Rijksuniversiteit Groningen
Faculty of Economics and Business
Master of Science in Business Administration, specialization Change Management Master Thesis
Dutch football referees’ coping with negative social
pressure: Effects on their professional role identity.
Author Tom Luttikhuis
Student number s1789384
Supervisor dr. M.A.G. van Offenbeek
Acknowledgements
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract ... 4
1. INTRODUCTION ... 5
2. THEORETICAL BACKGROUND ... 8
2.1 The dynamics of professional role identity ... 8
2.2 Understanding identity work ... 10
2.3 The relationship between social pressure and professional role identity ... 12
2.4 Research questions ... 15
3. METHOD ... 17
3.1 Case context and sample ... 17
3.2 Data collection ... 18
3.3 Pilot interview ... 19
3.4 Data analysis ... 20
4. FINDINGS ... 26
4.1 Descriptions of professional role identity ... 26
4.2 The meaning of negative social pressure ... 27
4.3 Social groups that express negative social pressure ... 28
4.4 Perceived professional role identity change as a result of negative social pressure ... 30
4.5 Social groups sensebreaking and sensegiving practices... 32
4.6 Perceptions on identity work ... 35
4.7 Coping strategies ... 37
4.8 Positive social signals and its impact on professional role identity ... 38
5. DISCUSSION ... 44
5.1 Perspectives on professional role identities ... 44
5.2 Negative social pressure in identity work: a risk to achieve identity outcomes ... 45
5.3 Negative social pressure: sensebreaking practiced by players and the crowd ... 46
5.4 The level of experience and the degree of professionalism ... 46
5.5 Coping strategies ... 48
5.6 Positive social signals’ influence on professional role identity ... 50
6. CONCLUSION ... 51
6.1 Answers to the research questions ... 51
6.2 Contributions to theory ... 52
6.3 Contributions to practice ... 52
6.4 Limitations ... 53
6.5 Directions for future research ... 53
7. REFERENCES ... 55
7.1 Literature ... 55
7.2 Newspapers ... 59
7.3 World Wide Web ... 59
8. APPENDIX ... 61
Dutch football referees’ coping with negative social
pressure: Effects on their professional role identity.
ABSTRACT – Based on a qualitative study comparing amateur and professional football referees, theory is built on the influence negative social pressure has on professional role identity. Twelve interviews in an extreme case context were conducted. The main findings are threefold: (1) Negative social pressure’s influence on professional role identity is moderated by the level of experience one possesses. Thus, the professional role identity of less experienced referees was more strongly influenced by negative social pressure than the professional role identity of experienced referees. (2) The degree of professionalism, however, does not influence one’s perception of the relationship between negative social pressure and professional role identity. (3) Proactive coping was mostly utilized by experienced and professional referees. The most important implication of this study’s findings for practice is that the interviewed referees perceive the KNVB’s (Dutch football association) policies aimed at increasing respect to be ineffective. With regard to theoretical implications, insights in the influence of the level of experience on one’s willingness to engage in identity work is most noteworthy.
Keywords: Professional role identity, negative social pressure, coping, experience
“The ability to deal with a crisis situation is largely dependent on the structures that have been developed before chaos arrives.”
1. INTRODUCTION
On December the second in the year 2012 Richard Nieuwenhuizen was fatally assaulted. He was a voluntary referee in a Sunday match of 16 year old boys and died several hours after he had been beaten by young men once the football match was finished.1
Unfortunately, this was not a onetime incident of aggression surrounding football in the Netherlands. In fact, while the entire football industry in the Netherlands was still grieving about the death of Richard Nieuwenhuizen, other incidents of violent behavior towards referees were reported.2 Furthermore, the lack of respect has been a topic for several years in football, also internationally. Significantly, the quest for respect is pursued by the governing bodies of football. For example, both the Federation of International Football Associations (FIFA) (2008) and the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) (2012) have opted for a change with regard to fair play and respect. In 2012 the FIFA launched the ‘FIFA Code of Ethics’ which applies to conducts that damage “the integrity and reputation of football in particular to illegal, immoral, and unethical behavior” (FIFA, 2012, p. 8).
Clearly, referees are an essential part of football. The fact that league matches cannot be played without a referee is stating the obvious. In order to ensure that referees are willing to voluntary participate, respect needs to be increased. In fact, the English Football Association, the FA, recognized a loss of 17% of its referees on both a professional and amateur level between the 2007-08 and 2008-09 season (Brackenridge et al., 2011). In total 5,500 referees refused to remain active because of the aggression and lack of respect (Brackenridge et al., 2011). Therefore, on the one hand, for referees personally and for the sake of football, it is essential that insights in the effects of disrespectful behavior on referees increase. On the other hand, referees need to be supported in coping with negative social pressure. That is where this study aims to add.
Regarding the impact of disrespectful behavior towards referees in the Netherlands, no academic research has been performed. Explorations on the impact of such disrespectful behavior on referees’ professional role identity and their coping behavior are neither available. However, research in the area of respect in the sports industry in general has been performed. For instance, Brackenridge et al. (2011) have studied the willingness of spectators, referees, coaches, and players to cooperate with the FA’s pilot project designed to improve behavior in English football. These stakeholders in football matches indicated that designating
1www.volkskrant.nl 2
spectator areas, in which spectators are kept at separate sides of the pitch, is the best intervention strategy in the FA’s pilot project (Brackenridge et al., 2011). Furthermore, Page and Page (2010) have conducted research on how referees cope under pressure put on them by the crowd. Social pressure is studied in relation to the home advantage issue (Page & Page, 2010). They found that when the size of the crowd increased, referees’ likelihood to be subject to the ‘home advantage effect’ (i.e. a bias of referees in favor of the home team) got larger (Page & Page, 2010). However, referees’ coping behavior with disrespectful behavior was not taken into consideration. Overall, with regard to the effects of disrespectful behavior or negative social pressures on the professional role identity of referees in Dutch football, no academic research is available. Therefore, this research will contribute to existing literature on the relationship between negative social pressure and professional identity in the football industry. This is an interesting area to add research to since negative social pressure is a trending topic in today’s football industry (Brackenridge et al., 2011; Dawson, 2012).
Research on the dynamics of professional role identity has been performed (Nicholson, 1984; Beech et al., 2008; Petriglieri, 2011). However, vis-à-vis individuals’ coping with negative social pressures in relation to individuals’ professional role identities, no academic research has been published. Even though Petriglieri (2011) has studied how professionals react to perceived threats to their identities, the possible effect of negative social pressures on their identity is not studied. Thus, one can conclude that there is a lack of understanding of the extent to which and the way in which individuals’ coping with negative social pressures involves changes in their professional role identities. By addressing that relationship, this research is contributing to theory. Furthermore, the influence one’s level of experience and degree of professionalism have on professional role identity change has neither been studied (Ibarra & Petriglieri, 2010; Pratt, 2000; Pratt et al., 2006). Due to the extreme complexity and diversity of modern careers, role identities of individuals with the same profession cannot be generalized (Dokko & Gaba, 2012). Therefore, exploring the effects of the level of experience and the degree of professionalism on the relationship between negative social pressure and professional role identity may be interesting.
2. THEORETICAL BACKGROUND
This section will first explain what professional role identity is, what perspectives on professional role identity exist, and which of those perspectives align with this study’s view on professional role identity. After which, two streams of research, identity work and socialization theory, are explained in the context of this study’s cases, resulting in a model of the expected relationship between negative social pressure and professional role identity. Note that the examples, which aim at explaining how these theories are relevant to this research’s cases, do address a possible relationship between negative social pressure and professional role identity. However, this relationship is epitomized and not derived from identity work and socialization theory. Finally, this study’s research questions are provided.
2.1 The dynamics of professional role identity
Professional identity is defined as individuals’ self-definition of the profession they are performing, which is associated with the enactment of a professional role (Ibarra, 1999). The term ‘role identity’ is subject to this enactment (Chreim et al., 2007). Professionals perform significant roles in society and organizations. Chreim et al. (2007, p. 1515) state that it is extremely important to “understand the dynamics underlying professional role identity change.” According to Pratt et al. (2006) the way that professionals view their role identity is key in understanding how individuals interpret and act in work situations.
There are two perspectives on roles. On the one hand, the structural perspective views roles as given positions in society (Chreim et al., 2007). On the other hand, the symbolic interactionist perspective acknowledges the emergent nature of roles (Chreim et al., 2007). With regard to the structural perspective, overall it is stated that “strong identification inducement processes shape the identity of members of developed professions” (Chreim et al., 2007, p. 1517). Even though the structural perspective has contributed to the theoretical understanding of what constitutes role identity, it has not been able to explain how role identity changes (Chreim et al., 2007). The symbolic interactionist perspective does elucidate this. Since this perspective acknowledges the dynamic nature of professional role identity, it suits the problem this paper addresses about professional role identity.
Nicholson is one author that views roles through the career/role transition lens. He (1984, p. 173) defines work role transitions as “any change in employment status and any major change in job content.” Nicholson (1984) stated that four modes of adjustment define the outcome of work roles. The four modes of adjustment are absorption, determination, exploration, and replication (Nicholson, 1984). He (1984) stated that an individual’s adjustment to role transition depends on one’s personal development, in which change results from an individual changing its frame of reference. This is a form of reactive change, defined as absorption, since the personal change is forced by the role (Nicholson, 1984). However, a proactive strategy, determination, can be taken as well. In this case, an individual intends to “change role requirements so that they better match his or her needs” (Nicholson, 1984, p.175). In case both the role and the person change, adjustment in the form of exploration is obtained (Nicholson, 1984). The last mode of adjustment, replication, “represents transitions that generate minimal adjustments to personal or role systems” (Nicholson, 1984, p. 175).
The second category within the symbolic interactionist perspective, socialization theory, examines how groups and organizations engage in shaping members’ identity. In order to bring about change in an individual’s professional identity, organizations either use techniques to break down the individual’s existing sense of self (e.g. ‘sensebreaking’) or use techniques that aim at providing meaning and shape an individual’s sense of self (e.g. ‘sensegiving’) (Pratt, 2000).
Third, in the field of identity work, professional identity change is defined as individuals’ construction of identity in social contexts (Ibarra, 1999; Pratt, 2000). This stream of research expands theory on career/role transitions and socialization since it recognizes a more problematic and interactive nature of professional identity construction than the clear-cut adoption of a role (Pratt, 2000). Additionally, identity work states that social groups may have a significant influence on the construction of an individual’s professional identity (Pratt, 2000).
an individual’s professional identity. These theories’ relevance and application to this study’s cases will be further clarified in the following part of this paper.
2.2 Understanding identity work
Before elaborating the relevance of identity work to the context of this paper’s cases, the theory has to be discussed in more detail first. Even though Beech et al. (2008) believe that, given complexity, a complete understanding of identity work can never be achieved, the dynamic perspective of identity work is well explained by the authors. In their work, they state that the likelihood of an individual undergoing a change in professional identity depends on (1) the perceived risk to or opportunity for achieving identity outcomes, and (2) perceived identity resources (Beech et al., 2008). Identity resources are “things that can be used to establish or maintain an identity position” (Beech et al., 2008, p. 964).
referees’ level of experience, or time spend in the professional context, increases, referees’ expertise may be acknowledged more by a social group. Thus, a referee possessing more perceived identity resources (e.g. acknowledged expertise resulting from experience) is more likely to be able to direct the change in his identity as opposed to a referee possessing less perceived identity resources.
The other side of the coin are perceived opportunities for achieving identity outcomes. In the Netherlands, most amateur football clubs each assign their own linesman when playing a match. The linesman of the home playing team may see the opportunity for not being perceived as being subject to the ‘home advantage effect’ (Page & Page, 2010). This linesman wants to reinforce his identity to not being biased towards the home team, in this case his own club. These situations, in which individuals define their identity based on an exclusion of actions, are likely to occur. Elsbach and Bhattacharya (2001) state that individuals may define themselves by ‘what they are not’ as people cognitively ‘disidentify’ themselves with other identity groupings. The linesman’s ability to direct the change in his identity again depends on his perceived identity resources. In fact, the lack of acknowledged expertise may make it difficult for the linesman to direct his identity change. Since players of both teams may believe that lacking experience and skills of the linesman are causing the low number of negative decisions towards the away playing team, the direction of the identity change may be hard to control. When individuals perceive a high risk to or opportunity for achieving identity outcomes but lack identity resources to (re)direct the threat to their professional identity or exploit opportunities, they are likely to seek allies elsewhere and gain resources through other occasions (Beech et al., 2008). This situation can be exemplified by the FIFA and UEFA’s decision to set up campaigns that aim at increasing respect towards referees. Without the backing of the football associations, referees may less easily influence the ‘negative’ identity that was attached to them by supporters, football teams, and the media. In other words, the assistance of the FIFA and the UEFA constitutes identity resources, which enable the direction of referees’ identity change to be better controlled.
and ‘style of refereeing’. As a result, his perceived identity may change due to external social pressures put on him by the crowd and a lack of compensating perceived identity resources. On the other hand, a professional referee that perceives his decisions and ‘style of refereeing’ to be fair, is less likely to be influenced by the crowd’s opinion. The reason for this lies in the fact that he believes that his expertise is sufficient to result in adequate decisions. Furthermore, he is likely to have previous experience with a crowd reacting in a hostile manner. Resulting from this, a professional referee will be more persistent in believing in the fairness and adequateness of his decision making regardless of the crowd’s hostile reactions. Therefore, it is less likely that his identity will change due to negative social pressures. This example illustrates the statement of Beech et al. (2008) regarding the lack of intention of individuals with a low level of perceived risk to or opportunity for achieving identity outcomes, and a high level of perceived identity resources have to engage in activities that change their identity.
Even though the examples given above clearly outline the relevance of identity work with regard to referees’ professional identity, the theoretical stream does not explicitly mention the relationship between negative social pressure and professional identity. Yet, it does give insights into the process of how negative social pressure may be perceived in relation to one’s professional role identity. This relationship is important to understand since referees’ and other individuals’ (e.g. police officers) professions are often under siege from negative social pressure. Therefore, more insight in the relationship between negative social pressure and professional identity is required. Even though the effect negative social pressure has on professional identity has not been explored, research has been performed on the relationship between social pressure in general and professional identity.
2.3 The relationship between social pressure and professional role identity
The interactive nature of professional identity can be further explained by discussing the relationship between social pressure and professional identity. Beech et al. (2008) address the general possibility of such a relationship. Perceived risks to achieve identity outcomes can come in the form of social pressure. As a result of this threat, an individual may decide to engage in identity work (Beech et al., 2008). However, the relationship between social pressure and professional identity seems not to have been examined empirically.
network marketing organization, intended to shape employees’ professional identities, by first using ‘sensebreaking’ practices, and then ‘sensegiving’ practices, in order to manage employees’ organizational identification. The organization’s practices to “brainwash people” are, here, regarded as social pressure by employees (Pratt, 2000, p. 456). Pratt (2000) proposes that the process of ‘sensebreaking’ begins by exploiting ‘seekership’, the desire to find a meaning that originates from a sense of discontentment about who one is, in an individual. In other words, ‘sensebreaking’ can be projected as creating the need for professional identity change. Within socialization theory, social influences are contributing to ‘sensebreaking’ processes (Pratt, 2000). A successful ‘sensebreaking’ process results in individuals being motivated to change their professional identity (Pratt, 2000). However, in case ‘sensebreaking’ was unsuccessful, individuals (1) would not be motivated to change their professional identity, or (2) would be motivated to change their identity in opposition to the organization (Pratt, 2000). The primary antecedent of unsuccessful ‘sensebreaking’ practices were individuals’ perceptions of being comfortable with one’s identity (Pratt, 2000). These individuals are not willing to change their professional identity. With regard to a successful ‘sensegiving’ process, the outcomes are employees’ positive identifications with the organization (Pratt, 2000). In other words, a “preferred redefinition of organizational reality” (Gioia & Chittipeddi, 1991, p. 442). However, unsuccessful ‘sensegiving’ practices result in employees’ disidentification with the organization (Pratt, 2000). More precisely, disidentification can be projected as the situation in which an individual identifies oneself in opposition to the organization (Pratt, 2000). Elsbach and Bhattacharya’s (2001) statement regarding people’s self-definition by ‘what they are not’ acknowledges disidentification as well. In the case of Amway, people were ‘anti-Amway’ (Pratt, 2000). All in all, Amway’s practices in the form of social pressure resulted in changes in professional identity. Individuals’ self-definition of their profession either changed in accordance to Amway’s desired reality, or resulted in a change in opposition to the organization’s desired reality. Both directions of change in professional identity were influenced by social pressure exercised by the organization.
though they are not in accordance with the decisions maker’s own interest.” For example, social pressure exercised by the crowd might cause a referee to be biased towards the home team (Dawson & Dobson, 2010). In the process of exercising social pressure on referees, the crowd may unconsciously make use of ‘sensegiving’ techniques. For instance, by exercising disrespectful behavior, referees’ sensemaking regarding their professional identity might be affected. In Pratt’s (2000) study at Amway, successful ‘sensegiving’ activities were promoted by positive programming activities. Note that successful ‘sensegiving’ was associated with achieving a “preferred redefinition of organizational reality” (Gioia & Chittipeddi, 1991, p. 442) in which employees’ professional identity properly aligned with organizational identification from Amway’s point of view (Pratt, 2000). The logic behind positive programming is that a mind exposed to positive people and materials will be more positive (Pratt, 2000). In contrast, “a mind exposed to negative influences will be more negative” (Pratt, 2000, p. 469). To be more precise, the establishment of the ‘positive program’ occurs through the formation of supportive and nourishing relationships (Pratt, 2000). When looking at the crowd’s unconscious engagement in ‘sensegiving’ activities, a process of positive programming is not in place. Obviously, negative social pressures in the form of disrespect and aggression do not represent positive influences. Furthermore, disrespectful and aggressive signals do not characterize a supportive and nourishing relationship between the crowd and referees. Thus, referees are more likely to react negatively to the crowd exercising social pressure since “a mind exposed to negative influences will be more negative” (Pratt, 2000). Therefore, the crowd’s unconscious ‘sensegiving’ activities are unlikely to result in a change of referees’ professional identity towards the crowd’s expectations. In other words, referees will negatively respond to the crowd’s social pressures aimed at affecting referees’ professional identity. This assumption might be strengthened by the FA’s finding regarding the loss of 17% of FA registered professional and amateur referees between the 2007-08 and 2008-09 season (Brackenridge et al., 2011). In fact, 5,500 referees refused to remain active because of the aggression and lack of respect (Brackenridge et al., 2011).
identity, both theoretical streams do not explicitly discuss the relationship between negative social pressure and one’s professional role identity. Figure 1 provides an overview of how the aforementioned theory is expected to be present in the relationship between negative social pressure and professional role identity.
Level of experience Degree of professionalism
Id
Figure 1. The expected relationship between negative social pressure and professional role identity.
2.4 Research questions
This study aims at contributing to outline to what extent and how referees’ perceived professional role identity is affected by negative social pressures, in the context of the Dutch football industry. More generally, the purpose of this research is to create insight in the relationship between negative social pressure and professional role identity; a relationship that seems not to have been explicitly studied before. First of all, referees’ current perceived professional identity is researched, especially with an eye to differences in professional and amateur referees’ perceived professional identities. Second, this study analyzes the way in which referees perceive negative social pressure. Third, the extent to and the way in which negative social pressure is used as a sensebreaking and sensegiving activity is questioned. It is important to note that socialization theory’s acknowledgement of social environments’ intentions to influence professional identity is relevant to this sub question. Fourth, this paper will analyze how perceived football association policies aimed at increasing respect act as
The process in which negative social pressure affects professional role identity
resources for the identity work of referees. Note that all of the research questions are analyzed from a referee’s perspective and that it is analyzed how the relationships between the concepts are perceived by referees. Thus, the main research question, and four sub questions are: Main research question:
1. How does negative social pressure affect amateur and professional referees’ professional role identity through identity work and socialization processes?
Sub-questions:
1. What differences exist between professional and amateur referees’ professional role identities?
2. How and to what extent do professional and amateur referees perceive negative social pressure?
3. To what extent is negative social pressure used as a sensebreaking activity by social groups (e.g. players)? And to what extent does it result in successive sensegiving to referees’ professional role identity?
3. METHOD
3.1 Case context and sample
The objective of this research was to build theory in the field of the dynamics of professional role identity. More specifically, this study aimed to contribute in outlining how one’s perceived professional role identity is affected by negative social pressures. The context (i.e. the professional role identity of football referees) in which this could be adequately studied was selected since it could serve as an ‘extreme case’ (Eisenhardt, 1989). Extreme cases assist theory building because the “dynamics examined tend to be more visible than they might be in other contexts” (Pratt et al., 2006, p. 238). Therefore, Dutch football referees were studied. These were chosen because incidents of negative social pressure toward referees had increased in the Netherlands.345 As a result, it was expected that the relationship between negative social pressure and referees’ professional identity could be clearly analyzed. The selection of cases is critical in this design since it must either predict similar results or predict contrasting results, but for predictable reasons (Yin, 2003). The former is defined as a literal replication, whereas the latter is classified as a theoretical replication (Yin, 2003). Similarly, Eisenhardt (1989) states that cases must be selected in such a way that the cases either extend emergent theory or fill theoretical categories and provide examples of polar types. In order to extend theory, cases that represented ‘extreme situations’ (Pettigrew, 1990) were selected. In order to select the amateur referee cases, the referee association of Groningen (in Dutch, ‘Scheidsrechtersvereniging Groningen en Omstreken’) was addressed. In order to target professional referees, the author’s network in the football industry was exploited.
This segmentation in the profession of referees enabled a deeper exploration of the variation in the dynamics of professional role identity, by looking at different groups within the context of football referees. This was expected to enable a richer understanding of referees’ professional role identity because professional and amateur referees’ professional identity could be affected by different kinds and different amounts of negative social pressure. Furthermore, negative social pressure could be made sense of differently by various groups of referees. Therefore, a distinction was made between Dutch amateur and professional referees. The segmentation between amateur and professional referees enabled this study to look at differences along two dimensions: (1) the level of experience, and (2) the degree of
3
Van der Voort, M. (2012). Speler buitenspel na klap aan scheids, Metro, p. 4. 4 Boomsma, K. (2013). Sfeer op veld blijft agressief, Metro, p. 2.
5
professionalism. The level of experience was defined as the level experience one receives during being active in a certain refereeing context. Regarding the level of experience, one cannot easily compare the level of experience a professional possesses with the level of experience an amateur referee possesses, because the referee’s age does not completely represent the experience dimension. A young professional referee can possess more experience than an old amateur referee. Yet, in a different context. Therefore, the two dimensions are related. With regard to the degree of professionalism, it was defined as the degree to which one is described as a member of the most highly respected occupations (Haywood-Farmer & Stuart, 1990) (e.g. Jupiler League and Eredivisie referees). The distinction was made between a high degree of professionalism (i.e. professional referees) and a low degree of professionalism (i.e. amateur referees). In order to control for environmental variation (Eisenhardt, 1989), all amateur referees that were interviewed are registered by the referee association of Groningen (in Dutch, ‘Scheidsrechtersvereniging Groningen en omstreken’). Moreover, this made the generalization of the findings of cross-case analysis more reliable (Eisenhardt, 1989). By controlling for ‘organization’ the differences in identity construction that were caused by social influences could be better identified as opposed to differences that were caused by referees’ different contexts. For example, since all referees enacted their role in matches in the same region (i.e. Groningen), it was expected that differences in findings were not caused by regional cultural backgrounds. Hence, some environmental variation was controlled for. Environmental variation in professional referees’ context was not controlled for, because these referees are working throughout the Netherlands. Moreover, experienced referees had also blown the whistle in European and international matches. For example, the Europa League and the Champions League belonged to the context of some professional referees. Together, this sample and context provided an excellent opportunity to build theory in the field of professional identity dynamics.
3.2 Data collection
unclear. In order to build theory in the field of professional identity dynamics, semi-structured interviews were conducted. The semi-structured nature of the interviews allowed the interviewer to go as much in depth as required to provide results. This resulted in a deeper understanding of the referees’ perception of their professional role identity and concepts that affect it.
An overview of the distribution of the twelve interviewees over the theoretical dimensions is presented in figure 2. Thus, three interviews were conducted with referees that possessed a certain level of experience and a certain degree of professionalism, resulting in a total number of six professional and six amateur referees that were interviewed. The average age of less experience amateur referees was 22, and the average years of experience they had was 4 years. With regard to experienced amateur referees, the average age was 49, and the average years of experience was 28 years. Concerning less experienced professional referees, the average age was 25, and the average years of experience, at a professional level, was 2 years. Experienced professional referees were 40 years of age on average and had 13 years of experience at a professional level on average. The fact that amateur referees that were operating at a club level solely were not interviewed was subject to the fact that these referees were expected to find it difficult to formulate their professional role identity.
High 3 interviewees 3 interviewees Level of experience 3 interviewees 3 interviewees Low Low High Degree of professionalism
Figure 2. Overview of sample per theoretical dimension.
3.3 Pilot interview
regarding referees’ perception of and experience with negative social pressure. Eventually, the pilot interview did not result in a renewal of the original interview protocol. Rather, it confirmed that the interview protocol was appropriate. The interview protocol is added in Appendix I.
3.4 Data analysis
The data analysis process consisted of a combination of deductive and inductive analysis methods. The qualitative data was inductively analyzed via a similar process as followed by Pratt et al. (2006). First, statements regarding participants’ perceptions of their work context were identified, which formed first order codes. Within the first step, open coding (Locke, 2001, in Pratt et al., 2006) was used to identify statements regarding relevant to this research. Second, these codes were then linked to variables that were of interest to this study (e.g. professional role identity). This step entailed a move from open coding to axial coding (Locke, 2001, in Pratt et al., 2006). The third step in the data analysis process consisted of restricting the theoretical categories to theoretical dimensions. The purpose of this step was to understand how different theoretical categories fitted together in an underlying theoretical dimension. Additionally, previous research resulted in codes regarding concepts which were expected to be found in the participants’ statements. These deductive codes could also be linked to theoretical categories, and then into underlying theoretical dimensions. More specifically, the deductive codes were expected to be found in participants’ statements since they were based on previous theory, which was discussed in the theoretical section of this research. In order to explain this interplay between inductive coding and deductive coding thoroughly, figure 3 provides an overview in which the first order codes, theoretical categories, and theoretical dimensions are showed. Furthermore, in order to explain the inductive and deductive codes in more detail, table 2 explains the code book of this research. Note that the numbers between brackets in the codebook represent which referee has made the statement. The numbers do not relate to the code number. Within figure 4, the codes are positioned in the model of the expected relationship between negative social pressure and professional role identity.
First-order codes Theoretical categories Theoretical Dimension
Statements about “what is Professional role a referee”. identity Assessment of
referees’ professional
Statements about “changes in Change in profes– role identity the way of refereeing”. sional role identity
Statements about confidence
in performing one’s job Perceived successfully. competence
Perceived identity
Statements about policies Organizational (e.g. resources that aim at reducing negative KNVB, football
social pressure. clubs) policies
Statements about willingness to change professional Engagement in
identity. identity work
Statements about threats Perceived risk to
to achieve identity outcomes. achieve identity Dimensions of ide ntity outcomes. work
Statements about Perceived oppor- opportunities to achieve tunity to achieve
identity outcomes. identity outcomes.
Statements about who
expresses social Social groups pressures (e.g. the crowd,
football players).
Statements about interactions
with others (e.g. the crowd, Social interactions players, etc.).
Dimensions of
Statements about social socialization theory groups’ intentions to create a
need for professional Sensebreaking role identity change.
Statements about positive/
negative identification with
the performance of one’s role Sensegiving caused by social groups’
intentions to change one’s professional role identity.
First-order codes Theoretical categories Theoretical Dimension
Statements about “how we do our work” and the Work process
intensity of work.
Descriptions of work
Statements about “what we
did” (e.g. what referees are Work content doing).
Statements about negative
social pressures (e.g. Negative social aggressive behavior, violence, pressure
usage of terms of abuse). Social signals
Statements about positive Positive social
social signals. signals
Statements about using Exercise of power in order to cope with authority
negative social pressure.
Statements about communi- Positive personal
cating on the same level. communication Coping strategies
Statements about remaining Keeping one’s calm under pressure. composure
Statements about preventing
threatening situations from Proactive coping arising.
Table 1. Codebook
Code # Type Description Example from data
Professional role identity 1 Deductive Apply the code when statements regarding what a referee is are made.
The role you have as a referee is to command the game, but also to direct the game. Currently, as a referee, you are a manager as opposed to a cop
(#8). Change in professional
role identity
2 Deductive Statements regarding changes in one’s professional role identity.
And, in case players negatively affect my identity, especially when they are repeatedly reacting negatively, than I have experienced (..) that you can be irritated as a referee. (..) you will counteract in the form of shouting sooner (#7).
Perceived competence 3 Deductive Statements regarding referees’ perceived ability are. (..) you are perceiving yourself as a better referee as a result (#7).
Organizational policies 4 Deductive Statements regarding policies that do or do not support referees.
I think that football clubs that have a culture which acknowledges that one has to show respect to referees are making it easier to be a referee
(#3). Dynamic professional
role identity
5 Deductive Statements regarding the willingness to change one’s professional role identity.
The role that I play in a match constantly changes. That completely depends on the atmosphere of the game (#2) .
Perceived risk to achieve identity outcomes
6 Deductive Statements regarding one’s threats to achieve identity outcomes.
(..) negative social pressure also results in being less satisfied and content with your job. Which is unfortunate (#7).
Perceived opportunities to achieve identity outcomes
7 Deductive Statements regarding one’s opportunities to achieve identity outcomes.
I believe that they (referee association) can (..) have a significant influence on your professional identity (..) because it is an organization that (..) has a lot of experience, and that tries to help and support you
(#8).
Social groups 8 Deductive Statements regarding who expresses social pressure. (..) when trainers do not understand why you have made a decision, they can influence you (#1).
Social interactions 9 Deductive Statements regarding interactions with members of social groups.
Sometimes you have to walk by a player and talk with him, preventively (#12).
Sensebreaking 10 Deductive Statements about social groups’ intentions to create a need for professional role identity change.
(..)the crowd is not ashamed to express their dissatisfaction in whatever way possible. They are constantly trying to influence you (#1).
Sensegiving 11 Deductive Statements regarding a positive/negative identification with the performance of one’s role caused by social groups’ intentions to change one’s professional role identity.
Table 1. Codebook (continued)
Code # Type Description Example from data
Work process 12 Deductive Statements regarding how referees did their job. And if the match is harder (..) than the match requires a referee who is more strict and who is over other persons (#2).
Work content 13 Deductive Statements regarding what referees are doing. You are functioning on your own (..) and by communicating open and clearly with players you are trying to survive (#3).
Negative social pressure 14 Deductive Statements regarding negative social pressure (e.g. violence, aggression, etc.).
(..) well the crowd is different, and difficult to do something about. (..) when it really gets out of hand, calling names, (..) you could approach the captain of the team which crowd is behaving undesirably (#1).
Positive social signals 15 Deductive Statements regarding positive social signals. These people (the crowd) are telling me that I have made a good decision, or even when members of the KNVB approach me they tell me about my performance (#1).
Exercise of authority 16 Inductive Statements regarding coping strategies that are enhanced in which referees are using power.
(..) you are not automatically someone who’s authority is admitted. (..) well just like the current-day-cop, you are not someone to which people nod and say yes. (..) as a referee you have to be able to be over players
(#1). Positive personal
communication
17 Inductive Statements regarding communicating on the same level with others.
Humor. (..) during the game, when someone has a muscle-contraction, you state: “Well, then you should not be drinking so much beer.” And (..) you have to be able to be the object of the joke as well (#1).
Keeping one’s composure
18 Inductive Statements regarding remaining calm under pressure. (..) if you remain calm under pressure, I think that you can earn a lot of respect. If you respond to players in the same way in which players are responding to you, more aggression and a higher likelihood of being assaulted are the result, in my opinion (#4).
Proactive coping 19 Inductive Statements regarding the intention to prevent threatening situations from arising.
Level of experience Degree of professionalism
Id
Figure 4. The expected relationship between negative social pressure and professional role identity including codes.
4. FINDINGS
This section presents the data that have been gathered through interviews. Each sub-research question will be addressed with regard to the amateur and the professional context. Furthermore, within these contexts the differences between less experienced and experienced referees’ perceptions are also addressed. Note that the numbers between brackets represent the referee that has made the statement. At the end of this section, table 2 and 3 summarize the main findings.
4.1 Descriptions of professional role identity
Less experienced amateur referees stressed their opinion about being on your own as a referee. As one less experienced amateur referee put it: “A referee should not hide himself. I
think that because you are on your own, without backing, you should stand your ground
(#3).” Furthermore, another less experienced amateur referee stated: “You are on your own
on the pitch (#1).” These statements were not in line with experienced amateur referees’
perceptions of professional role identity. These did not perceived their professional identity as being on your own. Rather, two experienced amateur referees recognized a social aspect in a referees’ professional identity. For example, one experienced amateur referee stated: “You are
a social worker. Sometimes there is commotion on the pitch. (..) You clearly explain why you make the decision and the pressure reduces. (..) This is such a social aspect. When you foresee that a player is on the edge, then you walk by him and tell him to keep calm and that you are watching him (#4).” This social aspect of a referee’s professional role identity is
shared by another experienced amateur referee, who stated: “You have to be friendly, you
have to be polite, you need to set an example. If you are able to do that, no game will ever get out of hand (#5).” The perception that a referee is a social worker is also shared by less
experienced amateur referees. As one less experienced amateur referee put it: “You sense that
you are not just minding the rules, but also calming players at the same time. You are a manager of feelings. Basically, you are becoming a jack-of-all-trades on the pitch (#1).” Both
experienced and less experienced amateur referees shared the opinion that a good referee is more than an individual that has knowledge of the rules. For example, as one less experienced amateur referee put it: “When a referee has perfect knowledge of the rules, this does not mean
of the rulebook (#5).”
Less experienced professional referees described their professional role identity in different ways. First, all less experienced professional referees acknowledged that being one of the players was important. As one respondent belonging to this category put it: “I chat
with players who are warming-up (..) Then players think: ‘Hey, this guy is cool!’ (#9).”
Second, two out of three less experienced professional referees acknowledged the managing role of a referee. “As a referee you are a manager as opposed to a cop (#8).” In the third place, two out of three less experienced professional referees also stated that a referee is someone that shows authority when negative social pressure increased. As one less experienced professional referee stated: “You try to show your leadership in this situation, by
aiming at calming down the atmosphere. (..) You take an approach in which you are more over the players (#8).” Fourth, in some cases statements were made in which referees were
expected to know more than just the rules. As one less experienced professional referee acknowledged: “Some referees say: ‘I am operating according to the rules.’ And they are
right. However, I do not think that this is for the greater good of the match, the crowd, etcetera (#9).” Experienced professional referees all expressed to be a manager. One of them
stated: “You are a manager on the pitch, a game leader (#12).” Furthermore, two experienced professional referees stated to be one of the players. “I am one of the players. I
am someone who smoothly interacts with players, I can easily admit that I was wrong (#10).”
Additionally, two experienced professional referees admitted to enact an authoritarian role as well. The example function of a referee was perceived by two experienced professional referees. As one of them put it: “The example function of referees is very important. When a
player or coach is crossing the line, you have to intervene (#11).”
4.2 The meaning of negative social pressure
All less experienced amateur referees shared the opinion that complaining about a decision is not a form of negative social pressure per se. Rather, they believed that players’ disagreement with a referee’s decision was part of the game. As one less experienced amateur referee stated: “When you make a decision, there will always be one team that has a disadvantage.
This is known beforehand, and thus you know (..) that you will receive reactions (#1).”
Additionally, another less experienced amateur referee stated: “When a player approaches me
experienced amateur referees, opinions on where negative social pressure begins were not as similar. On the one hand, as one experienced amateur referee believed, all kinds of reactions can be explained as negative social pressure. “Negative social pressure starts with dismissive
gestures. Someone makes it clear towards others that he disagrees with me, even though I am right. And it (negative social pressure) continues with threats and assaults (#5).” On the other
hand, another experienced amateur referee shared less experienced referees’ opinions about where negative social pressure begins. “Someone may respond to my decisions. Players are
unwarranted for 10 seconds after my whistle-signal. You have to understand that (#4).”
One out of three less experienced professional referees believed that players’ first reactions to their decisions were not part of negative social pressure, rather he understood these kind of reactions. As this referee put it: “I know how fanatical I was when I was still
sporting (#9).” The other two less experienced professional referees did experience negative
social pressure in players’ reactions, but where able to deal with it. “The negative social
pressure expressed by players often originates out of emotion, which makes it easier to deal with (#7).” Two experienced professional referees believed that negative social pressure was
expressed when their example function needed to be enacted. “When I do not react to
aggression, I give a negative signal to my colleagues and to amateur football. (..) I have to set an example then (#12).”
4.3 Social groups that express negative social pressure
Both experienced and less experienced amateur referees acknowledged that the social group expressing most negative social pressure was the crowd. As stated by one experienced amateur referee the forms in which this group expresses negative social pressure can be striking. “The negative social pressure in that match was extreme. (..) a couple of days after
the match, supporters of the losing club have destroyed his (the referee’s) garden. That upsets you (#5).” Furthermore, a less experienced amateur referee believed that the crowd expresses
more negative social pressure towards him than players. “The crowd is not held back to
express their negative signals, as opposed to players. (..) they (the crowd) are not confronted with the punishment of a yellow card, and an individual in the crowd may easily disappear in the mass (#1).” However, according to some amateur referees the crowd expresses the same
amount of negative social pressure as the players. As one less experienced amateur referee put it: “Which group expresses more negative social pressure, the crowd or players. I am not
occasion, an experienced amateur referee even stated that KNVB expressed the same amount of negative social pressure as the crowd. “The KNVB’s expression of negative social pressure
is significant, and that is due to the way in which it treats its referees. (..) Since all the calamities stem from those things which a referee has to do, and not from what he can do. A referee can do a lot more, but he is not allowed to (#5).” It has to be noted that all other
amateur referees believed that KNVB was the social group which expressed the lowest amount of negative social pressure. In addition to the KNVB, the referee association is believed to express a low amount of negative social pressure as well. All amateur referees agree that it is an organization that does not express negative social pressure. With regard to players, they were perceived as a social group that expressed a significant amount of negative social pressure by both experienced and less experienced amateur referees. However, all amateur referees stated that players do not always express negative social pressure. Rather, the amount of negative social pressure expressed by players is received in extreme situations. According to one less experienced amateur referee: “You do not experience negative social
pressure expressed by players for 90 minutes, but there are some situations in which you are under heavy fire. But over the total 90 minutes this is rectified (#1).” In addition to players,
almost all amateur referees believed that trainers are a social group that expresses negative social pressure as well. One experienced amateur referee stated: “They (trainers) are trying to
increase the pressure on the referee. They start to shout unpleasant things (#4).”
Furthermore, the club board was perceived to be a social group that can express negative social pressure. All amateur referees shared the opinion that club boards occasionally express negative social pressure. As one less experienced amateur referee pointed out: “After the
match they (the club board) are complaining about the amount of yellow cards their team got in comparison to the opponents. They (the club board) are expected to set an example towards the rest of the club, but fail to do so (#3).” At last, in a single case, a less experienced referee
recognized that the club assistant referee even expressed negative social pressure. “A
linesman even storms on the pitch, and starts swearing and shouting towards you, because you gave a penalty against his club (#2).”
Less experienced professional referees shared the opinion that the crowd and players were the social groups expressing most negative social pressure. Two out of three less experienced professional referees believed that the crowd was expressing most negative social pressure. In one case, players were perceived to express more negative social pressure than the crowd. As the latter referee stated: “Players (..) are those who are closest to you. You
(#8).” Furthermore, club boards were perceived to express only a limited amount of negative social pressure by all less experienced professional referees. As one of these referees acknowledged: “Most club boards are not allowing conversations regarding referees’
decisions after the match in the board room, but there are clubs were you are being figuratively attacked after the match because the board does not agree with the decisions that you have made (#9).” With regard to the KNVB, there was one case in which a less
experienced professional referee perceived some expression of negative social pressure, which this referee explained as follows: “(..) eventually, the pressure for a referee (expressed by the KNVB) lies in the pressure of having to perform (#8).” Lastly, all professional referees perceived the referee association to express no negative social pressure. Experienced professional referees shared the opinion that the crowd expressed most negative social pressure. As one of them put it: “The crowd. You experience it (the crowd’s expression of negative social pressure) a lot. Shouting at you during a corner (#10).” Figures 5-8 outline perceptions on social groups’ expressions of negative social pressure, based on a 1 to 5 Likert-scale in which 1 is extremely low and 5 is extremely high.
4.4 Perceived professional role identity change as a result of negative social pressure
Cases of experienced and less experienced referees show differences in perceptions of professional identity change resulting from negative social pressure. All less experienced amateur referees believed that their professional identity, accompanied by the role they played on the pitch, changed as a result of the negative social pressure expressed by players. As one less experienced amateur referee put it: “When I believe that the line has been crossed, (..) in
terms of how people express their opinion, then I change as well, both non-verbally and verbally. In case a player tells me that I am not doing a good job, in a way which I believe is undesirable, then I will reply to him in the same way. I am not afraid to tell a player to shut up. (..) I have indicated this before as the switch from being one of the players towards being over the players (#1).” In contrast, all experienced amateur referees believed that players’
expression of negative social pressure did not affect their professional identity. As one experienced amateur referee put it: “I am able to shrug it (negative social pressure expressed by players) off quite easily. (..) It does not affect me (#4).” Furthermore, the crowd’s expression of negative social pressure was perceived to have a limited influence on professional identity by all amateur referees. “You do hear them (the crowd), but since you do
not directly interact with them (the crowd) they influence you less (#2).”
Figure 5. The amount of negative social pressure (N) expressed by social groups according to less experienced amateur referees.
Figure 6. The amount of negative social pressure expressed (N) by social groups according to experienced amateur referees.
Figure 7. The amount of negative social pressure expressed (N) by social groups according to less experienced professional referees.
Figure 8. The amount of negative social pressure (N) expressed by social groups according to experienced professional referees. 0 1 2 3 4 5
Players The crowd Club boards KNVB Referee association
Referee #1 Referee #2 Referee #3 Average 0 1 2 3 4 5
Players The crowd Club boards KNVB Referee association
Referee #4 Referee #5 Referee #6 Average 0 1 2 3 4 5
Players The crowd Club boards KNVB/UEFA/FIFA Referee association
Referee #7 Referee #8 Referee #9 Average 0 1 2 3 4 5
Players The crowd Club boards KNVB/UEFA/FIFA Referee association
experienced professional referees perceived their professional identity to be affected significantly. As one of them put it: “The influence of players on your professional identity
can be significant because you interact with them a lot (#8).” With regard to the crowd’s
expression of negative social pressure, it was perceived to influence less experienced professional referees less than then players’ expression of negative social pressure. As one of these referees stated: “I would lie if I told you that a referee is not influenced by a collective
expression of negative social pressure. That (..) does not mean that you are making different decisions, however you do experience that your attitude during the course of play changes
(#8).” Concerning club boards, all less experienced professional referees shared the opinion that when negative social pressure is expressed, they are not influenced by it significantly. Even the referee indicating his professional identity to be influenced most by the club boards’ negative social pressure noted: “During a game you are not thinking about club boards, or
even football associations (#8).” The experienced professional referee indicating that his
professional identity was largely affected by the KNVB/UEFA/FIFA noted: “They are only
trying to approach us positively. However, when they are negative, than it has a large impact on us referees. (..) Then, I should adapt my style of refereeing (#10).” Another experienced
professional referee shared this opinion. “They (KNVB/UEFA/FIFA) are the ones expressing
a low amount of negative social pressure. But when they do express it, it has a large influence on my identity because I am interested in the perceptions of this group. (..) They have knowledge about my business (#11).” One experienced professional referee clearly stated the
role played by the level of experience he possessed. “If a player behaves aggressively, I am
not affected anymore. In the past I would have been affected, but due to my experience this has changed. And the same counts for the crowd’s influence on me (#11).” Figures 9-12
outline the influence of negative social pressure on professional identity as perceived by less experienced and experienced referees respectively, based on a 1 to 5 Likert-scale in which 1 is extremely low and 5 is extremely high. It is important to note that the large influence the referee association and the KNVB have may be due to the low amount negative social pressure or high amount of positive social signals they were perceived to express.
4.5 Social groups’ sensebreaking and sensegiving practices
Similarities in both experienced and less experienced amateur referees’ statements regarding social groups’ sensebreaking practices were found. As one experienced amateur referee put it: “You are blowing the whistle for a foul, and a player says: ‘Well, done ref!’, with which
Figure 9. Social groups’ expression of negative social pressure’s influence on professional identity (I) as perceived by less experienced amateur referees.
Figure 10. Social groups’ expression of negative social pressure’s influence on professional identity (I) as perceived by experienced amateur referees.
Figure 11. Social groups’ expression of negative social pressure’s influence on professional identity (I) as perceived by less experienced professional referees.
Figure 12. Social groups’ expression of negative social pressure’s influence on professional identity (I) as perceived by experienced professional referees.
0 1 2 3 4 5
Players The crowd Club boards KNVB Referee association
Referee #1 Referee #2 Referee #3 Average 0 1 2 3 4 5
Players The crowd Club boards KNVB Referee association
Referee #4 Referee #5 Referee #6 Average 0 1 2 3 4 5
Players The crowd Club boards KNVB/UEFA/FIFA Referee association
Referee #7 Referee #8 Referee #9 Average 0 1 2 3 4 5
Players The crowd Club boards KNVB/UEFA/FIFA Referee association
(#4).” These kind of intentions by social groups are evident in less experienced amateur referees’ perceptions as well. “(..) the crowd is not ashamed to express their dissatisfaction in
whatever way possible. They are constantly trying to influence you (#1).” However, in one
case social groups’ sensegiving activities were not successful in affecting an experienced amateur referee. “No, it does not influence me. I try to ignore both positive and negative
signals expressed by the crowd (#4).” Furthermore, a less experienced amateur referee stated
the following regarding players’ sensegiving activities: “It goes in one ear and out the other
ear (#2).” On the contrary, in one less experienced amateur referee’s perception he became
dissatisfied with his professional identity. “(..) that (someone’s expression of negative social pressure) really influenced me. I did not know what to do then (#3).” Furthermore, one experienced referee noted: “If you constantly hear: ‘This is wrong, that is wrong.’, and all
kinds of other negative reactions, then there comes a moment where you start to think: ‘Am I really making bad decisions?’ (#4).”
One less experienced professional referee acknowledged that the KNVB engaged in activities aimed at changing his professional identity. These sensebreaking activities resulted from the KNVB’s policy aimed at reducing negative social pressure. As he put it: “The policy
of the KNVB has to be pursued by all referees, because if you make an agreement with each other, you have to live up to it. However, I think that this policy is beside the mark (#9).” As a
result, he did not change his professional identity. “I do not agree with it (the KNVB’s policy). If you make a sound, it is a yellow card already. (..) No individual is the same, and no
referee is the same. Our work is based on human interpretations. No matter how many common agreements you make, there is so much space within executing them (#9).”
Additionally, other social groups’ sensebreaking activities were evident in less experienced professional referees’ cases. For example, in one case a situation of trainers’ sensebreaking activities was evident. “(..) trainers in the professional football context, who clearly have an
example function, are indicating: “Since the incident, referees are giving a ridiculous amount of cards, and (..) referees should earn respect, instead of being given respect without reasons
(#7).” In this example, trainers are aiming at changing referees’ professional identities towards being less strict in punishing players. Regarding sensegiving activities resulting from the KNVB’s goal to change less experienced referees’ professional identity towards being more strict, different statements were evident. On the one hand, two less experienced professional referees acknowledged not to be changed. As one of them put it: “No matter how
