Master thesis
Knowledge Transfer to Less Developed Countries
“It’s About Time”
M.sc. International Business and Management
University of Groningen
Faculty of Economics and Business
P.O. Box 800, 9700 AV Groningen, The Netherlands
Student number: 1718347 Stephanie Petitjean Peizerweg 81B 9726 JG Groningen 06-50818631 stephaniepetitjean@hotmail.com
Supervisor: prof. dr. Luchien Karsten Co-assessor: mr. drs. Henk Ritsema
ABSTRACT
This study explores the manner in which time affects the transfer of knowledge from developed countries to less developed countries (LDCs). This type of knowledge transfer is an important process in redefining the asymmetry of knowledge and poverty. Much research concerns knowledge transfers, time, and/or cultures. However, no previous study has examined how time influences knowledge transfer to LDCs. Twenty interviews were conducted and the data revealed numerous manners in which time affects the knowledge transfer, among others a different general attitude towards time, different types of time, different priorities, technological stages, time pressures, and the importance of taking time.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABBREVIATIONS ... 6
-1. INTRODUCTION... 7
-2. THEORETICAL BASE ... 9
-2.1 KNOWLEDGE AND KNOWLEDGE TRANSFER... 9
2.1.1 Knowledge... 9
2.1.2 Knowledge transfer ... 10
-2.2 KNOWLEDGE TRANSFER AND CULTURE... 11
-2.3 KNOWLEDGE TRANSFER AND TIME... 11
-2.4 TIME AND CULTURE... 12
-2.5 KNOWLEDGE TRANSFER, TIME, AND CULTURE... 13
-2.6 TIME... 14
2.6.1 Clock time... 14
2.6.2 Event time ... 18
2.6.3 Past, present and future... 19
-2.7 KNOWLEDGE TRANSFER FROM KNOWLEDGE TO POVERTY LANDSCAPES... 20
-3. METHODOLOGY... 21 3.1 RESEARCH METHOD... 21 -3.2 SAMPLE... 22 -3.3 DATA ANALYSIS... 23 -4. RESULTS ... 24 4.1 POVERTY LANDSCAPE... 25 4.1.1 Pace of life... 25 4.1.2 Punctuality... 27
4.1.3 Processes take longer ... 29
4.1.4 Corruption ... 30
4.1.5 Waiting... 30
4.1.6 Attitudes towards life ... 31
4.1.7 Family ... 32
4.1.8 Orientations towards the past, present, and future... 33
4.1.9 Long and short term... 34
4.1.10 Planning ... 35
4.1.11 Time indicators ... 36
4.1.13 Social relations ... 39
4.1.14 Worklife balance... 39
4.1.15 Indirectness ... 41
4.1.16 Hierarchy... 41
4.1.17 Priority work ... 42
4.1.18 Polychronic versus Monochronic ... 43
4.1.19 Work related issues... 44
4.1.20 Technology ... 44
4.2 KNOWLEDGE LANDSCAPE... 45
4.2.1 Dutch and Western life ... 46
4.2.2 Development sector... 47
4.2.3 Geographical time zones ... 48
4.2.4 Advantages technology... 49 4.2.5 Disadvantages technology... 49 4.2.6 Standardizing ... 51 -4.3 TIMESCAPE... 51 4.3.1 Adapting... 52 4.3.2 Take time... 53 4.3.3 Time pressure ... 54 4.3.4 Deadline... 55 4.3.5 Saving time ... 56
4.3.6 Being there, setting an example, and being practical ... 57
4.3.7 Improvise ... 58
4.3.8 Own goals... 58
4.3.9 Process of change ... 59
4.3.10 Durability ... 60
4.3.11 Motivation ... 62
4.3.12 Eagerness and importance of education ... 62
4.3.13 Prejudices ... 63
4.3.14 Mutual understanding... 63
4.3.15 Implicit knowledge... 64
4.3.16 Passing of time ... 65
4.3.17 Relation between quality and time... 66
4.3.18 Follow up... 67
4.3.19 Accelerating knowledge transfer ... 67
4.3.20 Being back ... 70
-5. CONCLUSION... 72
-5.1 MANNERS IN WHICH TIME AFFECTS THE KNOWLEDGE TRANSFER TO LDCS... 72
-5.2 LIMITATIONS... 75
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ... 78
BIBLIOGRAPHY ... 80
-APPENDIX I REMAINING DRAWINGS... 88
-ABBREVIATIONS
4WD 4 Wheel Drive
AD Anno Domini
CEO Chief Executive Officer CPT Coloured people’s time
DIKW Data, Information, Knowledge, Wisdom ETC Educational Training Consultants
EU European Union
HIVOS Humanistisch Instituut voor Ontwikkelingssamenwerking Humanist Institute for Development Cooperation
ICCO Interkerkelijke organisatie voor ontwikkelingssamenwerking Interchurch organization for development cooperation KIT Koninklijk Instituut voor de Tropen
Royal Tropical Institute
LA Latin America
LDC Less Developed Country MNC Multinational Corporation NGO Non-governmental organization PRA Participatory Rural Appraisal
PSO Vereniging voor Personele Samenwerking met Ontwikkelingslanden Association for Staff Cooperation with Developing Countries
PUM Programma Uitzending Managers Netherlands Senior experts
SIDA Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency SNV Stichting Nederlandse Vrijwilligers
Netherlands Development Organization SPSS Statistical Package for the Social Sciences
UN United Nations
UNCTAD United Nations Conference on Trade and Development USA United States of America
1.
INTRODUCTION
Obviously, the global dispersal of income and prosperity is extremely unequal. Johnson, Lorenz, and Lundvall (2002) attribute these augmenting inequalities to the accessibility of resources related to knowledge. Knowledge is even perceived as a more significant indicator of living standards than natural resources (World Bank, 1998-1999). In Figure 1 and 2 the magnitude of countries are enlarged or reduced in size to show the unequal distribution of knowledge and extreme poverty. It can be stated that extreme poverty is correlated with knowledge poverty.
Figure 1. Knowledge landscape (UNCTAD, 2007)
From these cartograms it is argued that in order to reduce poverty, knowledge, learning and innovation should be increased (UNCTAD, 2007). The report furthermore states that increasing knowledge aid might be the answer to the aid effectiveness. Knowledge is an important navigation tool for any journey (Stremmelaar, 2009). Powell (2006) states that the connotation and use of knowledge depends on the context and on the capacities and requirements of the users of knowledge. Stremmelaar (2009) agrees and outlines that the value of knowledge and its perceived relevance is different everywhere and is highly dependent on various aspects, for instance context, the possible users of it, and she adds another dimension, namely time. In order to understand work behaviour, temporal matters should be examined (Katz, 1980). Time is indeed a primary topic in organizational features (Bluedorn and Denhardt, 1988). Time perspectives differ between groups, organizations or societies (Gurvitch, 1964). Hall (1983) takes it further by expressing that there are as many different kinds of time as the number of humans, which makes time an interesting, but far-reaching feature. He furthermore emphasizes that time is the most fundamental aspect of cultural life. Rafeal de la Dehesa (2007) draws on earlier work of Garcia Canclini (1995a, 1995b), in which culture is viewed as a hybrid landscape.
The transfer of knowledge from developed to less developed countries is an important process in redefining the asymmetry of knowledge and poverty. Based on the above mentioned arguments, it is assumed that time affects this process. The purpose of this current inductive study is to outline in what ways time influences the knowledge transfer process from North to South. To explore this topic and to discover time’s impact, semi-structured interviews were conducted with individuals who went to less developed countries to transfer knowledge. The purpose of this study is converted into the following problem definition:
In what manner does time affect the knowledge transfer from developed countries to less developed countries?
2.
THEORETICAL BASE
Transferring knowledge across borders is challenging due to large temporal, spatial and cultural distances, which can obstruct the knowledge transfer (Pérez-Nordtvedt, Kedia, Datta, and Rasheed, 2008). In this chapter three main concepts will dominate; knowledge transfer, culture and time. As outlined, these concepts are related to each other. The first part will introduce the concept knowledge and the transfer of it separately. Next, the relationship between knowledge transfer and culture will be outlined. Following, the link between knowledge transfer and time is discussed. Subsequently, it is shown how time and culture are connected. These three concepts are joined thereafter. Time is examined in a separate paragraph and discusses two types of time, namely clock time and event time and the orientation towards the past, present and future is detailed as well. The last paragraph explains the importance of knowledge transfer from knowledge landscapes to poverty landscapes.
2.1 Knowledge and knowledge transfer
2.1.1 Knowledge
Knowledge can be defined as a meaning developed by the mind (Marakas, 1999). Knowledge is a valuable asset, especially for the world of businesses where fierce and expanding competition is a daily issue. Kogut and Zander (1992), state that the valuable deployment of knowledge in various settings has been identified as a critical success factor of multinational corporations (MNCs). But this is not only the case for MNCs as Powell (2006) points out by acknowledging that the comprehension and usage of knowledge in the development sector is important, but substandard. Having certain knowledge can be seen as a competitive advantage (Bock, Zmud, Kim and Lee, 2005) or as a key to success (Jensen and Szulanski, 2004).
It can be concluded that knowledge goes beyond data and information. It is part of a chain that links data to information, information to knowledge, and knowledge to wisdom, DIKW (Data, Information, Knowledge, Wisdom). Data, the first link, are facts and figures. This data becomes information by adding context and interpretation. This information is transformed in knowledge when joined with skills, experiences, and attitudes, i.e. how information is used. Therefore, knowledge can only be viewed in combination with its users and context. Wisdom concerns knowing how, why, and when to use the knowledge. This wisdom can only be achieved after using the knowledge and evaluation the outcomes (Ackoff, 1989).
formal language. This type of knowledge is transferable rather easy. Tacit knowledge is harder to codify and communicate since its root can be found in the human mind, it is based on individuals’ experiences, i.e. it is more personal and context dependent. Tacit knowledge is expressed in actions, involvements and commitments in a certain context and place. Tacit knowledge cannot be transferred, but can only happen through a time-consuming procedure of learning in an interactive manner, learning by doing and by using (UNCTAD, 2007). Explicit knowledge is only valuable when tacit knowledge allows the recipients to make sense of the explicit knowledge and to apply it (Ernst and Kim, 2002).
Another way to divide knowledge is suggested by Lundvall and Johnson (1994). The first category is called know-what and concerns ‘facts’, often called information, for instance the Dutch population, and is fairly easily codified. The next knowledge category is know-why, this refers to “knowledge about principles and laws of motion in nature, in the human mind and in society” (Johnson et al., 2002: 250). The third type of knowledge is labelled know-how and involves skills, i.e. the ability to carry out something. The final category, know-who, refers to information about which individuals know what and who knows what to execute, i.e. it involves combining social relationships and information. It furthermore relates to the social capability to collaborate and communicate with various types of people.
2.1.2 Knowledge transfer
Many phenomena, e.g. globalization, increasing mergers and acquisitions, and joint ventures stress the importance of knowledge transfer from one place to another. As outlined in the introduction, transferring knowledge is important for other reasons as well, for instance reducing the inequalities between North and South.
One of many definitions of knowledge transfer is given by Gibson, Waller, Carpenter and Conte (2007): “knowledge transfer refers to the cooperative movement of knowledge, often between teams in different organizational units, with the aim of applying it to some strategic problem or question” (p. 1016). Argote and Ingram (2000) define knowledge transfer processes within companies as “… the process through which one unit (e.g., individual, group, department, division) is affected by the experience of another” (p. 3).
describe the role of the source and indicate that the intention of these individuals to share knowledge may form a barrier. On the other hand, the recipient might be identified as the barrier, e.g. the lack of motivation to receive knowledge (Szulanski, 1996). Evidently, not only the source and the recipient form obstacles. For instance, the existence and the richness of the channels used in the process are named as possible barriers by Gupta and Govindarajan (2000). Szulanski (1996) studies the characteristics of the knowledge itself and of the context in order to determine how it hinders knowledge transfer.
Obviously, transferring knowledge across different contexts, like borders or cultures, incorporates even more barriers. For instance, Teagarden, Meyer, and Jones (2008) indicate that different languages involved in a transfer might hamper the process. How cultural differences influence knowledge transfer processes is outlined in the next part.
2.2 Knowledge transfer and culture
Javidan, Stahl, Brodbeck, and Wilderom (2005) illustrate that every knowledge transfer encounters barriers, however when transferring knowledge cross-culturally, additional barriers may be faced, as knowledge is embedded in cultures and societies, and is not independent from it (Powell, 2006; Clark, 1985). Pea (1987) asserts that the transfer of knowledge is a cultural issue. Whether a transfer is appropriate or not is culturally dependent. Judgements, made to determine whether a transfer is worthwhile or effective, are rooted in cultural values and customs.
If the transfer is managed correctly, cultural differences could become an advantage as they may result in fruitful collaborations and shared learning. It is concluded that executives involved in knowledge transfers should be proactive in handling cultural differences (Javidan et al., 2005). If parties from different cultures share many cultural attributes, the cultural integration will occur quicker as handling cultural differences takes time. Cultural harmonization is time-consuming, but crucial to make a success out of a joint venture (Meschi, 1997). This is affirmed by Simonin (1999); he stresses that in international alliances, differences between cultures signify that more time should be spent on communication.
2.3 Knowledge transfer and time
Time is an important factor in knowledge transfers. This part reviews what different authors have said about how time influences knowledge transfers.
fact that time appeared to be a barrier and a facilitator. There was a lack of time to learn about and implement the new knowledge. To facilitate these processes, the staff suggested more time. A similar result was found by Thompson, McCaughan, Cullum, Sheldon, and Raynor (2005). They concluded that a lack of time hampers extracting knowledge from research information. In 2007, DeLong emphasized that impediments in effective organizational knowledge transfer are broadly recognized, however management has not been able to overcome these barriers. The author suggests that this is due to today’s workplace, which is characterized by a scarcity of time. In the article of Disterer (2001) it is stated that lack of time is the most significant barrier of knowledge management. Management should allow time to help transfer and implement knowledge. Söderlund (2002) stresses the significance of time aspects in knowledge processes as well. In the article of Eskerod and Skriver (2007) one of the six assumptions affecting knowledge transfer at organizations is the view of time as scarce. They concluded that perceiving time as scarce does not support knowledge transfer, as interruptions would only be a waste of valuable time. Hadjimanolis (2006) discusses the barriers and facilitators of knowledge transfer. He found that the main barriers in transferring knowledge are differences in values, time horizons and motivation. But most importantly, in the article it is stated that it is important to incorporate the time dimension into research on barriers and facilitators in the process of knowledge transfer, but that this importance is not acknowledge by existing literature. Teagarden et al. (2008) conducted research on invisible barriers in knowledge sharing between and into China and India. They identified many barriers, for instance communication barriers, and cultural differences. Furthermore, they revealed that time, e.g. different time zones require a more flexible attitude towards time, and different orientations towards time, for instance the importance given to deadlines, impede knowledge sharing.
2.4 Time and culture
(Saunders, Van Slyke, and Vogel, 2004). Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner (1998) reveal seven key dimensions of culture, including attitudes towards time. Thus, time perceptions differ across cultures and each culture values distinct features of it.
Brislin and Kim (2003) indicate that when individuals are being questioned about significant experiences in other cultures, time matters are discussed frequently. Having different time perceptions can lead to clashes between cultures (Baird, Lyles, and Wharton, 1990) and these culturally determined views can cause problems and form threats to interactions between cultures. The differences should be dealt with sensitively, especially when developed countries deal with less developed countries (LDCs) as their cultures differ a lot (Du Plessis and Venter, 2007). Sabelis (2004) states that when two parties have different time uses and awareness towards time, it might result in difficulties, for instance two different perceptions of efficiency and effectiveness. Nevertheless, there are some advantages of having different time views, namely having access to diverse solutions in order to deal with speed, haste etc.
Geletkanycz’s work (1997) reveals that time perceptions correspond with national backgrounds. Time plays a crucial role in negotiations (Adair and Brett, 2005). This finding should be given more credit since by acknowledging and recognizing different culturally determined time views, the chances of misunderstandings can be reduced. Time should not only be associated with chronology, it is related to interpretations, expectations, and beliefs which are not always verbalized or made explicit (Macduff, 2006), which leads to acknowledging that aspects of time can be labelled as implicit knowledge.
2.5 Knowledge transfer, time, and culture
organizational interaction (Bae and Koo, 2008), and from extending this line of thought it can be concluded that different time perceptions affect the transfer of knowledge. Hence, the conclusion that the three key concepts in this research, more specifically knowledge transfer, time and culture, are closely related.
2.6 Time
This section discusses some of the infinite ways in which time can be approached. The most widely used noun in English is the word time (Adam, 1995). A lot has been written about different kinds of time and several disciplines have shown their interest in examining it (Palmer and Schoorman, 1999). Time is everywhere, undetectable, taken for granted, and finally difficult to describe (Saunders et al., 2004). Sabelis (2004) proposes that time is at the centre of all life. Time perspectives are “used in encoding, storing, and recalling experienced events, as well as in forming expectations, goals, contingencies, and imaginative scenarios” (p. 1272-1273), thus in many processes (Zimbardo and Boyd, 1999). The use of time affects people’s daily behaviour. The rules of social time are labelled ‘silent language’ (Hall, 1959). Jones (1988) agrees by outlining that differences in time perspectives are often not recognized or acknowledged. An indication of how we live is how Macduff (2006) defines time. It is about the way of sequencing events, clock time, and how individuals view relationships, event time. In clock time the clock dictates the beginning and end of activities, while the natural course of events determine the occurrences in event time (Levine, 1997). The following part will discuss this division of time and their important features will be reviewed. The last paragraph concerns the orientation towards the past, present or future.
2.6.1 Clock time
Brislin and Kim (2003) assert that a focus on punctuality, deadlines and efficient time use is encountered in industrialised countries apart from their cultural influences. Nevertheless, clock time is the dominant conception of time in Western cultures, e.g. North America and Western Europe (Levine and Norenzayan, 1999; Whipp et al., 2002) and in their formal organizations and is not culturally universal or constant (McGrath and Rotchford, 1983). Brislin and Kim (2003) predict a global shift towards clock time since watches and clocks are dominantly present these days, which forces many people to adjust to Western cultures. But Adair and Brett (2005) raise an interesting question, namely who should adapt to whom? Weiss (1994a) suggests that in a negotiation, it is important to at least become familiar with the counterparties’ culture. In addition, individuals should know themselves, the situation and they should understand the relationship between them and their counterpart (Weiss, 1994b). Macduff (2006) discusses the issue where the practices and beliefs of the Western world becomes the norm, i.e. asserting cultural superiority. However, it would be incorrect to believe that Western views are the only possible ones (Glennie and Thrift, 1996) Furthermore, according to Sabelis (2004) Western companies view their ways to efficiency valid for the entire world, denying the existence of ‘others’ and their notions of time. Western CEO’s see global management as Western management practices, but only on a larger scale. The term ethnocentric is applicable in many situations; conclusions one draws are based on norms and values of people’s own culture (Brislin and Kim, 2003). There are some more critics on clock time, indicating that this concept is very incomplete and that it must be supplemented by other concepts in order to understand organizations which find themselves under the influence of culture (Schein, 1992). Adam (1995) asserts that even though clock time is dominant, it does not eliminate the fact that time perceptions are highly context dependent.
In managerial practices, clock time is utilized in order to realize short-term objectives and this vision takes the upper hand with regard to other visions of time within management, for instance event time (Reinmoeller and Chong, 2002). Sabelis (2004) states that Western management practices derive from clock time. However, in order to gain new insights on a global level of management, it is important to examine all the existing different perceptions of time. In spite of this, she concludes that this holistic view of time, integrating multiple time views, is disappearing in the drains of industrial, clock-time based domination. The remainder of this paragraph will discuss important concepts of clock time.
inefficient. While persons from clock time cultures with an 80-20 ratio often react negatively towards a 50-50 ratio (Brislin and Kim, 2003).
Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner (1998) indicate that in low context cultures, people get straight to the point and do not waste any time. Eskerod and Skriver (2007) give an example, namely the time spent while waiting for a meeting. In a low context culture this is seen as wasted time. In high context cultures, this time is referred to as valuable since it is an opportunity for exchanging information in an informal atmosphere.
Closely associated with low context is monochronicity (Palmer and Schoorman, 1999; Hall, 1976). Anthropologist Edward T. Hall was the first to conceptualize monochronic behaviour in 1959. He states that in monochronic time, Mtime, all significant activities are scheduled. Furthermore, Mtime focuses on segmentation and promptness and implies doing one thing at a time. In addition it is suggested that monochronism has a short-term and linear view of time and people compartmentalize time. This view on time is learned and fully integrated into Western societies and therefore taken for granted (Sabelis, 2001) and seen as the only manner as to how to organize life. Macduff (2006) shows that a monochronic time vision separates and sequences events.
Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner (1998) explain that sequential persons schedule everything very rigidly so that things are completed on time. Brislin and Kim (2003) indicate that clock time is recognizable by the fact that people adhere to set schedules. Thus, schedules are an important feature of clock time. Ballard and Seibold (2004) define scheduling as the degree of formalizing the sequencing of events. Hall (1976) states that while discussing the Western notion of time, if it was not for schedules, industrial societies would not exist. In his book The Silent Language, he states that Americans have a need for scheduling. In cultures were schedules are important, advanced notice/lead time is significant and is not learned formally (Hall, 1959). Sabelis (2004) implies there is a relationship between efficiency and schedules; when an organization attempts to be efficient, schedules are crucial. Schedules influence organizations and their employees (Schriber and Gutek, 1987). However, Gibson et al. (2007) emphasize that the impact of schedules is dependent on culture and societies and might furthermore differ according to different time perspectives. Hall (1976) asserts that through making schedules, compartmentalisations are made. This results in a disadvantage as it denies context. This denial of context might elucidate why Western companies have difficulties with adapting to different time uses.
indicates that time, as money, can be spent, saved, used up, possessed, wasted, budgeted, and invested (Lee and Liebenau, 1992). Time and money are both valuable and scarce and should therefore be spent wisely and saved if possible (Arrow, Poole, Henry, Wheelan, and Moreland, 2004). Also Brislin and Kim (2003) say that the majority of persons used to this clock time vision will convert time into a monetary value and view time as a tangible commodity. Clock time enables the notion of planning, timing and it enables measuring work against cost (Sabelis, 2004). Again we find a link between time and money.
The higher the importance of clocks and time, the faster the pace of life is. Ballard and Seibold (2004) relate pace to the rate or the tempo of activities. Schriber and Gutek (1987) discuss the balance between speed and quality, supposing that a fast pace of work focuses on rapidity at the expense of quality. Furthermore, different cultures each have an own pace for certain activities (Levine and Wolff, 1985). Levine (1997) indicates five factors that influence the pace of life, namely the economic well-being, degree of industrialization, population size, climate, and cultural values.
When time is a serious issue, people tend to hurry from one place to the next, since punctuality is very important (Brislin and Kim, 2003). They clarify this term by investigating how sensitive persons are to deviations from set schedules. Macduff (2006) states that in sequential cultures punctuality is very important and defines punctuality by looking at the importance given to being on time. Furthermore he states that having dissimilar views on punctuality might be a source of conflicts between parties and can shape the course of negotiations. Hall (1959) relates punctuality to a displaced or diffused point pattern. For instance in a displaced point pattern if a meeting starts at 8.30 a.m., the attendants will arrive between 8.00 a.m. and 8.27 a.m.
2.6.2 Event time
In clock time the focus is on formal and official concerns and on tasks. Another view is called event time, in which the emphasis is on interpersonal relationships and where events can take their natural course (Brislin and Kim, 2003). This time vision can be found in South America and South Asia and in other LDCs where the focus on clock time is not fully integrated in work life yet (Levine and Norenzayan, 1999). According to Levine (1997), event time is based on “social, economic, and environmental cues, and, of course, of cultural values” (p.91). Arrow et al. (2004) make a distinction between predictable, for instance paydays, and unpredictable events, e.g. September 11 attacks, as points of reference. Palmer and Schoorman (1999) position that this event based view was prevalent in agrarian societies in which activities occurred by cycles, for instance seasons. Next, the most important concepts of event time are discussed.
In event time, a high context culture prevails. Things take time and straight to the point is not done, instead it is about circling around a person. From a clock time viewpoint, doing business in a diffused culture is extremely time-consuming (Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner, 1998) and might result in discomfort (Macduff, 2006).
As low context cultures are linked to monochronism, high context cultures are related to polychronism (Palmer and Schoorman, 1999; Hall, 1976). In polychronic time, Ptime, persons engage in multiple activities at once (Hall, 1976). Polychronic people pay less attention to schedules and more to interpersonal relationship (Zakour, 2004). Lindquist and Kaufman-Scarborough (2007) elaborate on the finding that there is an enhanced opportunity for polychronic behaviour nowadays, partly due to technological advances in communication systems. However, as the article outlines, previous analyses revealed that there is a preference for doing one thing at a time. The authors conclude that an individual has a general polychronic-monochronic tendency. Their study verifies that this tendency is very versatile and consists of five indicators, namely (1) the preference for polychronic or monochronic behaviour, (2) the reported behaviour with regard to the preferred polychronic or monochronic behaviour, (3) whether individuals are comfortable with polychronic or monochronic behaviour, (4) whether they like to engage in multiple activities simultaneously, and (5) whether the individuals perceive behaving in their preferred as the most efficient manner to use time. Macduff (2006) states that having a polychronic time vision implies that events are not sequenced but events occur synchronically.
Hampden-Turner, 1998). In event time cultures, punctuality is not really strict, which Hall (1959) names a diffused point pattern. Using the same example as before, but now in a diffused point pattern, if an appointment is set at 8.30 a.m., the attendants might show up anywhere between 8.25 a.m. and 8.45 a.m.
Polychronic behaviour is a central topic during discussions about work time in the home. Technological changes have resulted in a less sharp distinction between the home and the workplace as people nowadays often can work from home. In some cases it might be necessary to let go of the traditional 8-6 workdays in order to attend virtual meetings (Teagarden et al., 2008). According to Zerubavel (1981) there is a difference in how sharp this distinction between work and home is between low-status workers, clerks who go home on time, and professionals, managers who work late. Lindquist and Kaufman-Scarborough (2007) indicate that it would be interesting to examine if employees’ preference for Mtime or Ptime corresponds with the time use preferences of their employers. Hence, the issue is the ratio between work and leisure time. This ratio differs across cultures, even though people all around the world have found a personal balance between work and leisure (Brislin and Kim, 2003).
Since in event time there is no emphasis on time, the pace of life is slow. Rushing from place to place is not significant, neither is time efficiency in completing tasks (Ibid.).
2.6.3 Past, present and future
conscious, take future consequences into account, have a preference for consistency and emphasize achievements and strive for goals and rewards.
After studying students in 23 different countries, Hofstede (2001) added another dimension to the original four cultural values, namely Confucian Dynamism, otherwise known as long-term versus short-term orientation. Long-term orientation concerns perseverance and thrift, orientation towards the future, while short-term orientation values among others tradition and social obligations, oriented towards the past and present. Brislin and Kim (2003) utter that present oriented cultures have a short-term perspective while past and future oriented cultures have a long-term perspective.
2.7 Knowledge transfer from knowledge to poverty landscapes
3.
METHODOLOGY
This chapter entails the research design which includes different aspects. The first part outlines the manner in which the research was conducted. Thereafter, the sample is described. The last part contains a description of how the data is analyzed.
3.1 Research method
A total of twenty interviews were conducted and recorded. All interviews were done face to face with a duration varying from 60 minutes up to two hours. This totals almost 30 hours of interview data. The interviews were semi-structured, signifying that the specific questions and answers were not determined in advance, however the topics were. The topics were based on the theory discussed in chapter two. The topics were addressed spontaneously during the course of the interview, if not, they were introduced by means of an open question (Baarda, De Goede and Teunissen, 1995). Qualitative interviewing is used in researching people’s opinions and experiences. The advantage of data resulting from interviews is that it provides richer data than answers of a questionnaire since the interviewer can probe, meaning delving into answers (Keats, 2000). The interview consisted of several parts, first a short introduction about the topic of this study and the structure of the interview. The participants started with giving a short description of their tasks abroad. Each participant was asked to draw their perception of time. These illustrations are integrated in chapter four and in Appendix I, with an explanation of each drawing. Moreover, the topics were addressed in a sequence that varied each interview, depending on the course of the interviews and the answers of the participants. At the end of each interview, the participants were asked if they learned or heard a saying or expression that had to do with time. These sayings are included in the next chapter and in Appendix II. Additionally, 3 persons answered questions via e-mail.
from -6, fully disagree, to +6, fully agree, with 0 being neutral. Many interviewees motivated their choice.
3.2 Sample
It appeared quite difficult to find individuals willing to cooperate. Various organizations, active in knowledge transfers to less developed countries, were contacted by telephone, for instance SNV, PUM, KIT, VSO, PSO, ETC Adviesgroep, Fair Trade, HIVOS, and ICCO. After sending reminders by e-mail, it seemed that not all organizations were able to cooperate, notwithstanding that the majority made an effort in contacting possible respondents. In the end, the sample consisted of twenty persons who participated in an interview, within a setting of the interviewee’s preference. The great majority of these interviews were conducted at the participants’ home. Of this group, nineteen persons were interviewed about their experiences abroad. 14 persons were aided by organisations active in international development of which the majority worked with VSO, Voluntary Service Overseas, and one person works for ETC Adviesgroep, and had also worked for the Flying doctors. Three persons were active for MNCs, more specifically two for Shell and one interviewee worked for Royal Haskoning and carried out a project for Heineken. Two other participants went to LDCs without help of an organization.
Of these nineteen persons, nine are men and ten are women. The majority of this group went to Africa; Nigeria, Cameroon, Zambia, Congo, and the United Republic of Tanzania. Several interviewees went to Asia, more specifically Indonesia, China, Malaysia and Cambodia, and one interviewee went to Guatemala. This list is not exhaustive since several interviewees were active in multiple countries, for instance Lagos and Niger. The interviews with these participants were mostly directed at experiences in one particular country, which is included in the preceding enumeration of countries. Nevertheless, interesting situations and examples mentioned during the interviews encountered in these other countries are included in this study.
The coordinator of HIVOS’ Knowledge Programme was interviewed to gain a broader perspective on knowledge transfer to LDCs. Furthermore, 3 persons received questions via e-mail. One respondent is currently active for ICCO in Ethiopia, the second respondent works at the Dutch embassy in Rwanda, which resulted in a need for an alternative manner to pose the questions. The third person had a very busy schedule and sending the questions via e-mail enabled him to answer these at his own time and pace. He worked in China for three months, in Hong Kong.
discussing locals and they, it refers to inhabitants of those LDCs. Here indicates the Western world and we signifies the residents of the developed world.
3.3 Data Analysis
All the interviews were recorded and the relevant parts were transcribed. The average transcript contained 3700 words, counting only the interview part, without the discussion of the propositions. Parts of the transcripts of the different participants that contained significant and similar topics were grouped into categories. This procedure was done several times in order to find the right categories, which is called an iterative process (Baarda et al., 1995). In other words, each category contained parts of the interviews discussing that specific topic. Finally, these categories were grouped once more and resulted in the following themes; poverty landscape, knowledge landscape, and timescape.
4.
RESULTS
This chapter contains predominantly the extracted interview data and will furthermore consider related literature. The first two paragraphs contain interview data referring to two different landscapes, depicted in the introduction. Interviewees have observed certain aspects of their alien surrounding, the poverty landscape, and notable features of their own environment, the knowledge landscape. Subsequently, the timescape is delineated, a metaphor used by Adam (2004). As will become clear from the first two parts of this chapter, time is inseparable from space and furthermore, context is of importance, as Figure 3 illustrates. “Time is something that depends on where I am and how the day is so to speak. When I am in Zambia, time is no issue. You cannot rely on it, basically it is not there. Well, the sun rises and sets, which is the Zambian time. Not whether it is actually three or four o’clock. Thus, time changes wherever you are. Even in the Netherlands, during my workdays, time really is important, for example being somewhere on time. But when I have a day off, again time is not an issue. So for me it depends.” How people deal with these temporal differences, is defined in the last paragraph, timescape.
From Figure 4 it can be concluded that time is present universally. “There is a beginning and an end to every day or conversation. The factor time is everywhere, whatever you do. Within that timeframe various things occur and at the end of a meeting or day, you proceed to the next meeting or day. The pattern repeats itself. It is linear, you go from a beginning to an end, but then again it is not linear since it is a cycle, it repeats itself.”
Figure 4. All-embracing time
4.1 Poverty landscape
Spradley and Phillips (1972) asked a group of volunteers to rank 33 items related to distinct difficulties they came across while adjusting in an alien culture. Learning the foreign language was encountered as most difficult. The other two largest difficulties they encountered are related to social time, namely ‘the general pace of life’ and ‘how punctual most people are.’ This section starts with discussing these two difficulties. Thereafter different aspects of the life in LDCs are scrutinized.
4.1.1 Pace of life
view: “Very Dutch; a clock. Very Zambian; the sun. When the sun rises, it is morning, one can do a lot for it is not too hot yet. When the sun is at its highest point, it is extremely hot and one cannot carry out a thing. When the sun sets one can and when the sun disappears, one sleeps. They are more preoccupied by the sun that is shining, the natural way.”
Figure 5. Time indicators
Another proposition supported by 84.2 per cent was ‘the higher the economic growth, the higher the pace of life.’ The interviewee who drew Figure 5 indicated that she adjusted her pace of speech as well, another aspect that determines whether one is part of a fast or slow group of people (Levine, 1997).
“Do I have to do it ‘now’, ‘just now’ or ‘now now’?” a question frequently asked by Zambians. Apparently there is a gradual difference in the meaning of the word ‘now’ in Zambia. ‘Now now’ signifies right now or instantaneously, ‘now’ means somewhere this hour and ‘just now’ implies that tomorrow is possible as well.
the propositions was ‘the pace of life in LDCs is slower than in the Netherlands.’ Three-quarters of the participants agreed with this proposition. Levine (1997) found that from 31 countries, the eight slowest countries were non-industrialized countries from Africa, Asia, the Middle East, and LA.
A phenomenon that was mentioned quite often during the interviews was sleeping. Both in Africa and Asia people slept everywhere and in the strangest positions for instance while waiting. Even during work time or workshops sleeping was not uncommon, e.g. staff members in empty restaurants were sleeping. In companies people would lay their heads on their desks when feeling tired, having very different standards. In China, taking a nap was customary in the afternoon; in wintertime to get warm and in the summer because it was too hot to be productive.
There appears to be no speed in processes, which results in long days partly caused by lack of efficiency. An interviewee had already been active in Brazil and Ghana and was prepared for things to take four times as long when she went to Zambia. Nevertheless, she concluded that in Zambia things happened at an even slower pace. A couple of interviewees agreed that a slow pace of life goes hand in hand with rest and serenity. Overall, it appears as if locals take time for their follow-man.
Several participants agreed that the pace of life influences the speed of knowledge transfer. In the West people are used to receive and process many stimuli and much information simultaneously and to filter these. This is our way of life. That is for instance not the case in Cameroon and Guatemala. Therefore, interviewees had to adapt the pace of the knowledge transfer. Releasing the Western pace of transferring knowledge into a developing country would be useless, according to another interviewee. One should implement new information and knowledge in a pace suited to the locals’ absorptive capacity. The speed of the knowledge transfer should therefore be adapted and dosed and aimed at individuals needing that knowledge. The knowledge should be adapted as well, the method of working also depends on the possibilities available, like computers. The interviewee going to Guatemala said that repetition is important in transferring knowledge, a topic dealt with in the paragraph 4.1.19.
4.1.2 Punctuality
wanted their employees to start working on time. They tried to achieve this by rewarding everyone who showed up on time in the course of a month. However, from the meetings it became clear that it should be done the other way around, in other words impose a fine on employees being late. Thus, the carrot approach, i.e. rewards, was not as valuable as the stick approach, i.e. punishment. Fehr and Gächter (2003) also found that punishing is more effective than rewarding.
In Indonesia, one does not name a time when making an appointment, but a day or a part of the day, like ‘Pagi’ (between 5 a.m. and 11 a.m.), ‘Siang’ (between 11 a.m. and 3 p.m.), ‘Sore’ (between 3 p.m. and 6 p.m.), or ‘Malam’ (after dark). An interesting approach to time is the Indonesian ‘Jam Karet’, rubber time. Time is not stiff in Indonesia; it is much more flexible and can be stretched. Brislin and Kim (2003) state that rubber time, or island time, is found where inhabitants are not really keen on scheduling. In the United Republic of Tanzania there is yet another notion of time, if eleven o’clock is the agreed time, the word eleven is in the sentence. Whether one arrives at twenty to or twenty past eleven does not matter, eleven is in the time indication so one is still on time. When is the bus coming? When is the meeting starting? When is the wedding taking off? If a Zambian does not know the exact time or when the initial set time has passed, people reply with ‘any time from now.’ How long it will actually take remains unclear since it may take five minutes, an hour or an entire week. When two interviewees were introduced by a doctor in a Nigerian hospital, he was talking about ‘white man’s time.’ By emphasizing this, he meant that when white people say 8 o’clock, they mean 8 o’clock, not 10 minutes later. Locals were often aware of the ‘white man’s time’ phenomenon. When asking a taxi driver to be on time, he replied "Don't worry, I know your time!" Levine (1997) mentions an opposite view on this type of time, namely the coloured people’s time (CPT) in which arriving late is the norm. Another contrast described in his truly interesting book ‘A geography of time’ is ‘hora Mexicana’ and ‘hora inglesa’, referring to varieties of punctuality. In Zambia a meeting would not start at the set time, but when all the attendants were present, signifying an emphasis on the event and persons and not on time. A saying referring to this is ‘time does not rule people, people overrule time.’
discussing public transport. Furthermore traffic jams, robberies, accidents, and car troubles might impede being on time.
As has become clear, punctuality varies in different contexts. People high in a hierarchy seem to be less punctual and do not mind keeping others waiting. Respect and punctuality are closely related, especially in China. When meeting an important person with a lot of respect, one makes sure being there on time. Being punctual also seems to differ between work-related appointments and social encounters. Teachers in China were fined when arriving one minute too late, but in social settings time was of less importance. It differs as well between MNCs and local organizations and the demands of their customers. For instance when working at Shell in Malaysia, an interviewee was dealing with Japanese demands and was forced to ship the goods on time. That same interviewee outlined that Malay carpenters, working for a local organization with local customers, were always late.
4.1.3 Processes take longer
In general, processes take longer in LDCs according to many interviewees. Not only processes related to work, for instance building factories, but also basal daily activities like cooking, doing the laundry, doing the dishes, and showering. It simply takes more time there than here in the Western world where one can put clothes in a washer or simply turn on the hot water tap. Another procedure that takes more time in LDCs is travelling. There are different reasons, for instance defective roads, disastrous infrastructure, cars in bad condition, and traffic jams. Even though traffic jams are problematic in the Netherlands, in LDCs as well, as one interviewee suggested that the Dutch traffic jams are nothing compared to the ones in Lagos. Another cause might be the way in which public transport is organized, better said the lack of organization. Particularly in Africa there seems to be no schedule whatsoever. An interviewee receiving the questions via e-mail was asked to describe the schedules of public transport in Ethiopia, and her only reaction was ‘haha.’ Other participants agreed by revealing that in case of minivans it is an issue of supply and demand, they start driving when they are full. The situation in China seems to be the opposite where trains and the major buses do have a strict time schedule. However, in Indonesia such a time schedule is non existent for several types of public transport, like busses. Even air traffic between small islands in Indonesia can be cancelled last minute if there are insufficient customers. Nevertheless, a number of interviewees concluded that in LDCs it was no issue travelling six hours to go to a meeting, while in Europe this is not done so easily.
necessary. The customs officers saw a container full of ‘goodies’ and decided to cash in on the situation and could be paid off with cigarettes for instance. This example leads to the next subject, corruption.
4.1.4 Corruption
Corruption appears to be a recurrent topic in the interviews, especially those conducted with interviewees who went to Africa. In Nigeria the possibilities to commit fraud are innumerable and cut through every layer of society, for instance receiving a blank receipt at gas stations. Another participant who lived in Congo never took part in corruption but asserted it was hard at times to not get involved. A cultural issue was that generally in the Western world people are used to play by the book, while in Cameroon putting pressure on relations and negotiating is a more common way of doing business. An interviewee preparing for her journey to Nigeria read in a book that the situation in that country could be compared to a pressure cooker and albeit she did not encounter unsafe situations herself, she felt as if things could lead to excesses rather fast. In LDCs it is often possible to shorten a waiting period by taking part in corruption. If one is prepared to pay for certain services, processes can be accelerated. Levine (1997) discovered the wonders a small bribery can achieve and furthermore mentions this phenomenon in one of his waiting game rules, “money buys a place in front” (p.114). He explains that the queue is longer for individuals without any resources.
4.1.5 Waiting
Levine (1997) stated that life in LDCs occasionally feels like one long wait. Furthermore, he found a correlation between time and power. This relationship might be expressed in waiting time; namely the more power one has, the longer that person can make others wait. In other words, influential people dominate less influential people’s time. It is assumed that the latter’s time is less valuable. This idea is found all around the globe (Ezzeii, 2002). Hall (1959) suggests that differences in waiting time are a principal source of misunderstandings. There are several rules for the waiting game as stated in the previous paragraph. One of these rules is that status determines who waits for whom (Levine, 1997). An interviewee outlined that in Congo the ministry and other ruling elite have absolutely no respect for time and other persons, since it is common for them to let others wait. The scarcity of time can be used to emphasize a difference in status, for instance arriving late at a meeting or having a secretary make a phone call (McGrath and Rotchford, 1983).
exactly know at what time a bus leaves, so one has to wait for it to be filled. The majority agreed with the proposition that ‘the waiting periods in LDCs are longer than in the Netherlands.’ However, many added that the waiting periods for hospitals are shorter.
Another issue is that the perception of time is not the same while waiting in the Western world and in LDCs. For instance, they do not see the need to call someone who is waiting for them, not bearing that person in mind. Waiting can also be linked to taking the initiative. ‘Vous êtes le patron’, which is French for you are the boss. This expression was encountered in Africa, but the mindset is applicable in other LDCs as well, for instance China. The boss decides, input is not wanted or required, let alone disagreeing with a boss. This way of thinking starts at schools, where taking an initiative or asking a question is banned from the classrooms. They are not taught to think independently or be critically, but are forced to copy what is written on the blackboard or what the teachers say. It takes time explaining, teaching, stimulating and motivating them to take an initiative, to disagree etc.
Another light in which waiting can be viewed, is the fact that many occurrences in LDCs are unpredictable, forcing people to wait for a particular situation to resolve, like a robbery, a traffic jam and so fort. The final setting in which waiting is important, is from having different priorities, waiting for one to finish up other ‘urgent’ issues first. An interesting example was a situation in Cambodia, an important provincial man was asked to open a library at a school. 2500 persons were at the opening and during his speech, his phone rang. He not only answered the phone, he took the time to have a conversation as well, leaving 2500 persons waiting.
4.1.6 Attitudes towards life
Figure 6 illustrates the following point of view; “I am able to take the time to hear the weed grow and do nothing about it. At the moment, time for me is an easy chair, a deck chair, with a pillow and a book.”
Figure 6. The easy chair
Another point many interviewees raised is the fact that people in LDCs appear to enjoy life more. They seem more able to find enjoyment in the small things of life and be satisfied. Contrary to people in the Western world, who are hurried, busy with developing their selves, making much money, and acquiring even fancier belongings. A question raised by an interviewee was who is more satisfied with his life; an African who almost does not have any possessions at all but who is satisfied with what he has and able to enjoy his life and be happy in the thick of his misery or us Westerners, busy feathering our nests. Are we in essence that much happier? Levine (1997) found a correlation between pace of life and the quality of one’s life. In the end he found a higher probability for individuals in fast places to be content with their lives. Nevertheless, the interviews revealed that inhabitants of Africa and Asia seem to appreciate time and the quality of life more. The priorities lie with family, life, and having fun instead of work, make money and other materialistic needs.
4.1.7 Family
The family does not only consists of close relatives, but also distant relatives, in-laws et cetera. There is a downside to the dominance of the family, they can exert pressure which might result in stealing, fraud, and making unrealistic demands to which one cannot say no. Related to this priority is death, which plays an important role in lives over there. Death is much more a part of daily life in LDCs, therefore, they tend to live from day to day.
4.1.8 Orientations towards the past, present, and future
An interesting view on the past, present, and the future was given by one of the interviewees, namely that for all countries applies that the present and the future are determined by the past. Moreover, the present and the future will someday be part of the past. Another noteworthy remark was made; in the Netherlands these three features have a causal relationship, where in Africa they exist simultaneously. Analyzing the past maps the road taken to the present, but future expectations are important as well (Stremmelaar, 2009). Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner (1998) outline that the expectations of the future shape the present and that the actions taken in the present have an effect on the future.
Figure 7 represents a perception of time shared by a few interviewees, see also Figures 23 and 24 in Appendix I. “I envision time as a line from the back to the front. Not from the left to the right, more from the back to the front. One looks towards the future and if one looks back, one looks at the past. The time is infinite, hence the arrows.”
Figure 7. Time from back to front
children in the tsunami of 2004. Instead of focusing on the three he lost, he was concentrating on the two who survived.
The present appears to be the most important timeframe for people from LDCs. It is a daily struggle for life, to survive, to put food on the table. A farmer in Burkina Faso once asked “How can I plant trees while having an empty stomach?” If someone does not have his first necessities of life fulfilled, he will not plan ahead. Again death seems to be related to the orientation towards the present, for instance when the breadwinner dies, the whole situation changes and plans made become useless. Living in the present is represented by Figure 8. “We live in the here and now. It is quite a coincidence that exactly this moment exists, in the enormous amount of time we have.”
Figure 8. The present
How the future is viewed, becomes clear from an example. Guatemalan children were asked what they wanted to become when they grow up. They found it hard to answer partly because they do not know all the options. Their frame of reference consists of their parents or more often their single mothers. Life is full of uncertainties, which makes it difficult to plan things for the future, as will be outlined in the next paragraph.
An interviewee who went to China was of the opinion that it is important to find a balance between the past, the present and the future since nowadays the focus seems to be on the past.
Different classes within one culture have different time perspectives (Gurvitch, 1964). Levine (1997) provides an example; in a Mexican-American neighbourhood in Los Angeles the unemployed residents had almost no perspectives towards the future. Two interviewees mentioned as well that the orientation towards the past, present or future depends on the population class. In Nigeria, the poorest people are only preoccupied about today and tomorrow. The Nigerian upper class is more oriented towards the future, also in terms of getting a bigger house, and car. The middle class of Nigeria is in the same situation the Western world was in 100 years ago. Many have a one-man business, struggling to keep their heads above water with only a few capable of expanding.
4.1.9 Long and short term
with making prognoses for a longer period and did not see the use of doing that. For instance, in Cambodia they did not understand that making plans with a timeframe of three to five years is useful. From a long term plan, short term goals can be derived. It is however understandable why this attitude prevails, as already discussed; life in LDCs is full of uncertainties. Many things happen ad hoc and last minute, like making decisions, signing contracts, making alterations and so on. In Congo a five year plan was drawn up to deal with the uncertainties concerning the devaluation of the local currency. By the time this plan was presented, three months later, the currency had reached the devaluation level predicted for the entire period of five years. They were used to a devaluation of 60 percent annually, but that particular period it reached a level of 5000 per cent. Occurrences like this explain the short term view. Improvisation is a useful tool in these circumstances, detailed in paragraph 4.3.7.
In processes like sowing and harvesting people are capable of dealing with a larger timeframe. Also in dealing with MNCs, the situation is a bit different since they often have a long term vision. Contracts with Japanese customers were signed ten maybe fifteen years in advance. The Malay knew the exact date the factories had to be ready and up and running. This requires a long term planning.
4.1.10 Planning
Having a short or long term orientation is closely related to planning horizons (Das, 1986). Nearly 90 per cent agreed with the statement that ‘in the Netherlands sticking to a time schedule is more important than in LDCs.’ It was widely held that in LDCs planning was difficult and hardly ever done. Planning in LDCs was referred to as an art for several reasons. One has to take into account all kinds of events that might occur without warning. Furthermore, the existence of hierarchies can distort plans. In Africa nothing goes as planned. Plans should not be kept so strictly as in the Western world and fortunately often plans can be revised and postponed. It might be that it is more important to take particular steps than to hold on to a set timeframe. An interesting saying was heard in Cameroon: ‘demain, ou après demain.’ Translated in English it signifies tomorrow or after tomorrow. From this saying it can be concluded that they do not take time that strict in planning. To summarize, it is difficult to introduce planning in LDCs. It is hard to make a realistic planning due to all the uncertainties, people deviate from the planning easily, and few people grasp the usefulness of such a planning.
was not an option as they would miss gigantic profits. The same applies to Shell in Malaysia, where time could definitely be expressed in money. Shell has been renowned for its scenario planning, looking 20 or even 30 years ahead. In Ethiopia planning is done quite strictly as well but sometimes not realistically. There is no flexibility, in other words deviating from the original plan is hard to do, which is also the case in Hong Kong.
Many reports or plans are written keeping the expectations of Westerners in mind. For instance a planner in Nigeria worked with Microsoft Project. He delivered a beautiful report, including time bars et cetera but the planning was very unrealistic. He simply produced a piece of paper that would satisfy the Westerners. Pleasing the Westerners is discussed in more detail in the paragraph about the development sector. Another example stems from Guatemala where a participant asked the construction workers if a certain date would be feasible, that the job could be done by then. They affirmed and the date was agreed on. Later she realized that they only said yes to get the job and were not really concerned about getting the job done on time.
Most of the time, inhabitants of LDCs do not use an agenda. In Cambodia they have a ‘notebook’, in which they write down for example Friday 5th of June. Under this heading they write down what is discussed, and under that same date they write down the date for the next meeting. As they leaf through their agenda, they often do not read what has been written down before, which causes them to forget appointments.
4.1.11 Time indicators
Figure 9. The clock
In Ethiopia it is one o’clock at 7 am, two o’clock at 8 am and so on. One should be aware of this when making an appointment at one o’clock since then one has to get up really early. It might be that this feature derives from the old Italian time. Camuffo (2002) explains that the Italian time based its hours on the rise of the sun, or better the twilight, and also started calculating from twilight onwards. He elaborates that this type of time measuring was truly traditional and comprehensible as the beginning of the day was represented by sunrise, and the end of the day was heralded by sunset as darkness would soon follow.
Whether the clock is important or not is partly dependent on the type of work. When processes are accelerated, more time is left to do other tasks. The fact that Westerners are ruled by the clock has become apparent. An interviewee who lived in China did not use a watch, she could tell by the sounds surrounding her what time it was. An interesting anecdote about the clock was given by another interviewee who went to China. Choosing a clock as a present is an awful gift in China, they relate it to death as one can see time ticking away, like heading towards dying. According to Bourdieu (1963), the Kabyle, a society in Algeria, compares the clock to the devil’s mill.
In Nigeria an interviewee explained that two different calendars exist simultaneously. One week is the same as the Western week, but the other week consists of four days, ruled by every fourth day on which the market takes place. This is not uncommon, a tribe in India has a week consisting of eight days as on every eighth day there is a market (Levine, 1997). In Ethiopia there are thirteen months of thirty days instead of twelve months like in the West.
keep the cold outside, while in summertime everything is open and happens outside. Seasons in China were identified by the available fruit supply and from what was on the fields. Roy (1960) examined social interactions in a factory. He discovered that the daily grind was interrupted by informal breaks. He labelled these informal interactions as different ‘times’, with names based on food or drinks, e.g. peach time, banana time, and coke time. An interviewee stated that in Zambia, during the season of groundnuts, people spend entire afternoons together sitting under a tree, pealing and eating nuts, very cosy. One could name this ground nut time. This example was mentioned in relation to the statement ‘in LDCs social occasions occur more often during workdays than in the Netherlands’, with which nearly 80 per cent agreed.
4.1.12 Fewer ways to spend time
Several interviewee related the pace of life to the number of things one could do. For instance, it was outlined that it felt as if inhabitants of LDCs had more time partly since they had less manners to spend their time. A saying one of the participants mentioned was that ‘in Africa there is a shortage of everything, except for children and time’.
The value of a commodity is dependent on its scarcity (Levine, 1997). Because they have less to do, it does not matter if one arrives 15, 30 or 60 minutes later. It was found that in some non-industrialized countries like Malaysia, people do not have many demands on their time (Ibid.) Furthermore, it appears as if one is more consciously aware of time which results in rest, less stress, no rush and more enjoyment as locals have less competing activities. Being there without television and internet for example, made an interviewee realize how much time these things take up here in the West. One has to find other things to do when these ‘facilities’ do not exist, like reading a book, just sit and stare, and watch birds. Figure 10 depicts a book. “This illustration shows how to relax, read. Another time and perception of it, abandoning time, not losing time by reading. Finding oneself in another world.”
