses alami maupun produk dan rekayasa sosial-politik, Indonesia tidak lagi hanya dipahami sebagai identitas politis melainkan telah berkembang juga sebagai identitas sosiologis dan kultural.’

(Bambang Purwanto 2006:155)

Many parties and individuals involved themselves in the discourse on culture and nationalism. Discussions evolved around how to define Indonesian culture (‘kebudajaan Indonesia’), what should be considered as valuable cultural heritage for the future of Indonesia, and how to cross (‘mengawinkan’) cultural heritage – the past – with modern technique and industry – the present –, as well as the role of the people in shaping the

31 There was an earlier ‘first’ congress in 1946 in Sukabumi. On ‘first’ congresses, see Joshua A. Fishman (Ed.), 1993. The earliest stage of language planning. The “First Congress” phenomenon. Berlin / New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

32 Ki Hadjar Dewantara ‘Pembangunan kebudajaan nasional. Sekedar petundjuk.’ MI II- 33:16-17, 17 Agustus 1948 – Nomor Kemerdekaan.

33 Holt translates ASRI with ‘the Indonesian Academy for the Plastic Arts’ (Hold 1967: 205).

34 K.H. Dewantara ‘Konservatori karawitan Indonesia di Solo’, MI IV-48:12-14 (2 December).

35 See Sitor Situmorang’s article ‘Gelanggang’ in MI IV-9, 4 Maret 1950, p.19; 21.

36 Pictures of the congress opening are published in MI IV-51-52:16 (30 Desember 1950).

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new culture.³⁷ Alternatives were explored: was Indonesian culture to be seen as part of

‘dunia Timur’ (K. Purbopranoto 1948:14; 20)³⁸ and Asian culture (Supomo 1948:2; 20)³⁹, or of world culture? Was it to be inspired by Europe (or the West for that matter), Muslim sources, or other cultures?

The task of ‘(re)constructing’ a national culture was taken up by the government soon after independence. During the 1948 Indonesian Cultural Congress it was decided that an institute of Indonesian National Culture, a Lembaga Kebudajaan Nasional Indonesia, should be established. For some, ‘such an institute is the most appropriate organ for coordinating the forces contributing to the reconstruction of our Indonesian culture’

(Supomo 1948:2; 20).⁴⁰

One of the decisions of an earlier congress (Sukabumi, 1946) contained a request to the government for the establishment of a Ministry of Culture (Kementerian

Kebudajaan), separate from the Ministry of Teaching and Education (Kementerian Pengadjaran dan Pendidikan). The reason given was that culture and science had to be given more attention than before now that the country was independent. Only a

separate ministry would be able to fulfill this task. At the 1947 KNIP⁴¹ meeting however, after an intervention of the Ministry of Teaching, Education and Culture (‘dgn.

perantaraan Menteri Pengadjaran, Pendidikan dan Kebudajaan’), the government said the time had not yet come to reflect on problems concerning culture (‘belum waktunja memikirkan soal-soal Kebudajaan’). This reaction of the government received a lot of criticism, aired in the cultural journal Arena, by its editors and by Ki Hadjar Dewantara, Anas Maaruf, Usmar Ismail and others.⁴² According to Abu Hanifah, the government’s decision was based on a misunderstanding of the concept ‘kebudajaan’. If culture (kebudajaan) is only interpreted – as often is the case – as art (kesenian), like dance, paintings, or sounds (‘tari², lukisan-lukisan, bunji-bunjian’), then the misunderstanding is not surprising. Often, those who talk or write about culture in fact discuss art. This has led to a lack of appreciation towards those struggling for culture.⁴³ Only five years later, on 22 November 1951, a Badan Pertimbangan Kebudajaan was established (Supomo 1951:3;36) (Supomo ‘Soal politik kebudajaan’, MI V-48, 1 Desember 1951, p. 3; 26).

Lingering on culture in its broader meaning, Abu Hanifah concludes that it should be seen as a synthesis between culture and civilization, corresponding to what the Dutch

37 A culture of, by and for the people. ‘Sebagai halnja dengan demokrasi pula, jang menurut kehendak zaman harus menudju kearah demokrasi rakjat, maka kebudajaan Indonesia, bahkan kebudajaan Asia dikemudian hari harus mendjadi kebudajaan dari rakjat, oleh rakjat dan untuk rakjat.’ (Supomo, MI II/37, 11 September 1948, p.2 kol. 3)

38 MI II-34, 21 Agustus 1948, p.14; 20.

39 MI II-37, 11 September 1948, p.2; 20.

40 MI II-37, 11 September 1948, p.2; 20.

41 Komite Nasional Indonesia Poesat (Central Indonesian National Committee)

42 ‘Mereka menadahkan muka kelangit, meminta saksi, apakah mereka jang dalam kementerian

Pengadjaran, Pendidikan dan Kebudajaan, orang² jang dinamis berfikir, mengerti zaman, ataukah burokrat² jang ulung, pusaka dari zaman kolonial Belanda dan Djepang. Memang mereka berpahit hati rupanja.

Terang disini ada salah faham tentang pengertian atau “begrip” dari kata “Kebudajaan”’ (Abu Hanifah in

‘Mentjari dasar kebudajaan Indonesia’, MI II-36, 4 September 1948, p.8; 21).

43 ‘Disinilah letaknja salah faham dan inilah asalnja salah faham dan kurang penghargaan mereka jang

“berdjuang” terhadap kebudajaan.’

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call ‘Cultuur en Beschaving’, culture (‘Kultur’) being inner (‘kebudajaan bathin’) and civilization (‘Peradaban’) being outer culture (‘kebudajaan lahir’) (Abu Hanifah 1948:8).

His definition of the concept encompasses all science, religion, art and philosophy (Abu Hanifah 1948:8).⁴⁴

In his article ‘Pembangunan kebudajaan nasional. Sekedar petundjuk’ (MI II-29, 17 Agustus 1948:16-17), Ki Hadjar Dewantara emphasizes that the building of a state and a nation consists of the building of a culture. His definition of culture is very

comprehensive: ‘Tjaranja rakjat hidup sehari-hari, jang mengenai makan, minum dan pakaiannja, tjaranja rakjat berkawin dan berumah-tangga, menghasilkan tanahnja, mengatur tertib-damai masjarakatnja baik dengan “adat-istiadat” maupun dengan

“hukum” jang tertentu, tjaranja rakjat mengadakan alat-alat dan bangunan-bangunan jang memudakahkan dan menjenangkan, memadjukan serta memperbesar hasil hidup dan penghidupannja, tjaranja rakjat mewudjudkan tjita-tjita kemanusiaannja jang serba luruh dan halus memelihara ilmu-pengetahuan, kesenian, adab-kesusilaan dan

keagamaan ... demikianlah seterusnja. Itulah semua bentuk-bentuk kebudajaan jang pokok dan jang nampak dengan mudah dan terang dari sifat-wutuhnja hidup dan penghidupan rakjat. Luhur rendahnja tjara-tjara hidup dan penghidupan semua itu, menundjukkan luhur-rendahnja kebudajaan, pula luhur rendahnja tingkatan hidup kemanusiaan.’ Culture can only develop according to its own nature/law (‘kodrat’) and if it is completely free and independent (‘bebas dan merdeka’). It should adapt itself to nature and the era in which it is present, so as not to become static (‘“verstard” atau beku’). Influence from foreign cultures is allowed, even sometimes necessary, but it should not be copied, and should fit the Indonesian interests.

‘Kebudajaan bangsa’ should be preserved (he uses the word ‘memelihara’), while the education and teaching of culture needs to be given a place at the national and private education institutes (Ki Hadjar Dewantoro 1948:16-17).⁴⁵ It should equal the high level of other cultures in the world and may influence and be influenced by cultures of othe nations, according to the progress of the era (S. Mangunsarkoro 1948:37-38).⁴⁶

In the colonial discourse of the early twentieth century the existence of one Indonesian culture had been denied. The Dutch defended the continuity of ethnic or regional cultures (‘kebudajaan daerah’) of Indonesia and tried to protect them from foreign influences, in order to keep them original and pure (Armijn Pane 1949:11-13).⁴⁷ Ki Hadjar Dewantara was convinced that the Dutch did this to separate the regions from each other. That the Dutch view was wrong, and that the basic characteristics of the cultures in Indonesia do show similarities, is supported by Van Vollenhoven, a Dutch specialist on adat law, says Dewantara (Ki Hadjar Dewantara 1948:17).

44 ‘Kebudajaan jang dimaksud, djuga buat bangsa Indonesia, ialah jang meliputi segala gerak-gerik, getaran-djiwa, fikiran dan perbuatan manusia keluar dan kedalam, dan ini berarti bahwa dalam pengertian ini, segala ilmu pengetahuan, agama, kesenian, filsafat, termasuk dalamnja. Kalau dalam beberapa buku² kebudajaan Barat, bahagian² itu dipisah-pisahkan, maka pengertian Kebudajaan adalah buat bangsa Indonesia, himpunan, atau lebih tegas lagi paduan atau synthese dari bahagian-bahagian itu’ (Abu Hanifah in ‘Mentjari dasar kebudajaan Indonesia’, MI II-36, 4 September 1948, p.8; 21).

45 (‘Pembangunan kebudajaan nasional. Sekedar petundjuk’ by Ki Hadjar Dewantoro, MI II-33, 17 Agustus 1948 – Nomor Kemerdekaan, p. 16-17).

46 S. Mangunsarkoro ‘Perguruan nasional di Indonesia’, MI II-33, 17 Agustus 1948, p.37-38.

47 ‘Ilmu kebudajaan tentang Indonesia dan pergerakan Nasional’, MI-III no. 25, 18 Djuni 1949, p.11-13).

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Artists and budajawan were at the front line when discussing the building of a national culture in the 1950s. Their involvement was however not new and should not be seen in isolation from previous and following events. According to Keith Foulcher, ‘[w]hen LEKRA, the “Institute of People’s Culture”, was formed in August 1950, attempts to define the ways in which cultural practice might embody an ideal of Indonesian

nationhood was already some twenty years old. “Indonesian culture” had been an issue of debate and intellectual exchange since the 1930’s, when nationalist-minded artists and intellectuals had engaged in a vigorous series of cultural polemics on the nature and direction of a national culture in and around the pages of the journal Pujangga Baru’

(Foulcher 1986:13). This Polemik Kebudajaan (Culture Polemic) was preceded by the Sumpah Pemuda (Youth Pledge), that in October 1928 proclaimed one motherland, one nation, and Indonesian as the language of unity. In 1950, the publication of the Surat Kepertjajaan Gelanggang, again led to heated debates on the same topic, Indonesian culture.

‘Mengisi kemerdekaan’: Discussions on kebudajaan and kesenian

According to Memmi, ‘[l]a carence la plus grave subie par le colonisé est d’être placé hors de l’histoire [...]’⁴⁸ (1957:121).

‘[...] il est hors de jeu. En aucune manière il n’est plus le sujet de l’histoire; bien entendu il en subit le poids, souvent plus cruellement que les autres, mais toujours comme objet. Il a fini par perdre l’habitude de toute participation active à l’histoire et ne la réclame même plus’⁴⁹

(1957:123).

As a journal aiming at enhancing the building of a national consciousness, Mimbar Indonesia devoted ample attention to a consciousness of the manifold cultures of Indonesia. Articles on the various ethnic groups and their cultural expressions,

‘kebudajaan (sese)daerah’, aimed at informing the readers on these cultures. An example is ‘Serba-serbi dari Atjeh’ by Mohd. Thahir Herun (1953:23-24).⁵⁰ The relation between regional cultures (‘kebudajaan daerah’) and national culture (‘kebudajaan nasional’) was a recurring topic.

Part of the discourse concerned cultural heritage (‘warisan kebudajaan’), and ‘how to combine our essential cultural heritage with the modern scientific and industrial

civilization’ (Supomo 1948:2).⁵¹ For some this meant maintaining values from the past, like those in ancient literature (‘kesusasteraan lama’) and regional languages (‘bahasa daerah’), as they still are valuable in the present era of independence and sovereignty (‘berharga untuk djaman kemerdekaan dan kedaulatan sekarang’) (S. Bradjanagara

48 ‘The most serious blow suffered by the colonized is being removed from history [...]’ (Memmi 1965:91).

49 ‘[...] he is out of the game. He is in no way subject of history any more. Of course, he carries its burden, often more cruelly than others, but always as an object. He has forgotten how to participate actively in history and no longer even asks to do so. (Memmi 1965:92).

50 MI VII-44:23-24 (31 October).

51 MI II-37 (11 September).

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1953:6-7).⁵² An example of how to preserve cultural heritage and adapt it to contemporary circumstances is the establishment of the Konservatori Karawitan Indonesia in Solo, where traditional art will be taught and studied with contemporary methods (K.H. Dewantara 1950:12-14).⁵³ Trisno Sumardjo provides another example: as the nation’s history forms a resource of extraordinary value,⁵⁴ it should be preserved in order to join the process of giving input to the history and culture of the world.⁵⁵

Therefore he propagates the putting together of a collection of paintings as a witness of glorious periods in the past (‘zaman² kedjajaan sedjarah’) (Trisno Sumardjo 1950:30).⁵⁶ Knowledge of the past, historiography (‘ilmu sedjarah’) and archeology (‘ilmu

purbakala’), was acknowledged to be essential for several reasons, among others to

‘memperluas dan memperdalam pengetahuan tentang masa jang lampau dari negeri kita dan dengan demikian meresapkan keinsjafan akan kebudajaan milik sendiri’ (R.

Sukmono 1940:13-5 and other articles of his hand).⁵⁷ Sukmono interprets the meaning of

‘sedjarah’ as follows: ‘Seperti umum mengetahui, sedjarah itu tidak terbatas kepada sedjarah politik-sadja, melainkan mempunjai ber-bagai² tjabang jang bersangkut-paut dengan kehidupan manusia seumumnja. Dengan pendek dapat dikatakan bahwa sedjarah itu lapangannja meliputi semua kerdja manusia, semua hasil buah pikiran dan tenaga manusia, seluruh kebudajaannja dalam arti jang seluas-luasnja. Hanja

pembatasannja ialah bahwa semua itu harus sudah lampau’ (R. Sukmono 1950:14).⁵⁸ His definition of culture is as comprehensive as Ki Hadjar Dewantara’s and Abu Hanifah’s definitions.

Often the rhetoric of the glorious character of the past and the level and value of the culture emerge in this context, and adjectives like perfect (‘sempurna’) and high (‘tinggi’), are used in order to convince oneself of the potentials of one’s people.

Knowledge of one’s own culture is indispensable, according to Shanty. It is not less useful than studying other fields of science, because the level of the intelligence and the character of a people may be measured from its culture (Shanty 1950:23).⁵⁹ The readers of Mimbar Indonesia know, he claims, that Indonesian people have a high culture (‘bangsa Indonesia masuk golongan bangsa jang berkebudajaan tinggi’), as is proven by buildings like the Borobudur which is part of ‘our’ cultural heritage. Just as the

Egyptians take pride in their pyramids and sphinxes, he continues, we should admire the high level of the ideas and culture of our ancestors (Shanty 1950:23).⁶⁰

According to Sukmono however, the development of culture is not always going upward (‘mendaki’), and more often is showing a downward trend. A people can also learn from a period which was not glorious, and from the weaknesses. A deep

52 ‘Kebudajaan nasional sebagai dasar pendidikan’, MI VII-43, p. 6-7.

53 ‘Konservatori karawitan Indonesia di Solo’, MI IV-48, 2 Desember 1950, p.12-14.

54 ‘Isi sedjarah sesuatu bangsa ini merupakan dokumentasi jang bukan main besarnja nilainja’ (Trisno Sumardjo 1950:30).

55 ‘[...] ikut mengisi sedjarah dan kebudajaan dunia’ (Trisno Sumardjo 1950:30).

56 MI IV/15:30-2, 10 November 1950.

57 ‘Sekitar purbakala Indonesia’ in MI IV-9, 4 Maret 1950, p.13-15.

58 MI IV-9

59 ‘[...] tinggi mutu pikiran dan peribadi bangsa² itu dapat diukur dari sudut kebudajaannja’ (Shanty 1950:23). (P. Shanty in ‘Sedjarah kebudajaan Bali-Purba’, MI IV-19, 13 Mei 1950, p. 23-25).

60 ‘Sungguh patut kita kagumi ketinggian pikiran dan kebudajaan leluhur kita itu!’

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historiographic knowledge of the strengths and weaknesses of the past will give the nation a firm basis for the future and will heighten and strengthen the Indonesian people’s position in the international world (Sukmono 1950:13). Besides, a scientific institute as the Djawatan Purbakala (the former Oudheidkundige Dienst) is of the utmost importance for the study and preservation of the testimonies of history (Sukmono 1950:15).⁶¹

The discourse on the Hindu/Indian and Islamic origins of Indonesian culture, adding a sublime radiance, is defended by some and rejected by those who saw it to be a colonial discussion. On scientific grounds, Sukmono fiercely defends the study of Indonesian culture on its own premises, not neglecting the foreign influences, but researching how they were adapted to and incorporated into the Indonesian culture. Although one may speak of foreign influences, like elements from India, Persia, Arab or China, ‘namun kebudajaan seluruhnja sudah dimiliki dan dimasak serta kemudian dikembangkan sebagai kebudajaan Indonesia semata-mata.’ The final result is a creation of Indonesian culture (R. Sukmono 1950:13-15).⁶² Sukmono⁶³ is very critical towards S. Wojowasito’s history of Indonesian culture, the first chapter of which is completely devoted to the history of Indian culture (R. Soekmono 1951: 22-24; 27).⁶⁴

The period under scrutiny is likewise characterized by a belief in development and a striving for modernity. Culture should fulfill the needs of the time (‘memenuhi kebutuhan zaman’) and modernity concerns all levels of society. Expressions of

modernity and modern culture are made visible in the journal, for instance in pictures of fashion or certain products (like modern English kitchenware) and in the advertisements for these products. Modernity stands for progress (‘kemadjuan’); it means being young and engaging in Western music; it means taking part in ‘dansa’, which belongs to modernity, popular culture and foreigness, rather than ‘tari’, which is indigenous and belongs to the cultural heritage.⁶⁵ Owing to radio broadcasts of pop music and drama (‘sandiwara’), movies, music recordings on discs and performances of music bands, the dissemination of popular youth culture increased.⁶⁶ Another example of progress is to be found in the development of women (‘kemadjuan wanita’) as this adds to th

development of the nation (‘menuntut ilmu pengetahuan jang membawa kemadjuan seluruh bangsa’ (S. Dengah Ahmady 1948:11-2).⁶⁷ The emancipation movement opened areas to women that before were only to be accessed by men, like science, politics, health and art. Referring to Käthe Kollwitz and her work, Rukmi pleads for an increase of the role of women in the field of art. Female artists like Emiria Sunassa (painter), S. Rukijah

61 MI IV-9:13-15

62 ‘Sekitar purbakala Indonesia’, MI IV-9, 4 Maret 1950, p.13-15

63 Here spelled Soekmono.

64 Recension of Wojowasito’s ‘Sedjarah kebudajaan Indonesia’, MI V-6, 10 Pebruari 1951, p. 22-24; 27.

65 In ‘Masalah dansa’, Sju’aib Sastradiwirja (1951:22-23) lists the ‘Pro dan kontra’ of the ‘dansa’

phenomenon.

66 ‘Tetapi generasi muda tidak puas lagi dengan musik gamelan, tertarik sekali oleh musik jang datang dari luar negeri Barat, via radio, piring hitam, band-band dan teristimewa bioskop². Ini adalah kenjataan, tidak dapat disangkal (‘Sekitar musik Indonesia’ – oleh. St. Kalimuda (p.24-25) Thn. IV no. 22, 3 Djuni 1950).

67 ‘Kemadjuan wanita Islam India’ oleh S. Dengah Ahmady, in MI II-51, 18 Desember 1948:11-12.

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(author), Ketut Reneng and Tjawan (Balinese dancers) should soon be accompanied by others, and in other artistic disciplines (Rukmi 1950:23-4).⁶⁸

Most contributors of the journal were convinced of the importance of art; a country that is neglecting its art (‘menganaktirikan kesenian’), will have a short life and will not be firm, ‘oleh sebab kesenian sebagai bagian kebudajaan, adalah satu dari sendi-sendi negara jang memberi kekuatan dan ilham pada kemadjuan negara’ (St. Kalimuda 1950:24-5).⁶⁹ Artists from various disciplines explored the possibilities for the shaping of national art forms, which led to various polemics. Following Usmar Ismail, the debates often evolve around the following: some artists adhere l’art pour l’art and do not care about the audiences. Others give the public what it wants (but when being among themselves, say that the public is stupid). And in between there are the ‘Don Kisot’ who defend ‘art for the people’ (‘seni untuk rakjat’). The first and second categories trample on the third one, he adds quite cynically (Usmar Ismail

1950:

19, 26).⁷⁰

A lengthy public discussion arose between two prominent figures, Trisno Sumardjo and Sudjojono.⁷¹ Trisno Sumardjo criticized Sudjojono, the ‘father of painting in the new Indonesia’⁷² and leader of the SIM, for propagating his ideas on realism as the only possible painting style for Indonesia. Trisno Sumardjo agrees to the use of the then presentday circumstances in Indonesia as a source of inspiration, but he does not agree to Sudjojono’s interpretation of realism, neither that realism would be ‘the’ definitive style for Indonesian painting.⁷³ While Sudjojono aims at making ‘perdjoangan kebudajaan’ healthy, in fact he is causing damage without realizing it (T. Sumardjo 1950:21-3).⁷⁴

Sudjojono strikes back in his article ‘Sudjojono about Sujojono’.⁷⁵ He says to have been inspired for his work by the context in which he lives, his experiences during the

‘gerilja’ and the sufferings of the people. He writes about modern painting which should not be abstract, so one cannot be deceived;⁷⁶ about the strength of a good

‘penseelvoering’ (‘brush-work’) to make a good painting, about his leadership of S.I.M.

(Seniman Indonesia Muda). He proposes his style to be called real-realism in case there is no other term, having a realistic form and contents, so as to be intelligible for rural

68 Rukmi ‘Wanita dan kesenian: Käthe Kollwitz’, MI IV-18, 6 Mei 1950, p.23-24.

69 ‘Sekitar musik Indonesia’, MI IV-22, 3 Djuni 1950, p.24-25.

70 Usmar Ismail, ‘Roman pitjisan-isme dalam kesenian’, MI IV-6, 11 Pebruari 1950, p.19, 26.

71 ‘Het debat over de Indonesische kunst: Sumardjo contra Sudjojono’, in: Spanjaard 2003:85-90.

Spanjaard describes the details of the discussion.

In Mimbar Indonesia, Marakarma summarizes the polemic and comments on it critically (‘Kesan dan harapan’, MI IV-40:20-21; 27 and MI IV-41: 22-23).

72 ‘tokoh bersedjarah (historische figuur) selaku bapak seni lukis Indonesia Baru’ (21) (T. Sumardjo

‘Realisme Sudjojono’, MI IV/20, 20 Mei 1950, p.21-23).

73 ‘Bahwa keadaan tanah-air dizaman sekarang didjadikan sumber “ilham”-nja, itu kami anggap baik, sudah selajaknja dan fitri (natuurlijk). Tapi interpretasinja jang salah tentang realisme-naturalisme, serta

kejakinannja bahwa “realisme”nja itulah tjorak definitif senilukis Indonesia Baru, ini tidak mejakinkan kami.’ (22) (T. Sumardjo ‘Realisme Sudjojono’, MI IV/20, 20 Mei 1950, p.21-23)

74 ‘Realisme Sudjojono’ by T. Sumardjo. Mimbar Indonesia IV-20, 20 Mei 1950, p.21-23.

75 ‘Sudjojono tentang Sudjojono’, IV-33, 19 Agustus 1950, p.20-22; IV-34, 26 Agustus 1950, p. 21-22.

76 ‘Buat saja senilukis modern tidak lagi sesuatu barang jang abstrak, ia buat saja suatu benda jang konkrit, jang tak ada seorangpun akan bisa “menipu” saja, meskipun dia punja nama internasional.’ (21) S.

Sudjojono ‘Sudjojono tentang Sudjojono (I)’, MI IV/33, 19 Agustus 1950 p.20-22)

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residents.⁷⁷ He admits to have rejected influences from Indonesian traditions as well as from the West, thus bringing himself into a neutral point of view towards the

Indonesian world. Further, he denies being called a demamogue, of which Trisno Sumardjo has accused him, and refuses any discussions on politics (and P.K.I).

In an anecdote, Sobron Aidit (13 July 1999) sheds a different light on this discussion:

he recalls how the polemic was made up, as both men were in urgent need of money (http://www.lallement.com/sobron/serba27.htm. Whether this is actually true or not, the polemic between the two artists did rouse the emotions.

Music provides another example of debates on how to shape national art. Music and nationalism are a powerful combination and many discussions evolve around the character of ‘musik Indonesia’. Amir Pasaribu, J.A. Dungga, Sutan Kalimuda and L.

Manik regularly contributed articles on music. In 1951, the journal devotes a complete issue to music (Nomor Musik Mimbar Indonesia).⁷⁸ It is meant to commemorate the 23^rd birthday of the national anthem (‘Lagu Kebangsaan Indonesia Raya’), trying to bring back ‘suatu aspek nasional dalam idiom nada itu pada seluruh bangsa Indonesia (Redaksi MI 1951:6).⁷⁹ The discussions on music and the nation bear upon all musical styles and genres: ‘musik rakjat’ from the various ethnic groups, how to preserve and/or to develop it (depending on the discussants’ opinions), and how to use it in

contemporary compositions, inspired by the way a composer as Béla Bartók did this with folk music; music belonging to ‘kesenian kita, jang klasik dan indah serta diakui deradjat dan nilainja oleh dunia besar, dunia internasional’, such as Javanese gamelan music (K.H. Dewantara 1950:12-14);⁸⁰ krontjong that ‘paling² hanja dapat dimodernisir sadja, karena krontjong sudah tetap dalam rupa dan bentuk, dan sudah merupakan suatu fase dalam sedjarah Seni Musik Indonesia’ (Nirwani 1950:22-23);⁸¹ music performed by radio orchestras and whether these might claim to maintain ‘tjorak seni- suara Nasional’, while Indonesians were still looking to find the meaning of ‘tjorak nasional’ (L. Manik 1951:11-13; 28),⁸² and so on. Hybridity is proposed as an alternative in order to become part of ‘musik dunia’.⁸³ RRI played a prominent role in the

developing of an ‘Indonesian culture’. By organizing a yearly radio star (Bintang Radio) contest from 1951 onwards, it joined and promoted the quest for Indonesian songs.

A new nation needs heroes, also heroes in the field of culture, says Jassin. Because they fostered the feelings of nationalism during the Japanese occupation and because of their artistic contribution to the revolution, several artists should be called ‘pahlawan

kebudajaan’. It might look strange to connect culture with heroism, Jassin continues, which is usually identified with outer action and the sound of weapons, but actually

77 ‘[...] desnoods real-realism. Isi realistis, bentuk realistis. Gambar saja buat rakjat udik bukan teka-teki.’

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78 Nomor Musik Mimbar Indonesia, V-43, 27 oktober 1951.

79 MI V-43, p.6.

80 ‘Konservatori karawitan Indonesia di Solo’, MI IV-48, 2 Desember 1950, p.12-14.

81 ‘Krontjong’, MI IV-21, 27 Mei 1950, p.22-23.

82 ‘Sekitar musik Indonesia’, MI , V-43.

83 W. Lumban Tobing, for instance, investigates the possibilities of making a synthesis between gamelan pelog and world music (‘Synthese antara pelog dan musik dunia’, MI V/43:14-15; 19). Besides, many other ideas on hybrid forms are being explored.

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artists are the inner strenght of a nation.⁸⁴ According to Jassin, it is no wonder that the Japanese immediately started assembling these ‘tenaga batin’ in the ‘Pusat Kebudajaan’

or ‘Keimin Bunka Shidosho’, an effort which did not have the result they wished, namely to support their war. Chairil Anwar and Rivai Apin are among the cultural heroes of Indonesia, as their poems give inner strength to the nation. Usmar Ismail (‘penjair dan pengarang’) should be mentioned for his dramas, films, poems and the theatre group Maya he established to counter the Pusat Kebudajaan; Rosihan Anwar (‘penjair, pengarang dan wartawan’) for his fresh and fiery reports on the revolution in Java and on the ‘sandiwara Van Mook jang mengemaskan hati karena litjiknja’ in East Indonesia, Sudjojono as the ‘Bapak senilukis Indonesia Baru’, and Simandjuntak as the

‘pelopor seni musik Indonesia Baru’. Because of their engagement with the sufferings of the people, they might also be called heroes striving for justice, truth and honesty (‘pahlawan untuk keadilan, kebenaran dan kedjudjuran’) (H.B. Jassin 1950:15; 22).⁸⁵ The filling in of independence above all required a decolonisation of the mind.⁸⁶ When travelling from Amsterdam to The Hague, Jusuf Wibisono was surprised to find out that the Netherlands were such a small country. At primary school in Indonesia, he had studied geography of the Netherlands from a large, and geography of Indonesia from a small book, which had given him the idea that the home country of the colonizers was much larger than the colony (Jusuf Wibisono 1950:7-10).⁸⁷ This experience brought him to reconfigure his mental map, as obviously the spatial ‘division’ of the world had changed, while he had also realised all of a sudden that the topographical representation of both countries during colonial times had not corresponded to their actual

proportions.

It was Adi Negoro who, together with others, in 1952 produced the first ‘Indonesian’

atlas, a translation of a Dutch work. In 2009, however, after sixty years of independence the newly published Atlas Nasional Indonesia was presented as the first official national Indonesian atlas. Indonesian newspaper Republika articulates the emotion this

84 ‘Tapi seniman² sebenarnja adalah kumpulan tenaga batin suatu bangsa. Pada mereka terkumpul dan terbentuk kekajaan (atau kemiskinan) batin bangsa, pada penjair², pengarang², pelukis², pemahat², komponis² dan lain² pentjipta. Dan sebagai kumpulan tenaga batin mereka mungkin merupakan pemantjar tenaga batin melalui tjiptaan² mereka, berupa sadjak², tjerita², drama^[2], lukisan², pahatan², lagu² dan sebagainja.’ (MI IV/15:22)

85 ‘Pahlawan kebudajaan.’ MI IV-15:22 (10 November).

86 This concept was coined by Kenyan author Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o (1986). Central in his book is the argument that ‘In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries Europe stole art treasures from Africa to decorate their houses and museums; in the twentieth century Europe is stealing the treasures of the mind to enrich their languages and cultures. Africa needs back its economy, its politics, its culture, its languages and all its patriotic writers’ (Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o (1986:xii).

87 ‘Meskipun demikian, kesan tidak dapat dihilangkan bahwa djarak Amsterdam-Den Haag memang tidak djauh.

Tidak begitu luas negeri Belanda itu. Sewaktu kita masih disekolah rendah beladjar ilmu bumi negara Belanda dari atlas² besar, sedang atlas² Indonesia ketjil, kita mengira bahwa negara tuan² kita dulu, tidak begitu sempit. Saja rasa, perkara ketjil itu djuga masuk sistim didikan kolonial. Bangsa jang didjadjah harus diberi kesan, bahwa negerinja sendiri ketjil dan tidak berarti sedang negara tuan² pendjadjah adalah negara hebat, walaupun daerahnja tidak luas. Akan tetapi semua itu sudah lampau.’ (p.7) (Jusuf Wibisono

‘Tjatatan2 perdjalanan ke Moskow (VIII)’, MI IV/31, 5 Agustus 1950, p.7-10).

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publication had produced: Finally independent from the Dutch atlas (‘Akhirnya merdeka dari atlas Belanda’) (Republika, 6 February 2009)

.

⁸⁸

Adi Negoro was one of the individuals who were actively involved in the shaping of an Indonesian identity. As they belonged to an urban intellectual elite and often were Dutch educated, it is not surprising that European culture, politics and philosophy formed influential sources of inspiration at the initial stage of independence. They were the ones who brought a cosmopolitan touch to ‘Indonesianness’ and who expressed their opinions through their journalistic work for Mimbar Indonesia and several other journals, and in their artistic creations. The groups they connected to at the time were still fluid; only later on they started to group in more separate constellations. Most often they mastered various disciplines. Adi Negoro⁸⁹ was Dutch educated and had studied at STOVIA. He worked in the Netherlands, studied journalism in Germany and travelled extensively within Europe. Before joining Mimbar Indonesia, he was active as chief editor in Pewarta Deli (Medan). And he was a carthographer. For Mimbar Indonesia he contributed the quire ‘Pemandangan dalam dan luar negara’. From March 1950 onwards he became correspondent in western Europe with ‘Surat² dari Eropah’. Trisno Sumardjo is another good example of such an all round intellectual and artist. He painted, wrote short stories, essays, drama and poetry. He translated Shakespeare into Indonesian.⁹⁰ But the same holds for Usmar Ismail, Abu Hanifah, Ki Hadjar Dewantara, Asrul Sani, and many others.

Decolonisation made Indonesia and Indonesians visible and audible in cultural expressions, this time as active subjects. Nevertheless, even after the transfer of sovereignty, the former coloniser tried to maintain a firm grip, even in the field of culture.

‘Sisa

²

dan karat

²

pendjadjahan’ – Countering the continuation of the colonial presence

Although Indonesians were said to have made progress in the achieving of their aims,

‘satu negara jang makmur dan damai, tinggi peradabannja dan gemilang

kebudajaannja’, it was however not possible to reach this state of perfection at once,

88 From Republika, 6 February 2009, published at the site of Menristek: http://www.ristek.go.id/makalah- menteri/index.php/2009/02/06/bebas-dari-pengaruh-peta-belanda/

89 Djamaluddin Gelar Datuk Maradjo Sutan was born in Tawali, Sawahlunto, Sumatra Barat on 14 August 1904. He passed away in Jakarta on 8 January 1968 (http://pwi.or.id/index.php/Pressedia/A-dari-

Ensiklopedi-Pers-Indonesia-EPI.html [accessed 11 August 2009]).

90 T. Sumardjo ‘Kebudajaan, akademisi dan pemuda’, MI IV/14, 8 April 1950, p. 22-23: Picture of the author and the caption (on p. 22): translator of Shakespeare (already translated: As you like it, Hamlet, The merchant of Venice, The tempest, Romeo and Juliet, Macbeth, King Lear. + 30 dramas to be translated in the future). Sumardjo djuga melukis, menulis tjerita pendek, essay, sadjak² dan drama. Narcissus, one of his short stories, has been published in Switzerland in a collection of short stories ‘Die schönsten geschiechten [sic] der Weltliteratur’, 1949, Carl Pfeffer Verlag. Was first published in Seniman, then in Gema Tanah Air.

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because of the ‘[s]isa² dan karat² pendjadjahan jang selama ini masih menebal ditanah air kita dan pada sebahagian besar bangsa kita’ (Marakarma 1950:20-21).⁹¹

When visiting the Netherlands on his way to Moscow, Jusuf Wibisono was struck by the fact that Dutch employees of the Indonesian Komisariat Agung in The Hague had not agreed to the transfer of sovereignty. Some of them even rendered the carrying out of the tasks of the K.A. difficult. In his ‘Tjatatan² perdjalanan ke Moskow (VIII)’, Jusuf Wibisono relates how some of these Dutch employees had not yet adapted themselves to the new circumstances, and behaved arrogantly and humiliating towards Indonesians.

They addressed Mr. Palar, the leader of the mission to Moscow with ‘jij en je’ instead of calling him ‘Excellentie’; they did not know (or pretended to) that Batavia had become Djakarta, and used Nederlandsch-Indië for Indonesia (but the person doing this later on apologized) (Jusuf Wibisono 1950: 7-10).⁹² In his article ‘Indonesia dan Nederland dimasa depan’, Adi Negoro reports that discussions in the Netherlands were held as if Indonesia still were a Dutch colony (MI IV-25, 2 Djuni 1950, p.10-11; 27).

Despite its newly obtained sovereignty, Indonesia continued to worry about potential influences of Dutch culture. After all, in the past, culture had been used purely as a means for colonizing (MI IV-1:9).⁹³ During the Round Table Conference (Konferensi Medja-Bundar) in 1949, cultural cooperation had been part of the negotiations between the two countries. But it was just a minor topic on the agenda and was seen by

Indonesians as a potential trap used by the Dutch to gain profit on the political level.

From past experiences it was clear that the Dutch were not to be trusted as they had always used ‘usaha-usaha kebudajaan’ in order to strengthen and maintain their capitalist and imperialist colonial politics. Indonesians, at the other hand, were said to focus merely on politics. They had not paid attention to details while discussing culture, only to main points, which during the negotiations had regularly led to ‘fait-accompli’

and disappointment (K.H. Dewantara 1950: 10-11; 13).⁹⁴ Therefore, Indonesians were on the alert when entering the ‘new’ phase in the cooperation. The agreement on culture was meant to take away the fear, as it was to regulate and control (‘mengatur dan mengawasi’) Dutch culture and to prevent it from entering Indonesia as it wished (MI IV-1:9).⁹⁵

Several phrases in the cultural agreement had made the Indonesian leaders nervous, especially those stating that the relationship between both countries should be based on complete freedom, voluntariness and reciprocity (‘berdasarkan kebebasan sempurna, kesukarelaan dan pertimbal-balikan’ (K.H. Dewantara 1950:14). Besides, the contents of

91 In ‘Kesan dan harapan (I)’, MI IV no. 40, 7 Oktober 1950, p. 20-21; 27

92 Jusuf Wibisono ‘Tjatatan² perdjalanan ke Moskow (VIII)’, MI IV-31:7-10 (5 Agustus 1950).

93 ‘Pemerintah insjaf, bahwa kekuatiran demikian itu memang masih ada didalam masjarakat kita, jang pada umumnja disebabkan oleh pengalaman dizaman jang lampau, dimana kebudajaan dapat digunakan sebagai alat pendjadjahan belaka’ (MI IV-1:9). (‘Djawaban Pemerintah pada sidang KNIP VI, diutjapkan oleh perdana menteri Hatta 12-12-1949 di Jogja (II)’, MI IV no. 1, 7 Djanuari 1950, p.7-9.)

94 K.H. Dewantara ‘Persetudjuan kebudajaan (I)’, MI IV-16:10-11; 13 (22 April 1950).

95 ‘Perdjandjian kebuajaan jang ditjapai pada KMB ini harus dipandang dari sudut usaha untuk

menghilangkan kekuatiran itu. Perdjandjian kebudajaan ini harus dipandang sebagai perdjandjian untuk mengatur dan mengawasi supaja kebudajaan dari negeri Belanda itu djangan masuk dengan se-suka²nja sadja kedalam negeri kita.’ (‘Djawaban Pemerintah pada sidang KNIP VI, diutjapkan oleh perdana menteri Hatta 12-12-1949 di Jogja (II)’, MI IV-1:7-9 (7 Djanuari 1950).