For the Living, the Dead, and the Divine Private Associations in Roman Macedonia

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For the Living, the Dead, and the Divine

Private Associations in Roman Macedonia

ReMa-Thesis Alexandros Tsouris s2531593

1.11.15

Research Master in Classical, Medieval and Renaissance Studies University of Groningen – Faculty of Arts

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Preface - Acknowledgments

Two years ago, Fanourakis Foundation accepted my application for a scholarship and funded the first year of my research master in the University of Groningen. I owe to this institution my utmost gratitude and respect. I am more than morally obliged. Without their generous funding, this dream would not have been accomplished. To start thanking friends here would be a long list. I am grateful to them all, both in the Netherlands and Greece, for their constant support. The financial and most importantly emotional support of my parents and family has been the most valuable help in this journey. I am indebted to them. My gratitude and respect goes as well to Vasilis Linardos for everything, and mostly for his friendship. Special thanks to dr. Ioanna Papadopoulou (University of Democritus) for improving so much my written English. I am also grateful to dr. Paschalis Paschidis (National Hellenic Research Institute) for letting me consult and cite his forthcoming article. Our discussions have, moreover, extended my viewpoint on this field. I am more than grateful to my supervisor, prof. dr. Onno van Nijf. He took my abstract and general standpoint over history and transformed it into a committed passion. Any research skills developed these past two years are a product of his persistence on my frustrating attitude. In this thesis, he has been the most precious help. Finally, my gratitude goes as well to prof. dr. Vincent Gabrielsen for his valuable contribution in this work. His input, comments and help were priceless. Any mistakes, or omissions, remain my own.

To an inspiring archaeologist and his Litsaki

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Abbreviations

ΑΑΑ Αρχαιολογικά Ανάλεκτα εξ Αθηνών. Αthens. AE Ἀρχαιολογικὴ Ἐφημερὶς. Athens.

ΑΕΜΘ Το Αρχαιολογικό Έργο στη Μακεδονία και στη Θράκη. Τhessaloniki. Agora XVII Bradeen, Donald W. Inscriptions. The Funerary Monuments. «The

Athenian Agora», 17. Princeton. 1974.

BCH Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique. BE Bulletin Épigraphique. Paris.

CIG Boeckh, G. Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum. Berlin. 1828-1877. Demitsas Demitsas, M. G. Ἡ Μακεδονία ἐν Λίθοις Φθενγομένοις καὶ μνεμείοις σῳζομένοις. Athens. 1896.

ΕΑΜ Rizakes T., and Touratsoglou G. Επιγραφές Άνω Μακεδονίας (Ελιμεία, Εορδαία, Νότια Λυνγκιστίς, Ορεστίς). Τόμος Α΄ Κατάλογος Επιγραφών. Athens. 1985.

ΕΚΜ Gounaropoulou, L., and Hatzopoulos M. B. Επιγραφές Κάτω Μακεδονίας (μεταξύ του Βερμίου Όρους και του Αξιού Ποταμού). Τεύχος Α΄. Επιγραφές Βέροιας. Athens. 1998.

Macedonian Hatzopoulous, M. B. Macedonian Institutions under the Kings II. Institutions Epigraphic Appendix. Athens. 1996.

I. Aeg. Thrace Loukopoulou L. D., Parissaki M. G., Psoma S., and Zournatzi A.,

with the assistance of Diamanti T. and others. Επιγραφές της Θράκης

του Αιγαίου: μεταξύ των ποταμών Νέστου και Έβρου (νομοί Ξάνθης, Ροδόπης και Έβρου). Athens. 2005.

ID Durrbach, F., Roussel P., Launey M., Plassart A. and Coupry J.

Inscriptions de Délos. Paris. 1926-1973.

IG Inscriptiones Graecae. Berlin. 1877---.

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I.Leukopetra Petsas, P. M., Hatzopoulos M. B., Gounaropoulou L., and Paschidis

P. Inscriptions du sanctuaire de la Mère des Dieux autochthone de

Leukopétra (Macédoine). Athens. 2000.

I.Oropos Petrakos, B. C. Oἱ ἐπιγραφὲς τοῦ Ὠρωποῦ. Athens. 1997 I.Smyrna Petzl, G. Die Inschriften von Smyrna. Bonn. 1982-1990.

I.Eph. Wankel, H. and Engelmann H.. Die Inschriften von Ephesos. Bonn.

1979–84.

LSJ Liddell, H.G. and Scott, R. A Greek-English Lexicon. 9th Edition. Oxford. 1996.

Meletemata 11 Hatzopoulos, M. B., and Loukopoulou L. Recherches sur les marches orientales des Temenides: (Anthemonte - Kalindoia). 2

vols. Athens. 1992-1996.

Nigdelis “Voluntary Associations in Roman Thessalonike.” In From Roman to Early Christian Thessalonike. Harvard. 2010.

OCD Hornblower, S., and Spawforth, A. The Oxford Classical Dictionary.

4th ed. Oxford. 2012.

Philippi II Pilhofer, P. Philippi. Band II. Katalog der Inschriften von Philippi.

Tübingen. 2000.

P. Mich. V E.M. Husselman,A.E.R. Boak and W.F. Edgerton Papyri from Tebtunis, Part II. Ann Arbor. 1944.

SEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum. Leiden and Amsterdam.

1923--.

SIG3/ Syll.3 Dittenberger, W. Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum. Leipzig. 1915-

1924.

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Introduction

One of the well attested phenomena of the Greco-Roman world is its wide range of private groups. Connected under certain common characteristics, various people quite often gathered together and participated in communal activities, forming in this way group of some cohesiveness. Such groups are labeled by modern scholars with a variety of terms, including collegia, guilds, clubs, societies, and private/ voluntary associations.2

Although scholars approached the issue from multiple viewpoints and examined the way it appeared in most corners of the Empire,3 northern Greece and more specifically Macedonia is still terra incognita. Hitherto, private groups of this area have been mostly subjected to a comparative analysis pertaining to early Christianity or by focusing on specific cities and themes. Hence, a comprehensive examination of the whole area is still unavailable. In my master thesis I am going to investigate the activities of private associations in the cities of Macedonia.

Apart from the gap in the literature, there is also a variety of reasons making Macedonia a case study that may provide a new insight in our understanding of these groups and of Greco-Roman society. Macedonia comprises an area with certain peculiarities, such as a cultural entity and an ethnic identity. Such peculiarities, which Paschalis Paschidis has so aptly termed as “Macedonian mentalities,”4 are not often easily spotted elsewhere. The private associations of this area, moreover, present a visible difference as opposed to other parts of the Greco-Roman world. Namely, they seem to have been primarily focused on religion, on which they also built their public representation. Setting this observation within the distinctive cultural features of this region raises the question as to whether private associations in Macedonia served different purposes compared to other places. Therefore the main research question posed in this master thesis will be “What was the role and function of private associations in Macedonia?”

How then were the associative activities of other regions perceived so far? Briefly observing at this point the ways scholars have touched on the topic of associations in

2_{Wilson (1996), 1.}

3_{It was already noticeable from the early ‘80s that associations of the West had received much more} attention than their Greek counterparts; see Ausbüttel (1982), 12, n. 5. The Greek East has also received fair attention. Indicatively: Poland (1909) focus on the Greek mainland; van Nijf (1997) and Harland (2003) mainly on the Greek East (Asia Minor); Arnaoutoglou (2003) on Athens; Gabrielsen (1997), (2001) on Rhodes; Gibbs (2011), Muhs (2001), and Arnaoutoglou (2005), on Egypt.

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6 general and specifically in Macedonia will provide a general background and locate the present work within the debate.

General Historiography on Private Associations

Despite the fact that these groups played a vivid role in their cities, ancient historiography did not really commit itself with these groups. In 1932 when Marcus Tod gave his three lectures on Sidelights on Greek History, he spoke of, concerning the ancient literature references to clubs, an “almost unbroken silence on the subject.”5

A lesser interest in the study of associations does not go unnoticed in modern literature for the greater part of the 20th century. It was noted almost twenty years ago that the specific subject was somehow neglected,6 yet, the interest in associations studies has significantly increased since then.

Before the mid 19th century, associations did not really attract the interest of scholars.7 The second half of the 19th as well as the greater part of the 20th century saw works that examined these groups in a formalistic way, as well as some scrutiny from theologians.8 Concerning the latter half of the 19th century, the works of Theodor Mommsen and Jean Pierrew Waltzing stand out as studies that set the terms of the debate for more than half of the previous century.9 Namely, associations were approached from a legalistic perspective and attention was given mainly to the relationship with the state, and whether their creational purpose was sociability or necessity.10

From the mid 20th century onwards, it seems that the social examination of collegia was more favored. The contribution of the Italian scholar Francesco Maria De Robertis in that direction is valuable.11 A theme emerging from his works is the study of the worker’s position within the economy and his interaction within the stratified society.12 5 Tod (1932), 71. 6 Van Nijf (1997), 5. 7

See Arnaoutoglou (2003), 25, who cites only two examples as exemptions to this observation. See moreover Ascough (2003), 3, n. 1, for the few works from the 16th till the 19th century.

8

For the first steps of the comparison between associations and early Christian communities see Kloppenborg (1993), McLean (1993), and Perry (2006), 41-60.

9

Mommsen (1843), Waltzing (1895-1900). 10

For an analysis of Mommsen and Waltzing’s works see Perry (2006), 23-88. 11

For a collection of all of his articles see De Robertis (1987). 12

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7 A shift towards focusing more on the social implications of associative life started coming into being in the early ‘70s. Studies appeared professing that associations pursued honor and status and social prestige, rather than economic advantages. They also argued against the idea that their creational purpose was a pure need for social interaction.13 Upon this path, the ‘90s seem to have established the civic importance of associations.14

The past twenty five years have witnessed a boom in studies analyzing associations from every possible perspective. Following the global approaches of the previous century and a half, what is currently noticeable is works examining associations within their geographical and historical context, as well as on a limited thematic scope. In this way, they focus on unexplored issues, or re-evaluate previous debates.15 A common feature of these works is that they all view private associations as fundamental elements of the city’s life, functioning and interacting with its various parts and having their own distinguished, yet fully integrated, place in the city’s social order.

It seems, thus, that the old tradition of approaching these groups in the monolithic way dictating hostile relations with the state is not so much favored anymore.16 Nowadays, scholars investigate associations as crucial constituents of our general understanding of the Greco-Roman world. Yet, as already noticed the works focusing on the northern part of the Greek world, and more precisely on Macedonia, are substantially fewer. Let us take a look at the ways these studies have approached private associations of this region.

13

MacMullen (1974), 76-80. See moreover Hopkins (1983), who stressed the social needs that were fulfilled by associative burials; Hasley Royden (1988) focused on the social status of collegia’s magistrates; Sandra Joshel (1992), 98-122, argued that being a collegiatus, and especially holding an office, was a prestige symbol. The focus on collegial sociability as the binding reason has led to a lasting debate concerning the comparison between Roman collegia and medieval guilds. In that direction, De Ste Croix (1983), 273, argued that collegia were convivial bodies and not organized guilds that promoted their financial interests. For this discussion see Finley (1999), 137-8, Epstein (1991), 10-49, van Nijf (1997), 11-18, and now Liu (2008), 11-24.

14

See Patterson (1993) and (1994), who effectively challenged the conception of hominess tenuiores, and argued towards the elevation of the prestige of collegia in towns. See moreover van Nijf (1997), who examined the associative activities of Asia Minor and suggested that collegia functioned as sources of identity for those socially below the local governing elites.

15

It is especially the debate regarding governmental interference that has been extensively revised, with scholars mostly arguing that there is no universal ban on collegia, no morbid fear, but rather temporary and of limited scope interferences. Characteristic examples are Cotter (1996), de Ligt (2000) and (2001), Arnaoutoglou (2002) and (2005), Liu (2005) and Bendlin (2011).

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8 Historiography of Private Associations in Macedonia

Various works have dealt so far with private associations of this region. Yet they have mostly been analyses of different issues, such as the religion and the cults of the province. For such themes associations were part of their sources.17 Publications that have specifically focused on Macedonian associations are noticeably few.

Franz Poland included some evidence from Macedonia in his study, yet there is no special treatment of the area, as his book lacks a geographical distribution in general.18 Almost half a century later, a recognized leading expert on Macedonian studies, Dimitris Kanatsoulis, had a few pages of his thorough analysis of the Macedonian polis dedicated to associations. In his investigation, however, he basically observes and describes issues of nomenclature, organization and religious characteristics.19 It can hardly be seen as an attempt of a historical interpretation. After Kanatsoulis’ brief description of Macedonian associations, it is only recently that the interest in this area has been revived again. Yet, most works deal with specific issues, such as certain types of associations like the Roman merchants or Dionysiac groups. Studies concentrating only on the latter provide useful insight into our understanding of the region’s associative phenomenon, but due to their limited scope they are incomplete.20

Moreover, a fair amount of attention has focused on the cities of Thessaloniki and Philippi, though mainly compared with early Christianity.21 Such comparative analyses indeed contribute a lot to the field since they examine various social implications of associative life in depth.22 However, their initial purpose is to utilize collegia as a model to further understand the first Christian groups, hence, they cast out important aspects of the associations. In addition, they are not complete collections of the available sources. On the other hand, Pantelis Nigdelis has quite recently conducted an excellent study of the associations of Thessaloniki. His

17

Edson (1948) examining the cults of Roman Thessaloniki, presented some information about a few religious associations of the city regarding mainly their organization and membership. Similarly, see Tsochos (2012), Steimle (2008), Jaccottet (2003) and Mitrev (2003).

18

Poland (1909). His study is a characteristic example of a work reflecting the tradition of a formalistic perspective, predominant in his period. He dealt with the Greek East describing associations’ historical origins, nomenclature, organization, regulations and finances.

19

Kanatsoulis (1955), 269-279. 20

Roman merchants: Rizakis (1986), Belenis (1996). Dionysiac thiasoi: Mitrev (2002). 21

Very representative examples of such comparisons are the works of Richard Ascough. See Ascough (2000), (2003) and (2010).

22

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9 approach is characteristic of the recent consensus. He examines the civic activities of collegia, religious and identity issues, considering associations as an integral part of the city’s networks.23

Yet, his focus is restricted only on one place.

The only work, at least to my knowledge, that addresses solely and almost completely the associative phenomenon of the region is Paschalis Paschidis’ latest article (forthcoming). Paschidis examines the nature of difference between religious associations and what is traditionally deemed as civic cults, “in terms of mentality patterns and religious and social experiences.”24

In fact, he illustrates the lack of substantial differences between religious associations and other cultic structures in Macedonia and advises against clear cut distinctions.

Moreover, he makes some very important suggestions explaining the fact that the majority of religious associations are found in the eastern part of the province. Accordingly, this can be understood as a result of the different religious traditions between western and eastern Macedonia, with the river Axios being the boarder. He argues that western of Axios the need of collective identities was fulfilled via cults that were successful due to their appearance as historically attached to the local communities. The absence of such cults eastern of Axios opened the way for the creation of different religious structures, such as religious associations.25

However, while his approach indeed broadens the discussion, his focus is exclusively fixed upon religious associations, thus, excluding a crucial portion of the available evidence of the region, whilst his questions are of a limited scope. Other associations that do not seem to have been explicitly involved in religious practices are dismissed, with other activities like funerary or honorific being left aside. On that account, it is not an exhaustive work in regard to the overall function of these groups in the region.

It should be clear by now that what the literature concerning Macedonian associations is lacking in is a study incorporating all of the evidence and investigating their general engagement in their cities. It is worth wondering whether the analysis of private associations of this region co-aligns with the recent academic consensus regarding the role of these groups in their cities. Therefore, a firm appreciation of

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10 their overall existence will hopefully contribute to our understanding of the function and structure of the Greco-Roman city.

For this inquiry I am going to study the activities of these groups, namely, funerary, honorary and religious ones. Associations buried and commemorated people, they honored them and they were involved in various ways with religion. There are some hints regarding other activities, for instance economically oriented ones, yet I have chosen to study these activities due to the fact that they are the best documented ones.26 These practices are depicted on sources that are their own products, inscriptions.

Ever since the early ‘80s scholarship investigates this type of evidence not only as sources of information but as indicators of a culture. This “sense of audience,” in which MacMullen saw a possible explanatory factor for the inscriptional explosion,27 means that individuals made certain statements when inscribing something on stone and setting it in public view. Inscriptions were used to build identity and to assert a person’s status, or claim for one, within society.28

From this perspective, examining the inscriptions that these groups left behind, I will be attempting to reconstruct and understand stories, motivations, experiences, as well as self and collective representation, in other words identities.

Bearing the above in mind, Chapter I will set out to briefly explain the afore-mentioned idiosyncrasy of Macedonia. In Chapter II, I will provide a framework describing what a private association is, and proceed with an account of my primary sources and of the information they provide. I am going to introduce the evidence from a comparative perspective, laying out results and interpretations from other regions, in order to discover similarities, and most importantly, differences. Pointing out especially the associative differences is going to demonstrate the necessity of this research, since it can be used as test case for the present academic consensus. Having done so, I will begin my analysis.

26

It also be noted that there is a certain overlap between these three categories. For instance the performance of mortuary ritual can be seen as funerary activity as well as a religious one. Hence, this categorization is used as a tool for the investigation of the role of private associations.

27

MacMullen (1982), 246. 28

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Chapter I. Macedonia

In the Introduction, I showed that a systematic and complete treatment of the northern Greek fenomeno associativo in contemporary research is rather deficient.29 Yet, my intention is to focus on Macedonia, since certain reasons render the area a separate case study of northern Greece. In the paragraphs to follow, I will elaborate on the latter.

Why Macedonia?

It is fair to ask why should we treat this region separately from its surroundings? Ever since its early history Macedonia has been a peculiar case. Whilst the integration of the region in the Hellenic world undeniably started coming into being as of the early 5th century BC,30 at the same time there are features indicating a distinctive and differentiated culture. For instance, Greece in general witnessed the rise of city-states from the 5th century BC onwards, whereas the Macedonian region functioned as a kingdom, exhibiting very different administrative, social and political characteristics. The sociopolitical structure of Macedonia was quite different from the model of the polis, which was quite common in the rest of the Greek world. This kingdom was dominated by an aristocracy that possessed the wealth, desire and freedom to invest in familial rather than civic monuments,31 as the famous monumental tombs of Pella and Vergina indicate. Such monuments stood for aristocratic values and ideas as opposed, for instance, to Athens, the funerary monuments of which -it has been argued- were products of isonomic ideals.32 Moreover, this kingdom included multiple ethnic groups, who were gradually incorporated into the larger polity.33

All the more, in the late Classical and Hellenistic period, and even in the Roman era, Macedonia continues to show some distinctive features that make the region a cultural entity to the point of treating it separately from the rest of northern Greece. This shared culture is portrayed in a variety of characteristics. In presenting the latter, I will mainly pay attention to the Roman period, which is the main focus of this work.

29

The term fenomeno associativo was introduced by De Robertis (1955). 30

See Hatzopoulos (2011), who lays out the necessary evidence in a recent article. Studying archaeological, literary and epigraphic evidence, and focusing among other features on onomastics and funerary culture, he proves that even in Upper Macedonia, that is the less Greek part of the areas that Phillip II incorporated in his kingdom, we can talk about Greek civilization and culture.

31

Christesen-Murray (2010), 437. 32

Meyer (1993). 33

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13 A typical example is the Macedonian Koinon, the political confederacy between cities during the Hellenistic times that was transformed in the Roman era into an institution dealing with the imperial cult and organizing games and festivals.34 Although the geographical spread of this confederacy cannot be clearly confirmed, the absence of its officials from the Illyrian territory of the Roman province strongly suggests that its activities were confined to the traditional area of Macedonia, that is to say the Macedonian kingdom as created by Philip II.35

One indication that the region had a strong sense of identity was that this institution produced coins with ethnic symbols and themes.36 In addition, the Macedonian Koinon was not the only remnant-institution of the Hellenistic past that was allowed to function under Roman rule. There is evidence that the Senate permitted other koina to exist, such as those of Upper Macedonia. Their function in the imperial era seems to bear a close resemblance to the one of the Macedonian Koinon.37 The survival of these institutions is a clear attestation that the Roman authorities recognized the political and cultural idiosyncrasy of the area.

Shifting our attention back to the issue of coinage, it has shown that both local identities and an ethic Macedonian one persisted during the Roman rule.38 Moreover, there was an increase in the use of the ethnic Μακεδών (Macedon) in the period 2nd -3rd centuries AD. The illustrative examples derive from the cities of Thessaloniki and Beroea.39 This can be interpreted as an increased emphasis on Macedonian identity. It is beyond doubt that ethnic names refer to an historical consciousness and serve the construction of identities.40

34

Kanatsoulis (1956) is the most standard work but see now Hatzopoulos (1996), 127-65, which has a comprehensive bibliography; Herz (2008) discusses only the 3rd century AD.

35

See Nigdelis, III. Roman Macedonia at www.macedonian-heritage.gr. Mitrev (2003), 320, argues that under Hadrian initial boundaries -Lower Macedonia- were extended to Upper and Eastern Macedonia.

36

Kremydi-Sisilianou (2005), 102. 37

For the functions of the Koina in Roman Macedonia see Sverkos (1997), 55-60. 38

For an excellent analysis of the variety of depiction on coins of cities, the differences with colonies, and the developments over time see Kremydi-Sisilianou (2005).

39

Ibid, 102, n. 91. 40

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14 Religion poses yet another sign of cultural uniformity. There is evidence of religious practices “in which Macedonians diverged from their fellow Greeks...”41

It has been suggested that common religious beliefs during the reign of Temenid and Antigonid Kings was one of the contributing factors that molded Macedonia into a distinct entity.42 Specifically, there are certain deities, including Zeus, Herakles, Dionysus, Artemis, Asclepius, or the Egyptian gods Isis and Sarapis, that, although they were widely worshipped around the Greek world, they were of particular importance for the Macedonians. The cults of these deities in the region seem to keep existing within the Roman era.43 This persistence of common cults may be regarded as the survival of a shared religious mentality among Macedonians during the Roman period. Further details upon this matter will be given in the final chapter of this study. The features described thus far are sufficient enough to indicate a common culture and identity, something that Epirus, Illyria and Thrace did not share neither before, nor after the Roman intrusion. Hence, referring henceforth to Macedonia, and more specifically to Roman Macedonia, I will not imply the Roman province in its exact boundaries, which at various points included the above-mentioned regions,44 but the

Macedonian region in Roman times with an identifiable Macedonian culture. Map created by E. Tsouris, GEOPSIS.

41

Christesen and Murray (2010), 429. 42

See Mari (2011) who discusses traditional cults and beliefs of Macedonia. 43

For a relevant discussion see Christesen and Murray (2010). 44

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15 traditional Macedonian core that entails the afore described distinct ethnic and cultural distinctiveness, as depicted on the map above.45

To sum up, in this short chapter, I have argued that Macedonia should be treated separately of northern Greece, due its cultural distinctiveness. It is within such an environment, particularly different from other parts of the Greco-Roman world, where I want to discover the role of private associations. Yet, a definition of the groups under scrutiny, as well as a description of their main features, is first required.

45

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Chapter II. Fenomeno Associativo in Macedonia

Introduction

In the previous chapter, I presented the reasons that make Macedonia a distinct case study from the rest of northern Greece. Let us now focus on the associations. What kind of groups has scholarship perceived as private associations so far? Ilias Arnaoutoglou has noted that most scholars avoid providing a definition of associations in relevant studies.46 I have no intention here to offer a new definition. I will rather summarize the discussion and provide a practical working framework to proceed further. Having done so, I will provide a detailed account of the key social characteristics of Macedonian private associations.

Main Part - Private Associations 1) Private Associations: Description.

Thus far scholars have identified as associations groups of voluntary and private nature.47 These two fundamental criteria draw a distinguishing line between associations and groups that were created by the state, and were either manned by it or at least served its agenda. Examples of such official associations are the sacerdotal collegia and sodalities established by the Roman state for religious functions.48 Moreover, some scholars have added a temporal and organizational criterion, meaning that associations were viewed as groups of permanency in time, of a strictly defined organization and of specific planning.49

What scholars have, therefore, generally examined as associations are groups that present some sort of structure and organization, assemblies, possession of premises, and some financial power. In addition to this, groups that actively participated in civic life: parades, processions, public commensalities, mortuary, honorific and religious practices and the list could go on. These groups do not seem to have had a connection with the state in terms of being shaped by the latter or serving its purposes,50 and

46

Arnaoutoglou (2003), 22. 47

See De Robertis (1938), 7, who defined his subject as voluntary organizations of people in reciprocal relations who pursued a permanent common goal.

48_{See Kloppenborg (1996), 16-17.} 49

Arnaoutoglou (2003), 23-24, for a short presentation of relevant works; he argues that what these approaches have shown is that a single interpretative model is insufficient.

50

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17 participation was not mandatory, nor was it imposed by ties of kinships or some other compulsory reasons. However, the voluntary nature should not be overstressed, since participation in some collective forms, such as a family trade group, could have been obligatory for various reasons. These characteristics are more or less applicable in plenty of groups in Macedonia.

Yet, it is not always easy to distinguish organizations of private and voluntary nature in this part of the northern Greek world. As Paschidis has effectively shown, the non-associative cults in this region, in other words the ones traditionally perceived as official, shared many similarities with those groups that were also traditionally considered as private religious associations.51 Moreover, the criterion of endurance in time would limit our sample. It is rather difficult to discover whether these groups had plans or expectations to last for an extended period of time. The existence of clubhouses and sanctuaries, built by associations, would be such an indication, yet we do not possess such evidence for every group.

Bearing all the above in mind, in the subsequent analysis, I will follow the middle ground instead of applying rigid border lines between the afore-stated categories. Moreover, instead of addressing issues of permanency and endurance over time, or whether there is a strictly delineated structure and organization, the criterion to be adopted here is an attempt for identification via the epigraphic medium.

To sum up, focus will be drawn to groups who ascribe a certain title to their collectivity,52 and for whom at least some of the above mentioned features are applicable. I will examine groups that do not appear to have been created or regulated by the state, and were not affiliated with functions that were assigned by the municipal elites, although they may have been of their concern. What will be left aside are “official associations” like the koina of Macedonia, ephebic groups, and cultic structures or certain collectivities traditionally reckoned to be associated with the state and composed by individuals of the higher social strata.53 Finally, any

and Paschidis (2012), 1, n. 3, stand very critical towards Jones’ viewpoint. See Gabrielsen (2011), 179, who argues about their public nature.

51

Paschidis (2012). The most important clues that he stresses out is the lack of structural differences between the two categories, the fact that both shared a voluntary character and the lack of exact determination between religious activities of the private spectrum and official ones, sanctioned by the state.

52

For the great variety of nomenclature adopted by these groups see Poland (1909), 5-172. 53

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18 random catalogue of names, lacking any information on the nature of this group, will be omitted as well, except for cases that -although questionable- present strong similarities with identified private associations.54

2) Fenomeno Associativo in Macedonia

So far, I have briefly described the types of groups that I will focus on. Bearing the above considerations in mind, and searching within the borders of the Macedonian core, the database compiled contains 120 inscriptions that provide implicit or explicit information on the associative existence and activities. Most of them were created by the associations themselves. Below, I will present a broad overview of the characteristic of these groups. Where and when do we find them? Who composed them? Can we categorize these associations? How were they organized? These questions will be set in a comparative perspective on what we know regarding these groups from elsewhere.

Distribution in Space

Most of the inscriptions are found in, or at least close to, significant cities, yet unequally distributed. Thessaloniki holds the absolute majority of the evidence (49), Philippi is second (28), and Beroea follows third (10). All the rest are to be found scattered in a variety of urban sites, such as Dion and Pydna in the South, Stobi, Edessa, and Herakleia Lyngistis in the North, Amphipolis, Kassandreia and Akanthos in the East, and more. How should we interpret this unequal distribution? The graphs below are quite useful:

Roman rule the cult were composed by priests of the Asclepius cult; see EKM 134, with commentary and bibliography, as well as EAM 6/ 20/ 96/ 97/ 115].

54

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19 Quantitative distribution of associations in Macedonia. Map created by E. Tsouris, GEOPSIS.

Quantitative distribution of associations in Macedonia cities.

In the map,55 the red dots represent major settlements in terms of the city’s size, and of the general administrative, cultural and economic significance for the entire province.56 It is evident that in the north-west region, that is Upper Macedonia,

55

Certain clarifications regarding the map are required. Certain inscriptions were found around specific cities, built sometimes in modern houses, or in places that prevent us to identify the original location. I have included these inscriptions in the closest city.For instance, Spomenik 71, 75.176, was found build in a house in Čakovec, in the region of Resava (modern Macedonia-FYROM); discovering its original place is impossible, thus I have included it in Stobi, which is the closest city. The same applies with plenty of inscriptions of Philippi. Moreover, there are quite a few inscriptions that have been found in various sites, like Neapoli, which I have included as well in Philippi, since administratively they belong to Philippi’s territorium. Finally, the city of Thasos is also depicted on the map as a major settlement, and includes several associations. Yet, it was not examined in this paper, since it was not part of the traditional Macedonian kingdom, and did not share any element of this argued Macedonian mentality and culture.

56

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20 associations were fewer. Its cities followed a different and slower urbanization level than the rest of Macedonia,57 which could explain the observable small number of associations found there (for instance Herakleia Lyngistis, Lychnidos, Styberra), as opposed to other well developed urban centers, such as Thessaloniki, Philippi and Beroea.

Moreover, our attention is drawn to cities and colonies alike. Philippi, Dion, Kassandreia, and Stobi were colonies, with the remaining ones being cities.58 The difference lies on attributing to preexisting urban establishments the status of a colony, with every implication that colonization bears. For instance, while both Thessaloniki and Philippi existed from the Hellenistic times, and while both received Roman population, only Philippi was deemed a colony. Philippi received far larger numbers of Roman-Italic settlers than Thessaloniki. Simply put, colonies received more people, which could explain as well the existence of more associations than in less populated settlements.

All of the above provide a possible explanation in regard to the question set above. Namely, associations in Macedonia seem to have been mainly -yet not exclusively- an urban phenomenon.59 Yet, it is very important here to state that caution is needed. My implication is that since some places, such as Thessaloniki and Philippi, have been more densely excavated and researched than others, the above picture could substantially change in time.

Another point should be stressed before I proceed further. As already, written, we find associations both in cities and colonies. The latter included foreigners, that is Italians. It is reasonable to assume that populations of different ethnic origins had different cultures. An obvious indication is the lingual instrument. Particularly in Philippi, which holds the majority of documented inscriptions from the five colonies of the province, the epigraphic habit appears mainly in Latin. Yet associations used both Greek and Latin in their epigraphic production. The same observation applies in Dion. On the contrary, in “more” Greek cities, such as Thessaloniki or Beroea, there are hardly any Latin inscriptions. It is, thus, quite interesting to investigate whether associations had different roles in the two categories. This question will be addressed along the way.

57_{Rizakis-Tourasoglou (2000), 239.} 58

Pella was also a colony, yet, since no associations was found there, I did not mention it here. 59

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21 Distribution in Time

With regard to the chronological spectrum of the Macedonian associative life, the absolute majority of the inscriptions belong, as implied by now, to the Roman era, counting here as Roman period the years after 168 BC, namely after the battle of Pydna that led to the subjugation of the Hellenistic Macedonian kingdom to Rome. It is worth wondering how can we explain this time difference in associative life? The following charts prove quite useful:60

Time distribution of association’s inscriptions in Macedonia.

Time distribution of inscriptions in Macedonia.

The rise of associations during the imperial years poses the question as to whether associations in Macedonia can be seen mainly as a Roman phenomenon. It is true that the epigraphic production of associations in Macedonia lies in accordance with what

60

Again, some clarifications are required: there are plenty of inscriptions that cannot be dated with precision; rather the editors provide dates such as 2nd/3rd AD, early 3rd, 1st half of 2nd AD and so on. Thus, the above graph is to a certain extent summarizing; for instance, inscriptions with dates as the above three examples, I have included them in the category 2nd/3rd AD. Moreover, 19 inscriptions are completely undated, hence they are excluded from this graph. However, it is almost certain that these 19 originate from the Roman period.

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 2nd BC 1st BC 1st AD 2nd/3rd AD 4th AD/ later

The rise of private associations in Macedonia

0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 6th/5th BC 4th/3rd BC 2nd/1st BC 1st AD 2nd/3rd AD 4th AD/ later

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22 is known from other parts of the Greek world, where associations rose in Roman times,61 as well as the general rise of the epigraphic habit.62 Moreover, as the second chart depicts, it corresponds as well to the rise of the Macedonian epigraphic habit, which also exploded in the Roman period.63 An assumption, however, whereby associations in Macedonian soil was solely a Roman import cannot be supported thanks to the slight indication of associative activities dating back to the early 2nd century BC.64

This scarcity of associations in the pre 1st century BC period presents a marked contrast with the Greek world where associations are attested from the late 4th century BC, long before the Roman settlers inhabited the Greek cities.65 How, then, can we explain this lack of associations in the Hellenistic era? A plausible hypothesis is that perhaps in the regal period the associative life could have been more detained, or at least not greatly encouraged. Athens and Rhodes for instance that witnessed associations from the late 4th century BC were states with different political traditions than Macedonia. Both of them had polities that allowed and even more encouraged the participation of their inhabitants in communal life. In direct contrast, Macedonia was a monarchical kingdom.

Therefore, the safest conclusion at this point is that the rise of the Macedonian associative phenomenon in the Roman imperial period can be seen in the light of the

61

See for instance the case of Asia Minor; van Nijf (1997) examined about 1000 inscriptions dating more or less from Roman times. Or see for Egypt Arnaoutoglou (2005), 213-216: only 9 pieces of evidence for associations on the late 1st century BC, while 46 from the 1st century AD. I chose these two regions as examples, since they are very well documented.

62

See MacMullen (1982) and Meyer (1990). 63

Tataki (1996), 106, notes that in Macedonia approximately 6000 inscriptions are estimated to have been found, 80% of which date after the Roman occupation; Concerning the chart, some clarifications are required: from this approximation of 6000 inscriptions I have counted the dates of nearly half of them (3356), checking the main epigraphic corpora of the region, thus, constructing a quite representative picture (IG X 2.1/ 2.2; Philippi II; EAM; EKM; I. Leukopetra; Meletemata 11). However, the graph shows the timeline of 2772 inscriptions, since 584 appear undated, hence, they were not included; what should be noted with regard to the latter is that around ¾ of them are surely of Roman times: 471 of these undated come from Philippi, and more than half of these 471 are of Roman times, since they are constructed either in Latin or in Greek, yet with Latin names in Greek. Finally, as with the previous chart, this one is to a certain extent summarizing for the same reasons written above. 64

Makedonian Institutions n. 80; SEG 49. 697. There is moreover another inscription from Aigai, SEG 43. 472. It is a dedication of a vase to the Mother of the Gods and the synteleia. There is a discussion whether this word refers to an association or not; see Paschidis (2012), 2, n. 6. Due to the lack of more substantial evidence I did not include it in my database.

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23 general epigraphic trend of the first three imperial centuries. As far as the pre-Roman period is concerned, we could only construct hypotheses.

Typology

So far, scholarship has been strictly fitting private associations into corresponding categories. Professional and religious are the most common types.66 In Macedonia, in terms of classification, eighty-one inscriptions of a hundred-twenty refer to religious associations, twenty-eight cite professional groups, of which nine mention associations of Roman merchants, and six allude to those groups that could be designated as convivial clubs, namely with no apparent religious or professional binding constituent. As for the remaining six, they are too fragmentary or providing insufficient information.67

Once these results are compared with other parts of the Greek world, and even more with the Empire, the Macedonian picture is somehow different, since elsewhere professional groups are more noticeable.68 As far as the Greek East is concerned, particularly Asia Minor, van Nijf has studied nearly 1000 inscriptions produced by or mentioning professional groups. Although categorizing is a useful research tool, casting doubt upon such clear cut distinction becomes more and more popular among scholars.69 Thus, the question to be addressed here is to what extent can we apply such rigid categorizations?

I) Categorizing Associations. An Outdated Practice?

Franz Poland attempted an exegesis of titles linking them to certain functions.70 Yet, the variety of titles that these groups settle upon their public image, which is connected with different content in several cases, makes it somewhat problematic to

66

More types have been suggested. For instance, neighborhood, ethnic, household and more. Indicatively, see Meeks (1983), 75-84; Kloppenborg (1996), 18-26; Ascough (2003), 20-24; Harland (2003), 28-52.

67

Examples of what I describe here as convivial associations are group with titles such as The Friends, or The Freedwomen. For a list with all the associations examined here and their titles see Appendix I. 68

Indicatively see for the West Waltzing (1895-1900), and the East van Nijf (1997). 69

See Kloppenborg (1996), 18, who points out the problem of clear cut distinctions between religious and professional associations, since “often the boundaries are blurred and the nomenclature misleading.” Moreover see: Arnaoutoglou (2011a) who has effectively shown that there is no distinction between “professional” and “social” association; Gabrielsen (2001), who showed the inadequacy of the typology of “professional” association as the basic criterion for the investigation of associative economic activities; Steinhauer (2014), 16-18, stressed the weakness and limitations of any given modern terminology to describe the complex and multifaceted associative phenomenon.

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24 determine whether the raison d’être of a group, that is the purpose of existence, the binding element, was religious motives, social, professional, some other, multiple ones, or even developing and changing over time. An example is the terms thiasos and thiasotai, which, as Arnaoutoglou have noticed, were thought to be always associated with collectivities dedicated to the Dionysiac cult. However, he has recently shown that the wide range of possible meanings of these two terms may highlight different patterns of communal life.71 Names of groups that performed similar functions may have varied depending on the geographical location.72

All the more, whatever their titles the majority of Greco-Roman private associations were involved in some kind of religious activities.73 In fact, the term “religious activities” is a problematic concept. Religion in the Greco-Roman antiquity was not an autonomous sphere. Its close affiliation with the state was evident, instead. Religion was fostered by the state, and it may have been used as a mechanism for the integration of the people into the civic community, and at the same time as an instrument by the governing classes to legitimize their authority.74 From this perspective, occupation with the religious spectrum might be perceived not only as evidence of spiritual and existential needs, but as a socio-political activity. Simply put, although many associations would have performed religious activities, it cannot be assumed that religion was their primary purpose of existence. In this way, classifying a group as religious might imply solely a religious creational purpose, which could be misleading. Plenty of examples from Macedonia illustrate the latter. Naming a group of people designating themselves as the collegium of the Hero

God a religious association would be reasonable. Likewise, there is no hesitation in

terming an association that identifies itself as the synetheia of donkey drivers as professional or occupational.75 Yet how should we label the doumos of Aphrodite

Epiteuxidia, whose existence is attested on a funerary monument the club raised for

one of its members? The title suggests a group of people for whom the unifying element of their community is the worship of Aphrodite.76

However, the epitaph described the deceased as having died abroad, and the monument carries a relief portraying a ship and a man at the helm, which indicates

71

Arnaoutoglou (2003), 60-4. 72_{Ausbüttel (1982), 33.} 73

See Poland (1909), 5-6, who stressed out that in essence every club is a religious one. 74

There are many works dealing with such issues. An excellent analysis is Sourvinou-Inwood (1990). 75

In the same respect of order to the above: EKM 1. 122; CIG II 2007f; EKM 1. 372.

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25 that he did not just die abroad or during a sea travel as a passenger, but most likely his profession was that of the captain or of the ship owner. Hence, it could be a case of a professional group of sea merchants or ship owners,77 or simply that only the deceased had this profession during life, while the rest of the members held different occupations. The possibility that the composition of this group included people of different professions cannot be excluded. What matters though is that his occupation did not prevent him from participating in a collectivity advertising itself as one of worshippers of some deity.78

A similar pattern is observable with the synetheia of Hero Aulonites, a religious -according to the title- group that buried a fellow member, decorating his grave with a relief depicting a man driving a horse-wagon, implying most probably that this was the occupation of the deceased.79 The specific deity was the protector of those who crossed narrow passages.80 A binding force (among other motives like sociability and funerary provisions) uniting this group could have been the improvement of their business conditions. Yet, the public face of this association was chosen to be a religious one.

The same applies to a few groups titled synetheia or synetheis. It has been suggested that this term indicates professional groups.81 The synetheia of purple-dyers reaffirms this assumption. However, applying the meaning of the word συνήθεια, namely a habit, a custom, to the group entitled synetheis of Herakles does not provide implications of professional concerns. The synetheis of Herakles can be simply understood as people committed to the worship of Herakles. Even more, the synetheia

filopaiktoron does not provide clear hints of religious or professional interests. It may

have been a group of sports-fans or a group of gladiators.82 Yet, even with the purely professional group of the purple-dyers mentioned above, doubts may rise. This Thessaloniki-based group buried a member and decorated the tomb-monument with a relief depicting the deceased as heroic horseman,83 implying the Thracian horseman, a

77

Voutiras (1992) suggests that this group is at the same time a professional and a religious association.

78

See Gabrielsen (1997), 124: “Preoccupation with the worship of often a multiplicity of deities and the use of cult names are certainly distinctive features, but that does not make necessarily religion the sole or even primary concern of all associations.”

79

Nigdelis no. 27. For the depiction see Petsas (1969), 311γ: a man driving a wagon with two donkeys. 80

Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011), 304. 81

Poland (1909), 51-52; Kanatsoulis (1955-1960), 271. 82

In the same respect of order to the above: IG X 2.1 291; IG X 2.1 288; SEG 56, 768. 83

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26 widely found motive in Macedonia.84 Was it only a stylistic preference, or a statement of religious concerns?

The preceding discussion sufficed to demonstrate that clear cut distinctions cannot always be maintained. Contemporary terms, as well as the ones used in antiquity, are inadequate to describe collective phenomena.85 Of course, it is extremely convenient to use terms such as professional and religious association. Nonetheless, I will try to avoid them, using instead phrases as professional or religious identity/ cover/ blanket/

face. At some point, I might as well make use of the traditional terminology. Having

though clarified all the above, I will not imply some specific and rigid raison d’être, strictly connected with the name of the group. The only type of group I differentiate more clearly from all the rest is the one of Roman merchants.

II) Roman Businessmen

We can see the associations of Roman businessmen/ merchants as a separate type of group from the rest due to a variety of reasons.86 First of all, they were a foreign unit, part of the general influx of Roman-Italian immigrants in Greek lands, which can be traced in the late 3rd century BC, yet is only after the 2nd century BC and the gradual subjugation of the Greek East to Rome that some increase is detected.87 Shifting focus on Macedonian cities, the first and rather hesitating phase of Italian immigration to this region commenced in the 2nd century BC.88 The city of Abdera is a useful, yet exceptional, testimony. Some high profile Roman families are attested to be residing there in this century.89 The numbers, though, increased in the late Republican era.90 For what is more, after the 2nd century AD, they disappear from our sources,91 thus, attesting a very distinguished picture than other associations. The title of their associations testifies as well to their distinctiveness. They wished to advertise

84

Pandermalis (1983), 162-3. 85

Woolf (2014), 66-7, points out the inadequacy and awkwardness of the terms that Roman authorities used to refer to associations.

86

There is a discussion whether these groups were private associations or official collectivities instituted by the civil authorities. See van Nijf (2009), 13-15.

87

Wilson (1966), 85-93. 88

Rizakis (1998), 131. 89

See I. Aeg. Thrace E8-10, with commentary. While Abdera falls out of the scope of this study, since it was not a city representative of this Macedonian culture, it was still within the Macedonian kingdom. 90

Papazoglou (1983), 196, n. 23-24. 91

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27 themselves as Romans, that is to say ethnically distinguished, yet the sole fact of composing inscriptions in Greek suggests that they accepted as well their Greek environment. Regarding the implications for their status more will be discussed in Chapter IV.

Moreover, their appearance comes quite different comparing to other associations. These Romans never present in their inscriptions any details regarding their organization, or membership, but they always appear as the Roman merchants, revealing no further information. On the contrary, all of the other groups examined here, present officers, organization, hierarchy, details about their members and so on. It is the same title that signifies further their being a separate type of group. They never presented themselves with any religious identity, but solely with a professional one, as συμπραγματευόμενοι (sympragmateuomenoi), that is to say the ones who dealt with business transactions.92 The professional orientation of their associations is testified from more clues. Specifically, concerning generally the Greek world, it is identifiable that they settled in such places that provided opportunities for commerce, with the most famous example being the island of Delos.93 The epigraphic material of these places bears witness to the fact that these Western foreigners were mainly occupied with business activities.94 They were usually traders, salesmen, even representatives of Roman “tax-farming companies.”95

An interesting point of the Romano-Italian emigration to Macedonia is what Athanasios Rizakis has observed. Studying the epigraphic production of the province, Rizakis has argued that many of the Roman-Italian settlers attested in the area may have actually descended, apart from Italy, from Greek soil as well.96 He maintained that after the economic decay of Delos, Roman merchants could have found shelter in the provinces of Achaia, Asia Minor and Macedonia, resting his argument on Roman name similarities between Delos and these areas, and in the time sequences of the disappearance of Roman names from Delos and the appearance of the same ones in the afore-mentioned regions.97

92

Only one of these inscriptions terms them as ἐνκεκτημένοι (enkektemenoi), which can be translated as landowners, without excluding the possibility that they were traders as well. EKM 1.59. The verb ἐγκτάομαι (ἐγκέκτημαι is its past perfect) translates as obtain land in a foreign country (LSJ).

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28 Looking also at their distribution in Macedonian cities provides more clues. They were located in urban centers of commercial significance or at least of some civic vitality, such as Thessaloniki, Beroea and Edessa. They were even located at Styberra, Idomene, and Acanthus. A possible explanation for the choice of such smaller cities, which were not really prominent for their role in the province’s economy, may be explained by the fact that they were found in relatively close proximity to Via

Egnatia, the main artery connecting peoples and goods from the Adriatic to the East.

Moreover, the hypothesis drawn is that the presence of such communities could be assumed for other cities on the basis of numerous persons bearing the Roman tria

nomina.98 Whether this hypothesis can be proven exceeds the concerns of this paper. The evidence shows that Roman immigrants were organized in distinguishable collectivities either in places of commercial and general economic importance or in places linked with the main “international” road of the region that could provide opportunities for commerce. All the above suffice to illustrate that Romaioi

sympragmateuomenoi in Macedonia were almost certainly associations with strong

professional interests. What is more, they never involved themselves, at least according to our evidence, with any funerary or religious activities. Instead we find them only honoring prominent individuals.

The latter does not mean that they could not have had more interests as collectivities, such as religious ones, or burial provisions for their members. Yet the fact that they left behind a public image only as groups occupied with honorary activities, ethnically demarcated from their Greek environment, is a sufficient criterion to treat them separately from the rest of the Macedonian private associations.

To conclude here, I suggested that strict categorization does not come of use. Yet, there is one type of association, Roman businessmen, that needs to be examined as a separate category. Apart from the latter, the main observation is that, broadly speaking, cultic concerns were of such significance for the Macedonian population that collectivities preferred to build their identities as initiates of deities rather than as groups of professionals, even if they were actually the latter. This comes in contrast to other places where professional identities are more prevalent. Does the composition as

98

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29 well of the Macedonian associations set them apart from the overall picture we hold of the rest of the Greek world?

Membership

With regard to the rest of the Greek East, and the Empire in general, scholars nowadays seem to agree that members of associations descended from the classes below the elite, yet not necessarily from the socially and economically weakest strata. These private organizations included in their ranks individuals of every kind of legal status, free, freed and slave, who represented as well various financial levels.99 Let us observe to what extent the Macedonian picture corresponds with this consensus.

I) Ethnicity and Gender

The study of the two pieces of evidence from the early 2nd century BC indicates an exclusive membership, including only men and most probably of free status. The former group consists of dedicants to the Egyptian Gods Isis and Sarapis, probably soldiers of the Macedonian army, while the latter is an association called Mousaistai that honored king Perseus.100 Whether this picture can be used as a representative one for more associations of that period, the existence of which has yet to be confirmed by archaeology, is rather difficult to decide. Associations in Macedonia increase in numbers progressively in time.

Once we approach the 1st century BC and later the Imperial years the associative composition becomes more variable. To begin with, the Roman presence becomes evident. What is interesting is that it is not in isolation, but it blends in with its Greek

99_{There seem to be a general consensus that members of private associations around the Empire} originated from the upper echelons of the urban plebs [contra to Finley (1999), 138, or Kloppenborg (1996), 23]. See indicatively Ausbüttel (1982), 44, who considers collegia as coalitions of employers and not employees; moreover, see Patterson (2006), 254-55, who considers collegiati slaves and freedmen, with the latter being the majority and generally representing the plebs media, which is implied “by the costs involved in belonging to a collegium…” [this is largely the summary of Patterson (1992) and (1993)]; van Nijf (1997) representing generally the Greek East is in accordance with this view; see ibid, 18-23; likewise Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011), 7-8; Bollmann (1998), 27-31; Tran (2006), 46-7.

100

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30 surrounding. The obvious linguistic interplay constitutes a solid proof, as associations of Roman merchants constructed inscriptions in Greek, and other groups carried the title thiasus -the Latinized version of the Greek θίασος- or Greeks carrying both Greek and Roman names, and Romans inscribing their names in Greek.

As far as the gender is concerned, there are also associations including or even being exclusively composed by women. However, such groups appear to be a minority. Out of hundred-twenty inscriptions, only ten present associations that included women and one reveal a group composed solely of them.101 There are, moreover, plenty of instances where we observe associations honoring or burying women, yet it is not discernible whether they were members or not.102 Thus, private associations of this region can be mainly seen as a male occupation, with some exceptions of female participation. With regard to the gender, the picture of private associations in Macedonia corresponds to the general picture throughout the Greco-Roman world.103

II) Legal-Social Status

Men or women, what were the legal-social origins of these people? Trying to identify the legal-social status of a person who lived two millennia ago is not a comfortable task. The study of names is a valuable aid, yet absolute assertions based on an onomatological analysis are difficult to make. Scholars do not seem to have reached a consensus regarding this issue. To begin with the identification of slaves, while almost fifteen years ago there were opinions supporting the concept of typical slave names in the Roman Empire,104 scholars now seem more cautious with such approaches.105

101

Including women: SEG 46. 744; IG X 2.1. 65; IG X 2.1. 208; IG X 2.1. 255; IG X 2.1. 260; IG X 2.1. 480; SEG 49. 814; SEG 56. 753; SEG 56. 765; SEG 46. 800. Exclusive female composition: Philippi II 340.

102_{For instance: EKM 1. 122; IG X 2.1. 70; IG X 2.1. 299; Philippi II 029.} 103

There are many instances of private associations including women in their ranks all around the Greco-Roman world. One of the most renowned examples is the Agrippinilla inscription, the product of a large Dionysiac association including numerous women. For its analysis and plenty of similar evidence from various places see McLean (1993).

104

See the discussion at Wilson (1998), 25-30, reflecting on previous scholarship. 105

For the Living, the Dead, and the Divine Private Associations in Roman Macedonia