Will BBC Journalists Open the Gates to Collective Journalism?

Will BBC Journalists Open the Gates

to Collective Journalism?

The use of user-generated content at the BBC

during times of conflict

Master’s Thesis

Gabriella Lambert

S2316072

Master in Journalism

Rijksuniversiteit Groningen

Supervisor: Dr. T.S Graham

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The use of social media throughout the Arab Spring is considered a “watershed” moment in the outbreak of social media in modern journalism. For the first time, user-generated content such as videos, pictures and written eyewitness accounts, became vital sources of information, especially in the coverage of fast-moving social revolutions and their accompanying political events.

Prior to the arrival of citizen journalism, the audience did not engage in the newsgathering process. Rather they were the recipients of reports and analysis prepared for them by “professional journalists”. Through social media content, they have become part of the narrative. In this capacity, they serve as storytellers, as their videos, photos and eyewitness accounts provide insight into an evolving picture that the majority of international community cannot witness first-hand. Much excitement has been developed about this apparent “democratization” of the news space.

Even if the intent is beginning, a worrying tendency is for mainstream actors to use social media content as a source of narrative or editorial content, and more as a source of graphic visual images that cannot be accessed by their own cameras. This study focuses on how the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) uses user-generated content when reporting on foreign conflicts. The BBC has provided regular coverage of the political movements across North Africa and the Middle East beginning in (2010) Tunisia, defined loosely as the “Arab Spring”. With the majority of international media unable to enter these countries, due to security risks or government sanctions, citizen journalism has become a focal news source. Vivid footage and photos of demonstrations, bombings and attacks portray the daily carnage in these countries. However, important questions arise regarding the legitimacy of the sourcing practices of amateur content and how the incorporation of citizen journalism into mainstream news broadcasts can affect the impartiality of a news story.

Based on the example of the BBC, this paper argues that mainstream media’s newsgathering and production process is in a transitional phase, learning to adapt to the implications of user-generated content. The role of a journalist is shifting from being the sole determinant of newsworthy information to conversation instigators. If mainstream media are to remain significant in an era of free news, they need to adapt to today’s “era of information overload” by participating in the conversation happening on social media platforms, facilitating and mediating the consumption of news, in accordance with the interests of its viewership.

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The term “Arab Spring” has been splashed across media outlets, used to describe the revolutionary wave of demonstrations and civil uprising- both violent and nonviolent- throughout the Middle East and North African (MENA) countries over the last few years. The 2010 Tunisian civil revolution spurred like-minded individuals in Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Bahrain and Syria, among others, who were similarly unhappy with the absence of democratic process of their countries. These events would quickly captivate international media and the global public

Sustained campaigns of civil resistance, involving strikes, demonstrations, marches and rallies occurred in all of these countries. But, it was the “groundbreaking” usage of social media in telling the story of the Arab Spring that captivated the international community. New media forums were used for a variety of purposes, including organizing group protests and to raise awareness about acts of government repression.

( 3( creating a sensational environment, which was captured in the footage of these events (Jack, 2009: 1).

Technological advances, alongside other socio-cultural factors, have changed the media landscape; breaking the spatial and temporal boundaries that defined information dissemination. The incorporation of new media into mainstream news broadcasts has provided the public with a platform to engage in the newsgathering process. To that extent, the news ecology is no longer based on the Walter Lippmann model, a vertical relationship where the audience silently assimilates newsworthy information provided by “elite journalists” (Urbanski, 2012: 4). New media forums have created a deliberative democratic environment, allowing citizens to participate actively in the newsgathering and distribution process (Dahlgreen, 2002: 5)

The BBC uses social media to generate story angles and to “mediate a conversation” between the news broadcaster and its global public (Belair-Gagnon, 2013; 240). The understanding by news organizations of user-generated content is still in its infancy. While it has proved to be a valuable source, agencies struggle to understand how to incorporate citizen journalism into media coverage news, while still providing impartial and accurate information (Sambrook, 2012).

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consolidate the best practices in dealing with this transformative phenomenon if it is to maintain its media legitimacy as a global news leader.

This paper will analyze the BBC’s evolving set of practices in incorporating UGC into mainstream media coverage, focusing on its coverage of three different events: The Egyptian Revolution of 2011, particularly the demonstration of January 25th that would lead to Hosni Mubarak resigning as president; the Libyan Civil War, primarily focusing on October 20, 2011, when Muammar Gaddafi was assassinated; and, the Syrian Civil War; focusing on the Ghoutta chemical attacks (21 August 2013), that killed hundreds of civilians in the outskirts of Damascus. This paper will pose the general question: does

the BBC provides sufficient source verification in its usage of UGC in its coverage of foreign crises and what are its attitude to audience content? It will argue that the

BBC relies on UGC content as a complimentary asset for hard-hitting news, primarily when network journalists cannot be at an event due to timing or security concerns. However, it has yet to establish a credible verification process, therefore hindering the objectivity of the network’s coverage of these events.

The research behind this paper is valuable for journalism studies as it provides insight into the usage of UGC in newsrooms. Furthermore, it illustrates the current dilemma mainstream news organizations are facing through the temporal constraints of the 24-hour news cycle, the constant battle of trying to provide accurate, verified content, alongside the audience’s unwavering demand of receiving real-time information.

( 8( undermining a regime’s legitimacy; and increasing national and international exposure to a regime’s atrocities. This has placed social media at the forefront of international journalism as a news source.

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This chapter will illustrate the progression as to how UGC has impacted news practices. Primarily focusing on the typology of audience material used by the BBC, it highlights how UGC remains an accessory to mainstream media agendas, used as a tool to reinforce storylines, without defining the news or editorial decisions.

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New media has generated considerable interest over how it has, in theory, provided the affected masses with a forum to share their views and experiences with the global public. Technological advances have placed a camera on almost every type of mobile device with easy access to social media sites such as Facebook and Twitter, or their local equivalents, allowing ordinary citizens to contribute to the newsgathering process.

The Arab Spring does not signify the first time social media had been incorporated into the newsgathering process. However, it illustrates a paradigm shift, as new media have become primary news sources for news organizations when they are unable to be physically present during an event. New media forums have become the alternative to mainstream media in countries that have censored their media or had instituted a media blackout to the international press.

( 00( without verbal interaction or face-to-face contact”(Kristoff, 2009: 18). This has changed the way in which people communicate, allowing news to be spread in real-time.

Access to these sites depends on Internet penetration, which is freely available in the West. However, there are various countries in the developing world where it is limited, censored, or simply not available. This thesis will focus on the social context in the Arab World, where there is said to be “a lack of truly independent and representative media” (-+9$:;(.200<(26). Since the 2010 Tunisian revolution social media has become a tool for the “disenfranchised groups” across the MENA region to gather support and sympathy for their causes, raise awareness and mobilize people for relevant demonstrations (Kristoff, 2009:(17).

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Technological advancements that have led to the social media movement have altered the newsgathering process. Therefore, it is important to understand how news sourcing has evolved in an era of networked digital media (=&$*%>"( &+( "'( .205<0). Hermida et al, argue that citizen journalism has instilled a sense of immediacy in the newsgathering process, changing journalistic sourcing practices. Furthermore that it is extremely beneficial to media discourse, providing a greater number and diversity of sources. However, the challenge in the newsroom, to find credible sources, is one that has been echoed throughout years. With the impetus of Web 2.0, the source pool no longer constrained by the boarders of the nation-state. While in theory, this is ideal for media practices as it provides a plethora of options, the choice becomes harder, as it is much more difficult and costly to validate audience content from around the world.

( 0/( Through social media forums news has become “omnipresent”, with people being able to access it in “multiple formats, platforms and myriad devices” (Purcel, Rainie, Rosentiel, 2010). Technological advancements, such as the creation of the camera phone and the fact that new media tools can be used from mobile devices changed the news spectrum, to one characterized by the immediacy of the dissemination of information. In this environment “the now” can be captured, uploaded, and shared by anyone. As Broersma and Graham (2010: 2) argue, reporters are able to foster a relationship with potential sources or receive information about current events through social forums such as Twitter. In addition, social media platforms have become valuable sources for journalists to search for news, information and find relevant sources.

Social mediums allow news organizations to use information in a unidirectional way. Prior to the impetus of new media, sourcing practices were “driven by a strategic complementarity of interests”, where both sides- politicians, social movements, business companies and non-governmental organizations- needed to feel as though media coverage provided reciprocal gain, supporting their interests (Franklin, 2003:47). This has changed with new media as it has provided news organizations with a vast forum to choose relevant information that support news angles and core stories. Thus, citizen journalism is used as a vehicle for people to contribute to the newsgathering process, without dictating it.

as the validity of these sources have already been confirmed. Alfred Hermida et al, suggests journalists are foregoing the conversational aspect of social media, in favor of searching through content to find audience content of relevance to the story (2012: 2). Therefore, while the participatory nature of UGC cannot be denied, the idea of a cohesive, collective journalists structure has yet to be embraced.

If properly utilized UGC has the capacity to “disrupt hierarchical structures and erode the traditional distinctions between the producer and consumer of news and information” (Hermida et al, 2012: 2). However, research has shown that news organizations including the BBC, have maintained a “traditionalist” perspective on implementing UGC into news broadcasts. Whether due to time or editorial constraints, the BBC, among other news providers have chosen to use audience content as an additional source to provide context and content to pre-determined story ideas. Thus, UGC is not being used by newsroom as a way to instigate discourse, but a source to for pre-determined narratives.

The use of social media in the newsroom is still in an early developmental phase. As such, journalists differ in the way new media should be used. One the one hand, Elthringham (2011a) argues social media is a newsgathering tool with the primary purpose of informing traditional journalists. However, Carvin suggests this content could be contextualized and analyzed (Belair-Gagnon; 238).

( 06( Egypt) and as such, how news organizations were using the wide array of coverage. By showing this he argues UGC has the capacity to enhance the newsgathering and production process.

According to Taylor, “smart news organizations are engaging audiences and opening themselves up to the conversations audiences clearly want”, as they help to preserve journalistic values of accuracy, fairness and diversity of opinion, reaffirming a commitment to reporting in the public interest” (Allan, Thorsen, 34). However, there are various risks related to using UGC, such as the requirements for an arduous verification process to prevent the incorporation of incorrect politically motivated information, or political stipulated information from being perceived as truth.

These are two different approaches to journalism, neither of which are wrong, however contextualizing this information is “another flavor of journalism”, that contrasts the hierarchical structures in which news organizations currently function (Hermida et al. 11). Belair-Gagnon’s research shows that in regards to BBC News’ coverage of the Arab Spring, curating content was not part of their approach to covering events. Instead social media was mainly used to search for sources and to reinforce a story idea (2012; 238).

BBC is highly editorially controlled, leaving a lesser level of heterogeneity of opinions (2010), which is detrimental to public debate and discussion.

The usage of social media at the BBC is in its early stages and as such, its application within the newsgathering process could change overtime. There are two approaches to the evolution of journalism: the Technological Determinist Approach, that emphasizes the evolutionary way technological advances have impacted journalism (Pavlik, 2000); and the Social Constructivist approach that emphasizes how technological development is not the only factor accountable for changes within the public sphere (Dahlgreen, 1995), a variety of social norms, ideologies and cultural values also impact the public sphere.

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Social media’s participatory nature cannot be denied, media organizations have had to adapt to the implication of incorporating UGC into news coverage of international events. According to Alison Hasting, chair of the BBC Trust’s Editorial Stands Committee, journalists need to be cautious about including UGC into mainstream media as “achieving impartiality across a range of conflicting voices, all eager to command world attention…where propaganda and facts are sometimes hard to distinguish, continues to present a unique set of challenges” (Dowell, 2012).

The Internet is without doubt the primary source of information in today’s world. As a result, the notion of relinquishing the traditional journalism model, where mainstream media were “elite” watchdogs, selecting information they considered newsworthy, which the audience would diligently digest, is changing. New media has provided the ordinary person with a voice. Therefore, the newsgathering process has evolved to an increasingly horizontal “deliberative democracy”, allowing citizens to engage in the newsgathering process. However, the question remains, are all citizen perspectives being heard, or is UGC being molded to align with interests of political actors or mainstream media and its sponsors?

This undercuts the “revolutionary” aspect of UGC, as amateur content is repackaged into specific frames that adhere to traditional news routines. According to Saddaf and Shahira (2013: 65):

“Twitter and status updates on Facebook are indirectly subjected to gate keeping by these traditional news outlets. These institutions pick and choose what information is most relevant to their routines and narratives. As a result, only a small portion of the abundant information on social networks is made available to the public through the mainstream forum”.

The way in which international media frame foreign conflicts can impact the audience’s perception of a story. It should be acknowledged that much UGC is not unbiased, and some is deliberatively biased. Media coverage is a powerful determinant as to how an issue will be preserved by its surrounding and international community. Media coverage of a particular conflict- ranging from the imagery chosen and the language used- has the capacity to determine how public and policy-makers understand the issue, consequences; in addition to international political reactions.

( 08( Beyond disclaimers, the verification process of amateur content is extremely important for a news agencies coverage and legitimacy. News traditionalists remain skeptical about the usefulness of user-generated content. Hermida and Thurman state that the vivid nature of UGC allows it to contribute to a strong sense of emotional engagement for audiences, bringing an important sense of the reality from the frontlines (Hermida, Thurman, 2007). While both of these traits are ideal to draw in viewers, journalists need to remain cautious that raw footage does not deceive the audience into believing it is “indicative of reality or accuracy.

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News organizations have to deal with political pressures, network demands, and the need to cater to “the oxygen of publicity” to increase or maintain viewership ratings. All of these factors can impact news content. This has been the case for the Arab Spring, according to noted politician and scholar Edward Mortimer, who orchestrated the BBC’s Trustee Report on the news network’s coverage of the Arab Spring from 2010-2012. He concluded that the British news network’s coverage of the Arab spring “demonstrated a trend across broadcasting to “throw” resources at “the big story” and ignore other smaller ones” (2012:71). Mortimer’s theory echoes how UGC is being used in newsrooms, as a resource for the big, emotive stories that have been determined newsworthy by management within the news network.

are detrimental to public opinion (Gamson, Croteau, Hones and Sasson, 1992; Putnam, 2001).

In regards to foreign conflicts, news is prone to follow “large-scale uprisings that attract attention” (Dowell, 2012). However, Dowell argues that more focus should have been on why some states didn’t erupt in the same exact way, or why some protestors failed to overthrow their leaders. This could help to expand the awareness of the international audience about MENA countries, each with specific geo-political characteristics. While both Mortimer and Hastings complimented the BBC for its diverse coverage, they simultaneously agreed that resources were focused on covering one side of the story- the protests, crimes and violence on the street. These are events that provoke emotion, and as such, intrigue the viewer. The January 25th Revolutions in Egypt, the death of Muammar Gaddafi (Libya) and Ghoutta chemical attacks (Syria) all provided vivid coverage of angry, distraught, or wounded civilians. These images would become the focal point of the BBC’s coverage of each incident.

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( .0( and dissemination into the hands of the public, through a variety of social media platforms.

Poell and Borra (2011) suggest that while twitter provides a forum to crowd source alternative reporting, a specific sect within society- politically active individuals, activities or opposition forces- can lead reporting. For example, Papacharissi and de Fatima Oliveira (2012) empirical research highlights how during the Tunisian and Egyptian revolution mainstream media journalists were establishing networks with regional bloggers, activities and intellectuals. They concluded that the stream of news via Twitter, among other social mediums, began to mix of newer news values, as there was a combination of news, opinion and emotion (Hermida et al, 4). While social media provides an emotive description of ground-level activity during conflicts, studies have shown the ideal coverage is achieved when mainstream media journalists are on the ground, with their coverage accompanied by audience content, as solely focusing on audience content as a news source, could impact the impartial news coverage agencies strive to achieve (Mortimer, 2012: 4).

While UGC has provided an uncanny platform to distribute public information, it has simultaneously become a propaganda tool for organizations and social groupings to promote information that supports their cause. Therefore, news organizations covering events related to the Arab Spring are forced to place significant emphasis on verifying the authenticity of this amateur content incorporated into network news broadcasts

The Twitter or Facebook revolution is said to have begun with the Egyptian revolution that led to the deposition of the Mubarak regime. This was not the first time social media was used within a revolution, but it was the first time media tools were seen as “catalysts for the revolution”, bringing like-minded people together, promoting shared values, bringing a country with intense segregated social and cultural values together with one goal- the end of the Mubarak regime. Theorists (Ahram, 2013) show that news organizations were quick to define these forums as inherently democratic tools of social media that exposed people to new values and ideas. However, that this is a “western myth”, as citizen journalism is continuously repackaged to fit mainstream media narrative mandates (Ahram, 2013).

( ./( Traditional news organizations follow the rigorous mandate of providing “objective and comprehensive information”, with an anchor repeating “newsworthy information”(Miller et al, 2009:1). Social media allowed the reader to take part in the news narrative, collecting information from a variety of source portals. However the subjective nature behind this type of information cannot be denied as the citizen journalist is unable to take personal judgment out of the story in new media space.( As each person chooses what they post, tweet or share, there is already a subjective undertone they promote- inadvertently or on purpose. Furthermore, social media provides a forum for Internet activism, which is “the use of electronic communication technologies such as email, World Wide Web and podcasts [for]… fundraising, organizing volunteers…lobbying and organizing” (Miller et al, 2009:1).

Providing detailed coverage of events such as the Arab Spring is both time consuming for news agencies as they have to send a team abroad, for a considerable amount of time, in risky conditions (Mortimer, 2012: 6). As such, news organizations need to decide whether or not to send a team, use stringers or rely on audience content. All of these decisions, among others involve complex organization judgments, which at times could result in editorial decisions being made about foreign events, prior to understanding the complexity of an issue. For multiple reasons, including political strategies or social norms, international media has had difficulties with covering multiple angles of specific conflicts. As a result, they have been forced to rely more extensively on UGC as a vital source of information.

media usage from within the country led many to believe Egypt was transitioning into a Western-style democracy. An established foreign correspondent would have complemented this footage with information about the segmented population and the fact the Muslim Brotherhood strongholds are in rural areas of the country, where there is limited access, hence why their voice wasn’t heard through UGC sourcing (Mortimer, 2011: 38).

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The role of the journalism industry is to create informed citizens (Rabaino, 2013). However, news organizations are not excelling at contextualizing information. Rabaino defines topic contextualization as when news organization guides readers through large, convoluted news topics. By sticking to the rigid 24-hour news cycle the way in which daily broadcasts or newspaper are designed, where a story needs to fit in the confines of a 2,000 word article or short news clips, often the contextualization is overlooked. She further suggests that by following this approach journalists are limiting their audience’s ability to understand the impact of these events by reducing that important context into a few paragraphs of background on each new development we write about.

The BBC is the world’s largest news broadcasting organization, and the third largest on Facebook (Rabaino, 2013). If it, like so many mainstream news organizations are to remain relevant, the role of these journalists should shift to act as a filter and provide context to social media which has become a communication tool in its own right (Rabaino, 2013).

( .6( information “manager”, where they allow the audience to play an active role in the news creation and selection process, a term media theorist define as “gate watchers”. Journalists should make sense of the information provided through social media as it is “usually atomized in short bits, lacking a clear storyline” (Guerrini; 2013: 11).

Seasoned journalist Andy Carvin, NPR, considers this to be the new wave of journalism. That journalists-“elite” or “amateur”- can provide a “complementary view” to mainstream media (2013: 12). Guerrini supports this perspective, arguing that through the collection of different forms of citizen contact- pictures, videos, links - post them online, and by tweeting them in a sequence, or combining them in a more sophisticated chronological narration on networks such as Storify or Tumblr that journalists would be able to provide a perspective different from mainstream media (2013: 11).

If news has become increasingly “ambient”, shouldn’t news coverage be as well? In today’s world, news organizations maintain their validity, by publicizing the fact that they provide impartial news coverage, but we live in a fragmented world. Through technological advancements, such as the smartphone, we’re able to categorize the news we’d like to receive, adapting this information to personal interest. If news organizations hope to compete with crowd sourcing initiatives, like ProPublica, an independent non-profit newsroom that produces investigative journalism in the public interest, among other non-profit corporations, they should consider partnering with third party sources such as these and create news forums that appeal to different interests.

American adults under 30 (-9?>&$*"?;( .20.). His empirical research shows that the growth of mobile media has dramatically changed how people receive their news, stating people are more likely to get news from social media, on their mobile devices, than those who use desktops (30 percent vs. 9 percent).

Over the last few years, Twitter has cemented its role as an “interest network”, where “follow relationships” (when an individual follows another’s news updates) are based on shared interests, allowing users to connect with journalists and news organizations (Soderman, 2013). This study shows that “more than a third (36%) of those with Twitter accounts use them to follow news organizations or journalists”, with 19% of users getting their information from news organizations and journalists via social networking sites.

( .3( Rabaino believes news organizations are on their way to re-thinking how to publish content in an enticing way for today’s fragmented society. However, she argues long-term change is not possible unless “culture changes, people have open minds and a little experimentation takes place” (Radbaino, 2013). She, alongside other media theorists, do not believe topic contextualization means the end of the narrative or the episodic story , but that we should not be bound to it.

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The aim of this chapter is to provide a historic overview of UGC at the BBC. The news network has remained transparent about the problems it has faced by progressively incorporating UGC into its news sourcing practices. This makes the BBC an ideal case study to understand the trails and tribulations of incorporating UGC into the 24-hour news cycle of a newsroom.

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The BBC User Generated Content Hub was first established in January of 2005 as a three-month pilot project. Its purpose was to “capture the best material sent in by the ‘audience’ and to disseminate it back out across the organization” (Mortimer, 2011: 71I). Since then, the BBC has vocally declared its support towards the importance of including citizen journalism in the news gathering process. This has especially been the case for the Arab Spring. Chris Hamilton, the network’s Social Media Editor said that in regards to the stream of uprisings, “UGC has not simply made the story more vivid, more exciting, and more telegenic. It has been the story, or at very least has transformed its nature” (Mortimer, 2011: 711).

( .8( was on using relevant images, video footage, and eyewitness account that were emailed on an exclusive basis to the BBC. However, its task shifted towards “semi-conventional newsgathering” as a result of technological advances, such as Web 2.0, as people began to use new media outlets such as Twitter, YouTube and Facebook, to distribute the material themselves (Turner, 2012). Turner concludes that as a result, the BBC began to rely on techniques such as the use of social media outlets to verify the viability of images and footage, comparing this information with what trusted contacts were discussing in their Twitter stream. While verifying the authenticity of audience content is a demanding job, its importance should not be overlooked, according to the BBC’s Social Media Director, who said:

“UGC and verification are no longer a side operation” as “they have become part of the journalistic toolbox, alongside agency pictures, field reporters, background interviews. It is critical for any big newsroom that wants credibility in storytelling” (Guerrini, 2013).

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Over the course of the Arab Spring, the British news agency has established a methodological approach to analyzing the authenticity of UGC that included (Mortimer, 2011):

1. Drawing on archives and resources from the (BBC) Arabic service and monitoring service

2. Monitoring details such as weather, the surroundings and by listening to the accent and dialect in which crowds may be chanting in video footage

Research has shown (Edward Mortimer, 2011) that the coverage of the Arab Spring by the BBC was generally impartial, with “engaging, easy to follow, informative and up to date audience content” (2011:4). Mortimer concludes that less visually stimulating events, such as background information, long-term political discussions and hypothesis for the future did not receive the same coverage and as such, research had shown, they were less understood. Furthermore, that while the BBC provided extensive coverage of the Arab Spring, its reliance on social media opposition voices predominated in stories. While human interest drives audience engagement, there needs to be a balance with detailed context.

( /0( While the BBC has vocally declared its support for user-generated content, there is a widespread skepticism towards the network’s “filtering process” of this material. Wardle and Williams suggest “people are suspicious of the process of editorial selection, fearing that only those who [citizen content] fit a preconceived editorial ‘agenda’ are chosen” (2013: 53). Furthermore, that the perceived motivation of the BBC in using audience material is to give the impression that it values the opinion of its audience, without actually incorporating it into their news content. The Arab Spring has been a transitional moment as journalists adapt to the momentum of citizen reporting in regards to constructing a reality of the daily events in these countries, when social media is at times the only source of information.

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The typology of audience material used by the BBC can be broken down into five categories: audience content, audience footage, experiences and stories; audience comments, personal opinions; networked journalism, where professional and amateur journalists work together to develop a story; collaborative content, material produced by the audience, with support from BBC staff; and, non-news content (Wardle, Williams, 2010: 788). The BBC has used this type of audience material since it was established. What has changed is that through technological advances, the BBC Hub receives much more content and at a faster speed. Social media provides an expansive archive of information for traditional media to use.

blog” (Belair-Gagnon, 2013: 240), the news agency has not relinquished editorial

control. As Alfred Hermida once said, “journalism remains business as usual”, while social media has challenged the notion of “elite journalism”, the editorial decisions currently remain steadfast with the journalists affiliated with news agencies, not the amateur journalist (2013: 241).

Previous scholarly research (Wardle, Williams, 2010; 789) have broken down the six functions for audience content at the BBC:

1. Finding news sources (within existing agenda for research and to find sources) 2. To generate news stories from top-offs (for breaking news stories);

3. Providing a forum for public discussions and debates;

4. Strengthening the relationship between the BBC and its audience; 5. To find material for non-news segments; and,

6. To further develop stills

( //( UGC should be considered a complement to onsite reporting as “only by being close to the action can a reporter really ‘feel’ what’s going on and integrate this perception into his reporting” (Edward Mortimer, 2011: 37). Mortimer argues that that the combination of UGC and primary journalistic reporting is especially important in types of journalistic stories, such as the three analyzed in this paper, ‘the human factor’, defined as “the capacity of being empathic to the object of reporting” is important.

Protests, violent demonstrations, social movements and terrorist attacks are events prone to be covered by people onsite; therefore, providing ample coverage for news organizations to “curate”. Currently, news organizations such as the BBC prefer to use their internal platforms to manage user-generated content (Guerrini, 2013: 14). Research has shown (Guerrini, 2013) that journalists at the BBC are increasingly using curation tools, such as liveblogs, to narrate events as they unfold. The British news agency has been incrementally adapting its use of liveblogs over the years, under the caption “live text” or “live pages”. These sites have proven to be a big success for breaking news but also to create a global dialogue about big stories, says BBC website editor, Steve Hermann (2013:15).

Ashman 2009), as they are hesitant about the veracity, newsworthiness and credibility of this information

Research has shown that in regards to the BBC UK operations, the majority of audience content is used as “a source of news material to be processed in the same way as other material flowing into the newsroom (Wardle, Williams, 2010: 783). The audience does not play a active role in the production process of news, as UGC is weeded out and channeled into the mainstream narrative of the organization, leaving the majority of voices unheard and as a result, neglecting the participatory and democratizing possibilities of including UGC. Wardle and William’s ethnographic study of the BBC newsroom shows that audience content is being considered material to be processed, rather than as an opportunity for the public to retain creative control…” (2010: 790).

The emergence of UGC comes at a time when newsrooms are under immense stress and scrutiny and forced to cutback spending. This combined with the daunting reality of producing news for 24-hour cycles have impacted how audiences content UGC is used within newsrooms (Wardle,Williams, 2010, 788). For example, a “collaborative content” approach to developing audience material is costly as more time and resources are reserved for source verification and contextualization. Whilst the “network journalism” approach is normally concentrated between bureau staff editors, not the management level, where editorial priorities are set out (2010: 789). Therefore, in the future it will be up to the BBC to weight the opportunity cost of using UGC as a news source.

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The aim of this chapter is to provide a general overview of how the international media covered each of the events, focusing on the role of UGC in each of the three case studies. Each of the case studies, and the usage of UGC were unique, making it imperative to provide background information about the event and its resounding international news coverage.

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The demonstration of 25 January in Tahrir Square was decisive. This demonstration would lead the fall of Egypt’s fourth President, Hosni Mubarak. It was scheduled to coincide with National Police Day to protest legislative abuses and to demand the resignation of the head of state. Inspired by the revolution in Tunisia that led to the deposition of the president, demonstrators used social media to promote their cause and organize the January 25th protest. Facebook was used as a medium to create, schedule and organize events.

Over 70,000 Egyptians used Facebook to confirm their attendance to the protest. Like-minded activists used Twitter, under the hash tag #Jan25 to spread information about the upcoming event. Videos were uploaded onto YouTube to intrigue activists to join the movement. New media forums, such as the Facebook page “We are All Khaled Said”, created in memory of a 28-year-old man beaten to death by police forces, prompting people to believe they were standing up to political oppression in favor of democracy.

and videos were the antithesis to state media, acting as a mouthpiece of the Mubarak regime. News outlets such as the New York Times and CNN were quick to denounce Hosni Mubarak and his political ideologies, as echoed in the revolutionary activities across prominent quadrants of the city, and specifically Tahrir Square.

(Photo Credit: Jack Shenker)

Western media focused on what was happening on the ground- riots, demonstrations and group protests. This type of coverage encouraged their viewership to believe all of Egypt was in turmoil. This had major negative repercussions on the country’s economy as foreign investments significantly diminished.

( /3( mandate and core values. This illustrated how social forums were a mechanism for human interaction, echoing the thoughts of different pockets within Egyptian society.

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On October 20th, rebel forces assassinated Muammar Gaddafi, Libya’s dictatorial leader. This marked the end of the seven-month civil war that left thousands dead and the country ravaged. Libyan rebels found him cowering in a sewer, in the Northern town of Sirte. The cause of his death, as to how the rebels exactly killed the Libyan revolutionary-politician, still remains in question.

In the immediate aftermath, videos had been uploaded onto social media forums- primarily YouTube, showing rebel forces beating the dictator with the ends of guns, objects and their fists. The video lasted a couple of minutes, where Gaddafi lay increasingly motionless on the ground, surrounded by throngs of angry protesters. Graphic photos and videos of the violent death rapidly spread across the Internet, alongside images of joyous Libyans celebrating throughout the country. This news was quickly met with political statements from global leaders, who viewed his death as a positive resolution in Libya’s future towards democracy.

(Photo Credit: Unverified Source/ CNN)

Similar to what was seen in the international coverage of the January 25th uprisings in Egypt, news agencies focused on the activities taking place on the ground, and the bloodiest acts, and the images and videos filmed by citizens- the majority were anti-Gaddafi- celebrating the death of the decades-long ruling politician.

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In the early hours of the morning, chemical nerve agent, sarin, was used in the Ghouta agricultural belt, around the outskirts of Damascus. This attack is considered the deadliest attack in the Syrian conflict to-date. First reports of a chemical attack were issued at 02:45AM in the town of Ein Tarma, located 6km east of the capital. Three minutes later, reports surfaced in Zamalka, a neighboring district.

( /8( News media quickly began to associate the victims’ symptoms with those of someone exposed to nerve agents. Symptoms included: convulsing, shortness of breath, disorientations, runny nose, eye irritation, blurred vision, nausea, vomiting, general weakness, and eventual loss of consciousness (BBC, 2013). Medical staff working across the country quickly determined that the vast majority of patients brought in were being treated for “neurotoxin symptoms”.

There was speculation as to whether the regime or rebel forces had orchestrated the attack. Quickly, the international community swayed towards believing the regime was only capable of an act of this magnitude. The UN’s definitive report by expert Atlee Sellstran confirms only the large-scale use of chemical agents, but did not attribute blame.

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The aim of this chapter is to show, by following a qualitative methodology, how the BBC used UGC in its coverage of each of the three case studies: the January 25th revolution (Egypt), the death of Muammar Gaddaffi (Libya) and the Ghoutta chemical attacks (Syria). Each event took place in a different country and time period, two factors that are extremely important to consider when analyzing journalistic coverage of an event, as national socio-political issues can impact mainstream media coverage of an event (ie. biased local media channels that act as affiliates of the current government) which in-turn effect international media coverage (ex: international media blackout in Syria). Therefore, these case studies will provide valuable insight into the BBC’s evolving set of practices in incorporating UGC into mainstream media coverage, in addition to either validate or dismiss my hypothesis that the BBC has yet to establish a credible verification process.

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For the qualitative content analysis, the sample was established by searching through BBC archive for the date of each event, setting a week time frame for each event through the network’s archive settings. The time period was chosen as it provided sufficient time to analyze the network’s detailed coverage of each event: immediate coverage, reactions and political dialogue.

( 50( differences between the network’s coverage of the three events. The sample case studies were self-selected, due to prior research.

All of the news items were found through conducting an advanced search in the BBC’s web archives. In order to find relevant material, I searched for news about each case study, highlighting the country and date, starting with the date of each incident. This search provided optimal results, with a diverse range of news articles about each situation. I only had to weed out 5 articles that were included in the selection of data because they included the word “Egypt”, but had nothing to do with the demonstrations. From there I selected all news stories that related to the topic, within a seven-day news window. For the Egypt revolution, the time window was from the 25th of January (2011) to February 1st. The analytical timeline about the death of Muammar Gaddafi was covered from the 20 October (2011) to the 27 of October. Finally, coverage of the Ghoutta attacks were covered from the to the 21 August (2011) till the 28th _{of August.}

Each news item was archived into a Word document for future analysis.

At the end, 218 news clips were collected: 92 from the revolutions in Egypt, containing 101 elements of UGC; 76 new clips about the death of Muammar Gaddafi, with 32 elements of UGC; and 52 news clips about the chemical attacks in Syria, with 112 elements of UGC. In regards to analysis, the “unit of analysis” is each individual piece of UGC used in a news clip, with the news clip considered the “context unit of analysis”. It should be noted that when “articles” are mentioned, these refer to the articles attached to the news clip.

attack, an important fact for this paper as its focal question surrounds the relationship between UGC and “soft journalism”.

Code Book

The overall purpose of this thesis is to analyze how the inclusion of UGC into mainstream news broadcasts can affect the normative coverage of a news outlet. Thus, it was essential to analyze how each source was verified and contextualized. To create a concrete coding scheme, it was imperative that words related to this study were precisely defined so that the methodological approach can be universally understood.

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Stage 1

The total amounts of news articles for each event, within the seven-day time frame were tallied. Then each article was scanned to see whether or not UGC had been included in each news piece. If included, the article received a 1, while news articles that didn’t include UGC received a 0. This would later be totaled, providing insight into the BBC’s usage of UGC when covering foreign conflicts. It should be noted that a brief summary of each article was included in the “additional comments” section, as it would provide insight into the different type of coverage the news network provided for each event- daily updates, interviews or political analysis.

This would assist in answering the initial hypothesis that the inclusion of UGC in news broadcasts, tends to focus coverage on the daily events taking place on the street, not longwinded political discussion. Thus catering to audience demand for interesting coverage, which could negatively implicate the audience’s perception of an event (see

stage 5).

Stage 2

Once the usage of UGC in each of the 218 news articles was tallied, each specific piece of UGC was studied for specific traits as seen below in the methodological approach taken to analyze the content included in each article.

( 56( The types (photo, video or written statement) and amount of UGC used in each article were counted. This was done to analyze which media (video, photos, or written statements) the BBC has chosen to convey a topic.

Stage 3

Each element of UGC was checked to see if there was a confirmation of verification. This could either be sign in corner of the video saying “verified content”, a sentence beneath the video confirming its authenticity or an oral statement by the journalist or narrator confirming the source. If a clip showed proper verification, it received a 1, while those that didn’t received a 0. At the end of the analysis all pieces were tallied, providing insight into the amount of properly verified UGC coverage.

As news organizations are still grappling with the best practices for incorporating UGC into mainstream news broadcasts, I also tallied the amount of times the BBC provided notification of that that content was “unverified”, either through a written or oral statement, notifying the dubious nature of some UGC.

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Each clips was examined against a set of sub-questions. This methodological research would allow me to craft a well-developed overarching hypothesis to answer the central research question: does the BBC provides sufficient source verification in its

usage of UGC in its coverage of foreign crisis and what are its attitude to audience content?

The research questions, and my initial hypothesis for each of them are as follows:

R1: Is the source verified?

H1: Given the BBC’s long-standing legacy and caliber as a news organization, I thought it would have a rigorous vetting process to authenticate UGC. Furthermore, with its vast network of local bureaus, freelancers and stringers, I expected the verification process to be much more succinct.

This premise was further explored in a blog written by a BBC journalist for the College of Journalism site, dictating that the news networks work is underpinned by its unchanging editorial values and principles to present objective journalism. However, BBC journalist Trushar Barot did mention the “rapidly changing user behavior” that comes with UGC, making it impossible to establish one cohesive model to source, authenticate and broadcast content (2013)

According to Andrew Steele, the current Head of Operations, Global Markets for the BBC and one-time Middle East bureau chief, “there is never a straightforward statement or action in conflict” (Dowell, 2012). Therefore the BBC’s mandate is for journalists to “dissect every statement, bearing mind what the context is” (2012a). The overarching mission statement for news organizations is to “strive for complete impartiality and lack of bias” (2012 b). Given these statements, I expected the majority of sources to have been verified.

R2: Is there a statement of knowledge of source?

( 53( While the BBC has a steadfast system for verifying a variety of content, it does make mention of the difficulty of establishing credibility of sources in conflicts like Syria, where users cannot be directly contacted (Barot, 2013). How in those scenarios the network will “make sure to provide a form of words that can be used… to help describe what we know about the video”(2013a). Therefore, mention of the BBC’s meticulous process led me to believe there would have been much more verified content in the three analyzed case studies.

R3: Is there a classification of source?

H3: Similar to the previous answer, I expected much more of a rigorous detailed process about each included element of UGC. News organizations are constantly under scrutiny to provide fast, accurate information. Therefore, I expected the BBC to have established a rigorous vetting process. That said my ambitious could have been somewhat naïve. UGC is quite a subjective medium and I am not sure if a one-stop solution to verifying UGC is possible.

The subjectivity of UGC significantly impacts a news organization’s ability to verify content. Previous research (Wardle, Dubberley, Brown; 2014) shows that news organizations, including the BBC, are “poor and inconsistent in labeling content as UGC and crediting the individual who captures the content” (2014, 2). Therefore, while I expect high quality from the BBC, given its legacy, the fact of the mater seems to be news organizations are still grappling with how to deal with UGC as a newsgathering and sourcing mechanism.

R4: Is further context provided?

H4: In regards to UGC, I expected vast amount of additional coverage about each of the events as the network continuously reiterates its uncompromising stance on providing in-depth-objective coverage. However, research has shown (Wardle, Dubberley, Brown, 2014; 28), specifically pertaining to the Syrian conflict, that when the BBC incorporated UGC into its news coverage, for the majority of cases no further context about the video or the source of the content was provided (2014a).

subliminally that the news institution accepts and vouches for the images on screen” (2012a).

Generally speaking, while the news agencies coverage did focus on daily events, through video coverage, the network also provided interviews with various parties within each country, alongside international actors, analysis of each event; alongside journalistic OP-ED pieces.

Stage 5

Once all 218 articles and the respective UGC were tallied against the previous mentioned criteria, the information was summarized to show the total amount of verified content, those which included a statement of knowledge of source, classification of source and further context, so that a general analysis of the BBC’s verification process of UGC could be established. After that, the information was broken up into case studies, showing the verification process for each event.

Simultaneously, each article was sub-categorized into three sections: daily protest updates, interviews/press conferences with national and international politicians and scholars and political analysis. By doing this, the BBC’s weeklong coverage could be understood in detail. This would also assist in contextualizing how the BBC portrayed each event, including the role of social media.

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The aim of this chapter is to show how the BBC used UGC for its coverage of the three events. The empirical research will show that the BBC mainly used amateur content as a source of last resort, largely to provide context to an area or event when journalists could not be on the scene. Not only did UGC not define the news network’s complete coverage but, when used, it lacked sufficient verification, thus compromising the objectivity of the BBC’s coverage. This was seen in each of the case studies.

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This paper’s empirical findings suggest the BBC’s usage of citizen journalism was dependent on its network in each of the countries (mainstream journalists and stringers), alongside its ability to get journalists on the ground. The “Arab Spring” has been associated with the overarching usage of citizen journalism, with civil uprisings in countries like Syria, being coined “the YouTube War” for the amount of amateur video content that was posted online by civilians or political factions, all trying to provide context to the international world as to what was going on in foreign conflicts.

( 60( The following graph provides further detail into the usage of amateur content by the news network, showing that that the majority of reporting did not include UGC.

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Case Study UGC related coverage Total Amount of Clips % Of clips w/ UGC Egypt 25 92 27% Libya 15 76 20% Syria 22 52 42% Total 62 218 28%

While the British news network provided diverse coverage of each of the topics, within those 63 articles that contained audience content, there were 256 elements of UGC. With conflicts such what’s going on in Syria coined the “YouTube War”, I expected to see a higher quota of articles that included UGC. That said, I was not expecting to find such a large amount of UGC packed into these articles. These findings show that UGC did not dictate the BBC’s coverage, however when used, it did capitalize on the emotive, vivid content provided by UGC. This runs the risk of focusing on dramatic street level events, which could distort the public’s perception of tall aspects of each conflict. The breakdown of the network’s coverage for each event is as follows:

the disproportionate amount of coverage compared to the other sections could show a tendency for the BBC to draw on evocative footage that would immediately interest the audience. !"#$%&2_C9&!'+"$&Q.%"`5'E*&'(&)'*+%*+&)'A%.":%&\".+7/$%&*6G#%.,]& Case Study Daily Protest Updates Interviews/Press Conferences with national and international politicians and scholars Political Analysis Egypt 49 (53%) 13 (14%) 20 (22%) Libya 32 (42%) 13 (17%) 21 (78%) Syria 31 (60%) 10 (19%) 7 (13%) Total 112 36 48

( 6/( The breakdown of the specific types of mediums as UGC in each conflict is as follows:

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Conflict Photos Videos Written statements

Egypt 25 66 10

Libya 5 38 0

Syria 34 85 3

Total 64 (25%) 189 (74%) 13 (39%)

These findings suggest video coverage was the primary source of UGC used within the articles the contained audience content. By making the editorial choice to use video content, the majority of which showed ravaged cities, demonstrations and in extreme cases, wounded or dead bodies, the program is focusing on the sensational aspects of these conflicts, as video is an emotive medium. This enforces the typology that user-generated content serves only as “soft journalism” practices and “infotainment”. This could trivialize the historical complexity of these case studies.

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It should be noted that the “non-verified content” section also includes content that the news agency mentioned could not be verified (see table 1.6 for more information about specific case studies).

From an academic perspective, this research illustrates the lack of verified content can be detrimental towards the objectivity of the network’s news coverage. A variety of arguments can be made as to why this is the case, but the fact that these events were months, if not years apart support the view that the network should have developed a better system to verify this information in a timely manner.

A minute portion of the total articles included in this paper’s research included sufficient source verification. The lack of detailed coverage shows that the BBC has yet to establish a verification process that can abide by the rigorous schedule of the 24-hour news cycle. The breakdown of this information, per case study, can be seen below:

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Case Study _{knowledge of} Statement of source

Classification of

source? Further Context

Egypt 14 9 11

Libya 7 7 10

Syria 5 6 6

Total 26 (12%) 22 (10%) 27 (12%)

Further analysis shows that out of the 256 elements of UGC incorporated into news coverage, only 26 provided a statement of knowledge of source, 22 included a classification of source, with 27 including additional information to assist in contextualizing this information into the greater scheme of each event.

Out of the UGC incorporated into the network’s reporting, 22 clips were either verified, with a written or oral notice stating the verification of this content. In other cases, the network let the audience know about the origin of the source, whether it was “mobile footage, amateur footage, or unverified”.