Oath taking and the transnationalism of silence among Edo female sex workers in Italy

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542123-L-os-ASC 542123-L-os-ASC 542123-L-os-ASC

542123-L-os-ASC Processed on: 6-4-2020Processed on: 6-4-2020Processed on: 6-4-2020Processed on: 6-4-2020

Oath Taking and the Transnationalism

of Silence among Edo Female Sex

Workers in Italy

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Cynthia Olufade

This book is based on Cynthia A. Olufade’s Master’s thesis ‘Oath taking and the

Trans-nationalism of Silence among Edo Female Sex Workers in Italy’, winner of the African Studies Centre, Leiden’s 2018 Africa Thesis Award. This annual award for Master’s students encourages student research and writing on Africa and promotes the study of African cultures and societies.

This study aimed to interrogate the oath taking phenomena among Edo female sex workers in Italy. In a bid to understand how the oaths taken in Edo State, translates into an intangible as pect of the trafficking process. To achieve the aims of the study, the research utilised the qualitative method of data collection, it involved the use of in-depth interviews and observations. The study reveals that the transnational silence exhibited by different categories of actors in the Edo sex work network sustains the industry. The research also highlights that the oaths form only a part, albeit important of the construction of debt and bondage in the context of Edo transnational sex work. In light of its findings, the study concludes that the idea of transnationalism of silence is as effective as the oaths taken.

Cynthia Olufade is a research consultant on trafficking for sexual purposes. Her research interests include, gender related research, migration and transnationalism, religion and ethnicity. She is a mother of two and happily married to Ayodele Olufade.

African Studies Collection 77

77 Oath Taking

and the

Transnationalism

of Silence among

Edo Female Sex

Workers in Italy

Cynthia Olufade

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542123-L-bw-Afrika 542123-L-bw-Afrika 542123-L-bw-Afrika 542123-L-bw-Afrika Processed on: 30-3-2020 Processed on: 30-3-2020 Processed on: 30-3-2020

Processed on: 30-3-2020 PDF page: 1PDF page: 1PDF page: 1PDF page: 1

Oath Taking and the Transnationalism of Silence among Edo

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Processed on: 30-3-2020 PDF page: 2PDF page: 2PDF page: 2PDF page: 2 Dedication

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Oath Taking and the

Transnationalism of Silence

among Edo Female Sex

Workers in Italy

Cynthia Aghunotse Olufade

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[Colophon]

African Studies Centre Leiden P.O. Box 9555

2300 RB Leiden The Netherlands

asc@ascleiden.nl www.ascleiden.nl

Cover design: Heike Slingerland

Cover photo: Transnational Connections. Cynthia Olufade Photos: Cynthia Aghunotse Olufade

Printed by Ipskamp Printing, Enschede ISSN: 1876-018x

ISBN: 978-90-5448-181-2

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1 Background Information

9

1.1 Introduction 9

1.2 Statement of the problem 17

1.3 Research Questions 18

1.4 Aim and Objectives 18

1.5 Significance of the study 19

1.6 Scope of the study 19

1.7 Operational definitions of terms 19

2 Literature Review and the Theoretical Framework

21

2.1 Oath Taking and Work Ethics 21

2.2 Theory of Abstract Phenomena in Transnationalism 35

3 Methodology

39

3.1 Introduction 39

3.2 Research Design 39

3.3 Study area 39

3.4 Study population 40

3.5 Sampling techniques and sampling procedure 40

3.6 sample size 40

3.7 Method of data collection 41

3.8 Method of data analysis 41

3.9 Limitations of the study 41

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4 Data Presentation, Analysis and Discussion of Findings

43

4.1 Introduction 43

4.2 The Madam 44

4.3 The Administrator as ‘Trolley’ 53

4.4 The ‘Juju’ Priest 56

4.5 The Sex Worker 59

4.6 Transnationalism of Silence in the Political Economy of Edo 66 4.7 The Implication of ‘Transnationalism of Silence’ on the Political 74 4.8 Edo People and Sex Work: Perspectives and Perceptions 75

4.9 The Oath-Taking Ritual 82

4.10 The Sacred Vow 86

4.11 How Do the Oaths Taken Ensure the Silence of Edo Transnational

Sex Workers? Syncretism among the Benin People 87

5 Summary of Findings and Conclusion

93

5.1 Summary of findings 93

References 96

Internet Materials 98

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Acknowledgements

It has been God all the way.

Special thanks to my amiable supervisor, Senayon Olaoluwa, thank you sir, for exposing me to transnational research and for being a mentor.

I appreciate the input of other lecturers at the Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan, thank you all.

To my parents, thank you, mummy and daddy, for all your efforts, especially for looking after my daughter during the course of my fieldwork, and for being the best.

To my siblings, thanks to you all for giving me support and listening to my research.

To Ositadinma Ngadaonye, thank you for staying up late to keep me company, and for believing in me.

My colleagues have been the best one can wish for, Chibuzor, it was nice meeting you, Sogo, keep being cool.

Special thanks to IFRA-Nigeria for their support in making this dream a reality. I am specifically grateful to Dr Elodie Apard for her mentorship and guidance throughout the course of this research.

I also appreciate the contributions of the president of the IYAMIDR Returnees Forum, Benin City, Mr. Solomon Okoduah.

The input of the National Agency for Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP) to the success of this research is also acknowledged.

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1

Background Information

1.1 Introduction

The Benin people believe that their history is written in their hearts and it is being passed from generation to generation through the art of folklore, music, dance, and traditional customs and practices. According to Mbiti (1997), “Africans have their own ontology which is both religious and anthropocentric in the sense that everything is seen in relation to man.” Till today, this view is reflected in Benin’s traditional system and in the lifestyle of Benin’s people. Egharevba (1968) noted the existence of two words in Benin cosmology, ‘Agbon’ and ‘Erimwin’. According to him, Agbon is the world as we see it, created by ‘Osanobua’ (God) and Benin people believe that all the happenings in Agbon are entirely controlled by the agents of Osanobua, i.e. the divinities. Erimwin is the invisible world populated by a variety of spirit beings such as Enikaro.

At the zenith of the Benin traditional system is the Oba, who is regarded as Osanobua’s representative on earth, underneath him is a tightly knit structure administered through family heads, elders, quarter heads, and traditional chiefs.

An exploration of the traditional customs of the Benin people, their belief system, and its relationship with the practise of oath taking will provide a useful background in an attempt to unravel the concept of oaths and oath taking in Edo state and how it relates to transnational sex work.

Belief in God

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casually efficacious it is.” Certainly, a common feature among various tribes in Africa is a belief in a Supreme Being who is attributed with the creation of the universe. This being has different names in different worldviews but nevertheless seems to be conceived in a similar vein and have similar attributes.

The Yoruba of West Africa conceive of ‘Olodumare’ as immortal. He is also referred to as ‘Eleda’ (creator), ‘Aseda’ (maker), and ‘Elemi’ (owner of divine breath), while among the Igbos, Chukwu is the name attributed to the Supreme Deity. Bradbury (1973) affirms that for the Benin people, Osanobua means, “the supplier of wealth, life, health and other necessities to maintain life and good living.” The Benin believe that Osanobua created all things. They see Osanobua as the builder who conceived and designed the universe; he is viewed as the god of procreation, the giver of wealth, and the god of fertility, etc.

Osanobua did not just create the universe, He, according to Benin custom, laid down laws and statutes for the orderly and smooth-running of the world with Benin at the centre. The belief is that all the established laws and traditional customs of Benin were ordained by Osanobua himself for the ancient Benin Empire. The Benin people also believe that before a child is born into the world, he presents him- or herself before Osanobua to choose, receive, or have his destiny dictated to him. All the happenings in an individual’s life are therefore believed to be predetermined by Osanobua, including their length of stay on earth.

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Belief in Divinities

Divinities in Benin culture are believed to be agents of the Supreme Being as well as deified communal priests and ancestors. From their association with the Supreme Deity, it is believed that they possess supernatural attributes. Sodipo (1973) avers that ‘Esu’, the trickster in Yoruba cosmology, can change the natural course of something that had been preordained by ‘Olodumare’ and in defiance of the laid down laws of nature. This is why Sodipo (1973) observes that chief priests are usually consulted at the birth of a child to determine its destiny in life. The Benin people also believe that divinities are powerful agents of the Supreme.

Other agents can be ancestors who have died and become deified as well communal priests who were once members of the community. Gbadegesin (1991) reveals that, at death, these people are deified due to the amount of power available to them while alive or, in other cases, the sanctity of their behaviour while on earth. These powers are believed to be beyond natural or human means. ‘Sango’, the Yoruba god of thunder, who was a former king in the old Oyo Empire is an example of a deified ancestor. According to Sodipo (1973), Sango is described as a very powerful and famous ruler, who was feared and respected across regions during his reign. His powers were believed to be supernatural. Bradbury (1973), lists some major divinities in the Benin kingdom; these deities are believed to be the main agents of Osanobua and possess extraordinary powers. These agents have hierarchies, as Osanobua is known as a very orderly being; his divinities were ordered according to importance.

Olokun

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Ogun

Ogun is believed to be the bringer of civilization, who, according to Benin traditional belief, conquered the forest, opened the farmlands and carved out the roads; he is the deity in charge of metal. The Benin represents him as a human holding the axe and the cutlass.

Osun

Osun is the deity in charge of health and spiritual growth. According to Benin traditional belief, when an individual’s Osun is growing he begins to have dreams of snakes. When the Osun becomes fully grown, snakes start coming out of a pot, this is why Osun is usually depicted as a man who has snakes and other reptiles coming out of his nostrils.

Oba

The reigning king is also regarded as a deity in Benin tradition. He is sanctioned by Osanobua to lead and protect the people. The Oba is in charge of the political and spiritual administration of the Benin people. Whatever sanction or decree the Oba gives is expected to be strictly adhered to as his words are regarded as the words of Osanobua himself. The ancient Benin Empire became famous as a result of its powerful monarchy that operates a smooth-running, centralized system with inbuilt checks and balances that promote healthy competition among the political institutions thus ensuring stability. The Oba took charge of regulating the socio-political and economic activities for the general well-being of the people of the kingdom.

Ovbhiemhe

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Oghiowhu

Oghiowhu has the power over life and death in Benin cosmology. He has a messenger known as Ofoe, who carries out all his commandments. He is represented with a human head, no torso but the hands and legs are seen as extended from the head. Oghiowhu, like Olokun, is also represented as a king but painted all red, signifying blood. Oghiowhu’s messenger, Ofoe is quite similar to the Yoruba Esu, who is regarded as a trickster.

According to the tradition of the people of Benin, these deities are not worshipped, only God (Osanobua) is worshipped. The process is referred to in Benin dialect as ‘awebo’ meaning propitiation, while ancestors, on the other hand, are venerated. There are other numerous smaller deities in Benin cosmology that also wield much power and respect among the people. Worthy of note are implanted deities from other parts of the country. These deities were carried into Benin, sometimes as spoils of war, at other times as the fame and popularity of the deity grew. Most popular among the implanted deities are:

Ayelala

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This led to the popularity of the goddess as a deity that upholds justice and protects morality; it also accounted for its spread even to Benin.

Igbile

Okpewho (2017) observes that the Ijaw from Niger Delta region had some fairly attested relations with the Benin people, while Egharevba (1966), maintains that the Ijaw were among the subject tribes of the (ancient) Benin Empire. Fagg (1978) affirms that the stylized masks of the Igbile cult, with images of aquatic reptiles emanating from various parts of the head, are of Ijaw origin, suggesting that the Igbile cult, whose masks were part of the spoils of war taken from dancers who joined Benin soldiers resisting the British punitive expedition in 1897.

Oath Taking and Benin Society

In ancient Benin, the taking and administering of oaths became a necessity in marital scenes, during family disputes, for detection of culprit(s) in cases of theft, in land dispute cases, and during misunderstandings between neighbours and friends. The practice of oath taking cuts across all levels of society, from the Oba, who takes and renews sacred oaths on a daily basis, to the chiefs, who must either take oaths themselves or preside over issues that are resolved through oath taking, the elders, who take charge of minor quarrels and disputes among the family members under him, and even ordinary citizens, who make venerations to their ancestors from time to time. Marriage

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wife involved is forced to make a confession before the ancestry altars of her husband’s family.

Some other instances where wives are made to swear or confess before altars include:

• The inauguration of a new wife into the family

• The observance of unhealthy occurrences in the family • Suspicion of a wife’s infidelity

• Allegiance to the husband

The Benin tradition sees a woman as purely and specifically sacred before and especially after getting married. Some customary taboos are placed on the wife so that she does not violate, wittingly or unwittingly, these taboos. If she is suspected, under any circumstances, of violating these rules, she is made to swear an oath in the presence of her husband’s ancestry deity. If a woman is humiliated and made to swear an oath publicly, what happens to men who engage in such behaviours? Are they also subjected to similar treatments in such circumstances? Attoh (2007) aptly captures the Benin situation in ‘Chattels of the Families: Trafficking of Young Women as Gender Violence’. Here, she opines that it is a consequence of a society deeply ingrained in the practice of patriarchy and female subjugation and that the woman/girl becomes a property in the hands of husbands, or fathers, who are willing to trade them off or subject them to unequal treatment.

Conflict Resolution

Conflicts arise over issues of territory, succession, inheritance, etc. Oghi (2014) observes that when disputes arose over boundary matters, traditionally they were handled by elders-in-council presided over by the Oba who remains the paramount ruler. Where, however, they occurred at the village or dukedom level, ‘Enigies’ or ‘Odionwere’ took charge of them, while difficult cases were referred to the palace of the Oba whose pronouncement was binding on all parties.

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land disputes, the demarcation of a boundary or territory is marked by the planting of an ‘Ikhimwin’ tree.

Disputes related to inheritance and hereditary titles are also adjudicated. Only eldest male children whose mothers were traditionally married to the deceased man had the right to inherit or succeed their fathers. This is also subject to the satisfactory performance of the necessary rites and oath taking rituals related to succession. According to oral accounts, these rites are handled by the Oba, who performs them in line with the laid down traditions and customs of the land. In cases where there is a serious dispute over succession, traditional measures are taken to ascertain the entitled party. Two processes are observed: First, the claimants to the throne were summoned to a cult presided over by the chief priest of the kingdom and then oaths were administered to them. Rituals are also performed and the spirit of the ancestors invoked. The right successor was then determined by the outcome of the test. In other instances, the property in question may have been willed verbally to a particular individual before the demise of the holder. In such a case, other family members must have witnessed it before the property in question can be transferred. The witnesses are summoned to testify to the claim after being subjected to oaths enjoining them to speak the truth or else face the wrath of the ancestors. From the above, it is clear that the Benin people had and still maintain a traditional structure for resolving conflicts of various degrees via a traditional process that is deeply entrenched in the principle of oaths and oath taking.

Commerce and Trading

Ancestors are inherent to the day to day business of the Benin people. They are called upon for guidance, protection from evil, and to guarantee abundant sales.

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Traders and market women also perform rituals and rites to the god who brings/multiplies wealth. In cases where fire breaks out in the marketplace, they try to find out what the gods have to say about the occurrence. Sacrifices are also made when the need arises for atonement and in cases where instructions are given, they are generally carried out to the letter. Whenever issues relating to theft or burglary arise, the gods are also summoned to come to their aid. Oaths are also administered when disputes arise amongst traders. Sex Work

The Binis in Edo State, Nigeria, have a highly patriarchal social organization and a long history of male migration prior to colonial times (Omorodion 2011). With the dominance of men in migration statistics, women and, by implication, wives, are left behind intentionally and circumstantially in many communities (Mondain and Diagne, 2013). There is, however, some evidence showing the economic empowerment of women and wives of migrants in certain communities in Nigeria. For instance, in Benin, the impact of migration on the status of women was evident in the number of female-headed households and landladies emerging in the 21st century (Oke 2001; Osezua 2013). These women began to look elsewhere for work when Nigeria experienced a major economic downturn in the late 1980s. Indeed, they went looking for work beyond the country’s shores, going, for example, to Italy with work visas to pick tomatoes, but ended up in sex work. Some return rich and are held up as examples of success. According to the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP), 90 per cent of trafficked women of African origin in Italy engaging in sex work are from Edo State and have taken oaths at a shrine in the state. These trafficked women/girls are managed by madams (usually former sex trafficking victims themselves). Currently, the situation in the city of Benin reflects what has been discussed so far. The Benin people have a culture of oaths and oath taking as they believe that the ideal is to call upon the divine to witness and authenticate whatever issue is at hand.

1.2 Statement of the problem

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(Bamgbose 2002), and the examination of sex work from the perspective of transnational organized crime and security implications (Babatunde 2014). More recent studies have added the subject of voodoo to the discourse. Van Dijk (2001) and Ikeora (2016) examined sex work from the angle of the role of African traditional religion.

These works have neglected important cultural variables in the sex work phenomenon in Edo State, specifically, the extent of ritual practices involved in taking oaths, consequences for oath defaulters, and the role oath taking plays in sustaining the sex work industry.

On a more general level, previous understanding of oath taking in the context of sex work has been scanty. This study therefore intends to examine the culture of the Edo (specifically Benin) people as it relates to the tradition of oath taking. The study adopted an anthropological methodology to explore the issue of how Edo transnational sex workers take spirituality with them to different countries of destination and how this informs their silence while suffering exploitation.

1.3 Research Questions

1. How does oath taking aid Edo transnational sex work?

2. How is the idea of ‘transnational silence’ implicated in the political economy of Edo transnational sex work?

3. What is the perception of the Edo people towards sex work?

4. What processes are involved in oath taking rituals that ensure the silence of Edo transnational sex workers?

5. How do the perceived consequences of default sustain Edo transnational sex work?

1.4 Aim and Objectives

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The objectives include:

• To examine how oath taking is exploited for Edo transnational sex work. • To document the significance of ‘transnational silence’ in the political

economy of Edo transnational sex work.

• To examine the perception of Edo people towards sex work.

• To examine the processes involved in oath taking rituals and how these translate into silence among transnational sex workers.

• To determine the consequences of default and how this is exploited to sustain the industry and perpetuate the exploitation of Edo transnational sex workers.

1.5 Significance of the study

To scrutinize the dimensions of oath taking and silence among Edo transnational sex workers, this study employed anthropological methodologies to provide another perspective to the discourse aimed at examining how the sex work industry in Edo state is sustained and how it perpetuates exploitation.

1.6 Scope of the study

This study was primarily focused on investigating oath taking as a practice among Edo transnational sex workers and how this informs their silence throughout their transnational sojourn in Italy.

1.7 Operational definitions of terms

Sex worker – a woman/girl trafficked to Italy for the purpose of having sexual intercourse in exchange for money or material gains.

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madam is a conceptual category in the network and can either be a man or a woman; the majority, however, are women.

Sponsor – an individual who acts as a middleman or sometimes a person who literally buys women and girls from Benin, with the aim of transporting them to Italy in order to sell them to a madam for a profit.

Trolley/Trafficking Agent –the administrator/guide of a particular network. His (they are usually men) responsibilities include recruiting and organizing the women and girls for oath taking rituals and guiding their passage to Italy via Libya. In most cases, the agent organizes travel documents for the women and girls.

Juju – according to the dictionary definition, juju implies the use of fetish, charms, and amulets among West Africans. This study understands juju in terms of how it is used by returnees as an object (pieces of stick, clothing, body parts, effigy, etc.) that has undergone some ritual process and has the ability to be used for good or evil. It also refers to a person involved in the practice, i.e. juju man or juju woman.

Victims – anyone taken to Italy with/without full knowledge of the potential job is a victim. A victim in this case might/might not have prior knowledge of the line of work they are expected to do in Italy.

Enhancers – specific materials /objects given to the victims by their guardian, parents or juju priest(ess) to make them more successful in their line of work. Ogbelegba – The sex workers’ term for police in Italy, this was used by the girls /women on the street. In Edo, the word means someone who disturbs or scatters.

Eke – another slang term for the police used by the girls and women on the street in Europe.

Hustler – a girl or woman who engages in sex work in Italy considers herself a hustler and she considers the ‘job’ ‘hustlement’ or hustle.

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2

Literature Review and the

Theoretical Framework

2.1 Oath Taking and Work Ethics

An oath is a promise; it is a covenant, usually between people or between a human(s) and God/god. The need to take an oath rests on the human tendency to renege on an agreement or promise. Hence, the calling of the divine to uphold the terms of a contract or agreement becomes a necessity. To establish the concept of oath taking in a work context, the European Asylum Office Information Report (EASO, 2014) offers an illustration of oath taking practices from a sex work perspective. Plambech (2014) highlights the definition of juju as a common way of expressing the use of traditional means of healing and magic, albeit one that does not necessarily connote evil in the Nigerian context. She opines that a sense of alarm usually follows when juju or elements of voodoo accompany any operation in the West. This implies a lopsided understanding of the phenomenon by Western actors. This view needs to be adequately corrected as it has implications for sex workers in their Western host countries. By illustrating the dimensions of juju, Plambech (2014) points out that the practice provides an avenue for understanding the network of operations that engages its use in the context of migration and sex work. This approach reveals more about the society that practises it than the trafficking network itself. In another vein, Cherti et al. (2013) observe that the effects using juju may not be present in all cases of trafficking at the point of recruitment and, in fact, may occur only later, usually once the victim has begun working on the streets. Thus, Carling (2005) avers that voodoo only becomes dangerous when there is talk of an oath being defaulted on.

The aforementioned EASO report outlines the main components of juju oaths in relation to sex work:

- the oath is administered in a ritual - the use of animal blood in the ritual

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Garcia (2008), emphasizing the wordings of oaths, states that the oath is sealed between the trafficker and the victim with the different responsibilities spelled out to each party. The traffickers agree to bear the cost of the journey to the European destination, while the victim pledges to reimburse the trafficker, obey instructions, and keep the activities of the network from the authorities. This implies that the oaths are not just oaths to ensure silence, as the wordings also reinforce loyalty and a subtle dependence on the trafficker for protection since the authorities are a no-go area. However, the use of juju as a means of coercion, according to Cherti et al. (2013), does not occur in all cases. In fact, their study reveals that only about 28 percent of trafficked girls had been exposed to juju and not all the oaths sworn are directly related to cases of trafficking. This is buttressed by Pascoal’s (2012) observation that a number of trafficked girls choose not to take part in the oath taking ritual due to their convictions that are deeply rooted in Christianity. However, a more recent study by Ikeora (2016) claims that most of the victims who had been trafficked to the UK had, at one point or another, sworn oaths to seal the pact between both parties. This assertion underscores the practice of syncretism, especially among Christians, who consult other means in search of healing or answers to life’s issues. Carling (2006) and Nwogu (2008) argue that Pentecostal churches also offer prayers to legitimize such deals. Meanwhile, Van Dijk (2001) notes that the oaths taken aim to frighten victims by referencing terminal illness and death to ensure compliance. From another perspective, the oaths taken have a dual function as they serve to aid the smooth running of the ‘job’, to protect adherents, and, of course, to instil obedience (UNICRI, 2010).

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to his lord (the major), who agrees to protect and care for his minor. In case of violation, the fealty is disregarded; this may bring an onslaught of consequences on the defaulter.

The Concept of Silence and Work Ethics

The conceptualization of silence as a phenomenon conjures a plethora of meanings to different audiences. Ganzevoort (2015), in his study of anthropological perspectives of silence in religion and films, observes that silence is an avenue for the viewer or cultural actor to navigate the dimensions of a work of art or any given situation. This means that silence can speak to different meanings at the same time depending on the cultural context it is used in and also the understanding of such cultural traditions. Thus, silence becomes an essential part of the ways in which meanings can be derived, especially from films, movies and motion pictures as well as in religious spheres. For example, the examination of silence draws one to observe other concepts such as meditation and, of course, communication with a higher power. To Ganzevoort (Ibid.), silence illuminates the complexities of presence and absence, substance and emptiness, speech and gestures. It expands the dimensions of meaning to embody other forms of non-verbal communication, which broadens the discourse on identity and identity formation. The character of silence can be established in different ways to constitute a form that implies adherence to society’s conventions and, in another vein, to create a balance in power and power relations that is known to be a major source of tension among individuals and communities. Silence is also employed to affirm authority in other contexts and to “create the opportunity of coordinated action” (Ibid.). In this sense, the ‘voice’ of silence can be loud enough to be heard and understood over other means of communication and expresses ideas that cannot be trivialized by putting them into words. As Van Gennip and Turner have argued, “silence is an anti-structure that opens up the patterned world of action and meaning by creating gaps and fissures” (cited in Ganzevoort 2015:132). Ganzevoort (Ibid.) argues that there are four categories of silence:

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established. There is no repression of the power of speech; silence becomes a choice to strip oneself of engaging in speech. It is quite interesting as this type of silence expands the frontiers of meaning to new levels that involve personal interpretations and the engagement of imagination, thereby creating intrigues. For the third category, Ganzevoort stresses “ominous silence”, which is a more impersonal type and is a form of silence in relation to the world, especially to time and space. It is laced with a deep sense of ambiguity, not revealing all of itself to create a sense of urgency and danger that one cannot fully capture since its ramifications are out of reach. This is intended to simultaneously fascinate and to create a sense of foreboding. The final category of silence is a “silence in relation to the sacred”. It involves a receptive way of opening oneself up to the divine by entering into silence. As William James aptly captures (cited in Ganzenvoort 2015:136) silence in this context suggests “the feelings, acts and experiences of individual men in their solitude, so far as they apprehend themselves to stand in relation to whatever they may consider divine.” The deliberate act of reception and letting go of the functions of the senses in this case is not only employed in spiritual or metaphysical realms, it is also engaged in alternative medicine and during acts of torture to facilitate an altered state of consciousness (Ganzevoort 2015). The transcending experience of silence therefore endangers receptivity: an openness that allows for diverse experiences to occur.

By engaging the different forms that silence takes, Ganzevoort presents an excellent revelation of how the self relates to others through silence. It is arguable that where these forms overlap in the daily activities and struggles of people, silence can begin from the angle of repression and translate to other forms while adapting new trends.

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who cannot articulate the pain as a result of a culture that seeks to blur the lines between the victim and perpetrator in issues like sexual assault. Here, the narrative always favours the perpetrator.

Meanwhile, for Fivush (2010), the social construction of silence in autobiographical and cultural narratives suggests that cultural narratives construct silence and voice in a way that defines the self. By engaging certain socio-cultural paradigms, the study examines silence along the lines of “being silenced and being silent.” While the latter is an expression of power dynamics (Ganzenvoort 2015), which is repressive in nature, the former underscores a voluntary understanding of not using speech, for example in order to be receptive to a higher order (Ibid.). In an interesting twist, the research suggests that shared understanding of a practice can call for silence, which can, in turn, empower the tradition in question, thus implying that the introduction of speech in this context translates into loss of power. The study concludes by highlighting the relevance of voice and silence in discourses centred on memory and identity.

General Perception of Sex Work

The dimensions of trafficking and the sex work network in/from Edo State in Nigeria has received serious academic attention, not least from Aghatise (2002), who examines the network from the Italian perspective, and from Iocono (2014), who scrutinized the actors in the network in an effort to create a distinction between victims and perpetrators but, in the process, found that the distinctions were blurred as grey areas abound. Other scholars have examined the phenomenon from a cultural perspective thus highlighting the role of the family and also the community in the trafficking process (Attoh 2007). More recent studies have interrogated the culture from the prism of finding solutions for anti-trafficking agencies to work out a panacea (Ikeora 2016) and in Whelan (2017), the practice of sex work and its institutional embeddedness in Nigeria was examined.

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involved in the trafficking process in order to enrich themselves. This means that, on the one hand, the girls are seen as a commodity by their communities and, on the other hand, chattels of their families.

Attoh argues that the trafficking process is sustained as an avenue for wealth creation, but also as a means of reaffirming the subjugation of womenfolk, who are considered inferior and subjected to unequal treatment, thus sustaining the staging of violence against them. The paper however, fails to acknowledge the role of older matriarchs as priestesses (EASO, 2014), or as mothers of victims of trafficking who are decisive figures in the trafficking process and influential in sustaining the trade. Another dimension to this is the recognition that these older women have, in one way or the other, conformed to the demands of the patriarchy and gender inequality through a socialization process over time whereby the practice has become the norm and have led a generation of younger women to believe in it. This speaks to the sustenance of the network as well as acceptance of the phenomenon by members of the society in which it is practiced.

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is placed on the returns. The implication over time becomes is that success is tied to economic growth and if migrants, in this case, transnational sex workers, can send substantial amounts back home in cash or kind, whatever business such migrants are involved in is to be celebrated. While Odorige’s paper presents an interesting argument, it is silent on the role of religion in the acceptance or rejection of the phenomenon, especially as religion plays a vital role in the construction of morality (Turner Bryan 2003). Another approach would have been to compare how traditional African religion influences the sex work business, specifically, the use of Ayelala or any other preferred deity/god; this would shed more light on the acceptance of the phenomenon in the state. However, the research was able to capture the discourse of stigma associated with returnees from Europe who have been engaged in sex work. The study ignored other categories of returnees, who go back home to retire as ‘madams’ after a ‘successful’ sojourn. This dynamic surely affects the perception of Edo people to such returnees. Drawing from the substance of previous literature that accounts for the self sufficiency of the network to recreate itself, Carling (2006) posits that ‘madams’ were once victims themselves who have successfully repaid their debt and went on to acquire girls of their own.

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Oath Taking in Judicial Practice

To Kate Abiri (2014), an oath is a testament to speak the truth or a vow to do something. The implication of this in legal proceedings is for an individual to take a vow with reference to God or a god, and to remain truthful and not withhold any relevant information. An oath of office involves a public servant swearing to uphold the duties of the office. The wordings of the oaths are sacred therefore making it too important or respected to be changed; it compels the oath taker to be faithful to its words and true to its conditions. The conditions of the oath are meant to be upheld by all religions and anyone who takes an oath should regularly remember what was sworn, especially when the option to default is introduced. As the taking of judicial oaths qualifies a person to be a judicial officer, no such officer can perform the functions of the office in question without swearing an oath.

The article by Van Dijk (2001) focuses on the fear and moral panic resulting from the involvement of African juju/voodoo in child prostitution rings in Dutch society. This led to a wave of actions that had serious implications for the receiving community, in this case the Netherlands and, moreover, the girls were criminalized as the state became forced to recalibrate existing policies on multiculturalism, which led to serious implication for control and inspection.

Van Dijk’s research is particularly fascinating as it finds expression not only in the exotic but on the feelings of mutuality between the police officers who handled the cases (as an extension of the state) and the girls who had been under the voodoo hold, thereby creating a level ground for commonality and involvement that goes against the uncompromising nature of the West’s ‘state-orchestrated’ character. The disappearance of Nigerian girls placed in foster care, who are between the ages of 10-20, became an issue as the cases began to run into the hundreds and the Dutch authorities had no clue about how to understand the emerging phenomenon. Initially, there was little alarm, although it provoked police investigation. At a certain point, a link to child prostitution was made by a number of social services and a struggle was revealed within the prostitution network comprising Ghanaians and other French-speaking West Africans and Nigerians. The Nigerian girls appeared to be younger, obviously more virile, and were prepared to get the job done at cheaper rates than was the norm.

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of different nationalities. Episodes of anxiety and fear that manifested in young Nigerians girls fitting when they were called in by the police for questioning gave rise to series of investigations about, among other issues, the practice of voodoo in the network. This became evident when the Nigerian girls in custody began to request their ‘packets’, which, when opened, contained specific items ranging from body parts and metal to kola nuts and personal cosmetics. These items had elements of voodoo and were a representation of the rituals the girls had been exposed to back home in Nigeria and, of course, the fear and anxiety exhibited by the girls. The Dutch authorities came to the conclusion that the girls were forced to remain in the network as a result of the threats posed to them if they decided to do otherwise. This also inspired the girls to rely on their madams and the job carved out for them by these pimps. The efficacy of the juju also became a question for interrogation as the girls preferred to get the job done on the streets rather than seek solace in the comfort of the foster homes that the state was willing to offer. A revelation came when it became clear that certain rituals had been performed back home before and on arrival to ensure that the girls:

(a) Repaid debts of $US 25,000 or more

(b) are kept in check throughout the repayment period

The sensational media coverage of this issue and the inadequate police response appeared to put the society in a state of disarray. Van Dijk (2001) argues that the state response to the ensuing moral panic resulted in the issue and the police inquiries into the phenomenon becoming a top priority, in order to extricate the girls from the manipulative network. He suggests that this is the result of a cultural interface, specifically the fusion of the imaginations of the police officers who came into contact with such intriguing practices of the exotic.

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Concept of Transnationalism

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Another category comprises the praxis of diaspora involvement in a number of causes that border on civic engagement and social justice; an example is Amnesty International. These grants migrant groups the agency to impact on other linkages that interrogate the notions of territory and nationalism but which seek to create an avenue for dialogue and relationships between the homeland and the diaspora. The groups assume agency through a number of activities that, previously, were the exclusive preserve of residents in the homeland. Instances of such activities include voting rights – diaspora voting has become a keen subject of deliberation and recently some African countries have begun to embrace the issue.

The construction of space has also been heavily influenced by the calibration of transnationalism, producing a sense of balance that gives rise to connections in different territories. It facilitates formation of a community comprising special and virtual groups merged to produce so-called translocalities, in other words, a transnational locality that is characterized by the outer and inner (Vertovec 1999).

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involves moving beyond the national to include a variety of social relations across temporal and spatial levels. At this point, Quayson and Daswani (2013) argue that while the Jewish diaspora illustrates, to a large extent, the historical starting point of being away from home, it is actually a movement of groups in historic times that may broaden our comprehension of the term. These periods, beginning from the late fifteenth century, became replete with the movement of human populations across different territories, some as slavers and others as slaves; on the other hand, some voluntary dispersal to improve economic conditions were also ongoing. The Renaissance, in the wake of the seventeenth century, also sought to bring the world closer by trying to establish Western civilization in different colonies. This speaks also to the ongoing dispersal of groups from the Global South to the Global North in contemporary times in search of more economic opportunities or protection from conflicts.

Another interesting dimension to the discourse on transnationalism as articulated by Quayson and Darswani is the issue of media materials, embodiment of the arts, and the representation of lifestyles adopted by dispersed groups. Their stories, folklore, and music are oral representations of the ‘homeland’ that eased the burden of the trauma associated with dispersal. On another level, materials and symbols become a reminder to these dispersed groups of the aura that homeland carries.

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Baubock and Faist’s (2010) concept of transnationalism is rendered to mean migrants’ connections and/or flows. It depicts every aspect of social links, including active cross-border networks, communities, and companies. Pioneer usage suggests a way of bringing “home closer” (Glick Schiller year?; Basch and Szanton-Blanc 1995, in Baubock and Faist 2010). Quite different from multinational corporations and political parties who had previously been at the forefront of research into transnationalism, the ideology has focused on prioritizing the incorporation of immigrant diaspora as a paired term with transnationalism. It has come to mean a broad categorization of the historic and contemporary dispersal of particular groups, from the Jews and Americans and later expanding its application to accommodate other minority groups.

The conceptualization of transnationalism and transnational configuration addresses operations that move beyond borders and therefore depict abstract concepts. This means that transnational spaces imply durable and firm links and relationships reaching across territories of countries and co-ethnic identities. It also embodies “[…] positions within networks and organizations and networks of organizations that cut across the borders of at least two national states” (Faist 2000 in Baubock and Faist 2010:22). It began as a way of distinguishing between transnational corporations and their ties between nations and basic activities of people who move beyond or across borders. From this perspective, the concept draws inspiration from the tenets of international relations, but with an approach that is not state-oriented, but rather geared towards individual actors. In this way, these individuals who are major actors become ‘labelled’ as migrants. The concept moves on to accommodate organizations, associations as well as communities in a structure built on the basis of the sending countries, receiving nations, and, in some cases, varying destination countries as a result of onward migration. In order to fully come to terms with its ramifications, the concept of transnationalism emphasizes connections, links, and ties that occur between social spaces, reaching far beyond the restrictions of territorial boundaries. It speaks to a kind of ‘deterritorialization’ of social and cultural ideas. The idea therefore “encompasses all kinds of social phenomena […]”, for example, the activity of INGOs that bring people together for a common goal, to the ties across borders that migrants keep, especially of ‘being from here and going there’, constantly linking themselves with a multiplicity of activities.

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absorption into a ‘new’ environment. It involves transnational practices that suggest a sort of unity that strives in its approach to community to avoid kinship ties, but rather to focus on “social proximity” (Faist 2000 in Baubock and Faist 2010).

It involves a broader understanding of social formation and connections as well as social movements. On the issue of its relationship with identity and mobility, transnationalism essentially targets movements beyond and across borders with a specific emphasis on networks and flows linking up at some point. The dynamics of temporality in the discourse on transnationalism is quite consequential. Transnationalism therefore embraces agency and operations within universal structures. It becomes a crucial way of interrogating other terms, for example, “community, social space and boundaries.”

A great number of scholarly materials have explored the issue of sex trafficking, (Aghatise, 2004), the sex-work network (UNESCO 2006; Prina 2003; Carling 2004; Plambech 2014; EASO 2015), and human trafficking (Europol 2001; Nwogu 2006; Mojeed, 2008; Nagle 2015). Some recent studies have linked the human trafficking network in Nigeria to voodoo (Van Dijk 2001; Garcia 2003), but the majority of these works have treated the secrecy exhibited by trafficked persons in passing (UN 2006).

This study aims therefore to interrogate the oath-taking ritual, the wordings of oaths, and the ambience of fear it exudes, in order to explain how the oaths taken in Nigeria become an intangible aspect of the trafficking process, one designed to ensure the compliance of sex workers throughout the repayment period in the European destination. To do this, the study employs the theory of “abstract phenomena” in transnationalism in an attempt to understand the connections and flows that are obtained in the network and how they translate into its sustenance.

Theoretical framework

2.2 Theory of Abstract Phenomena in Transnationalism

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Quayson and Daswani, 2013). It goes beyond the dimensions of diaspora to encapsulate a broader understanding of both historic and more recent dispersal of people, from the Jews and Armenians, expanding to minority groups in contemporary Europe, while addressing other dimensions of operations among these groups.

At another level, as Vertovec (1999) asserts, transnationalism as a concept transcends areas that relate to social constructions to include other ideas that, in a way, create a hybrid that has become a basic feature of the world that we live in. In religion, concepts such as syncretism come to mind; in language, a multilingual approach is conceived that allows for the expression of diverse strands of a particular phenomenon. The idea manifests in the area of citizenship and identity politics, in which case countries have become receptive to the idea of dual/multiple nationalities allowing for an individual to have access to the provisions of more than one state.

As a product of the reality of globalization in the twenty-first century, transnationalism seeks explanation for how humans connect and link up as members of a community or as a group that shares a common goal. These communities are thus tied together, resisting any geographic or temporal barriers due to advancements in technology that give rise to communication networks that can sustain relationships between people from one end of the earth to the other. The key lesson here is that, for these ties that have been created as a result of transnational networks and that are sustained by communication flows, the idea of a “transnationalism of silence” goes a step further to illustrate how the concept relies on both tangible qualities and fluid connections. In this case, an abstract quality that seeks to connect individuals in an existing community, reaching beyond territorial boundaries to reveal a network of sophisticated operations that is influenced by flows and counter-flows.

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“practices hitherto without negative nomenclature” were not stigmatized as such until they were stereotyped through ‘naming’ as being different from the heterosexual norm. An analysis of the ‘anti-gay’ legislation in Uganda and Nigeria reveals how abstract terms have moved from elsewhere into Africa and have contributed to the criminalization of what was never in the criminal code and traces of its practise in prehistoric traditions are evident.

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3

Methodology

3.1 Introduction

This chapter describes the method employed in carrying out the study. It is divided into subsections comprising the research design, research population, study area, study population, sample size, procedure adopted for the study, data analyses procedure, and, finally, ethical consideration.

3.2 Research Design

This study adopted a descriptive examination of oath taking and how it translates into silence upon the mobility of the sex workers. Data was gathered from returnees from Europe over a period of five calendar months. According to Huysamen (1993), the design of a research plan is the blueprint for the information that will be collected to test the research hypothesis. In this chapter, this blueprint is described in terms of the goals of the research, the research outline, purposive sampling, instruments and techniques used, and, finally, the analyses of acquired data.

3.3 Study area

The study area is Benin City, which is the capital of Edo State in southern Nigeria. Benin City is the largest city in Edo State and, according to Ikeora (2016), a large percentage of women trafficked for sex work in Europe come from Benin City. The town is regarded as a city of ancient civilization and the birthplace of the Benin Empire, which reached its peak in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries before the balkanization of African civilizations that culminated in the trans-Atlantic slave trade.

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the emergence of modern-day democracy has stripped the monarch of the political baton of leadership, the Oba of Benin is still a revered king among the Edo people and he still presides over customary issues.

The culture of the Benin people is deeply embedded in traditional religion and its practice. This is a major reason why oath taking for trafficking purposes found fertile ground in the state.

The fact that returnees who have been deported from Italy naturally return to their homeland and original place of residence, makes Benin City a suitable choice for this study. Coupled with the above is the reality of the traditional atmosphere in Benin, which accommodates the practice of traditional religion to a large extent. The availability of these traditional centres of worship where oath taking rituals are conducted makes Benin City a suitable location for the sex work network.

3.4 Study population

The population of this study consists of female returnee sex workers, juju priests, NAPTIP agents, traditional rulers, trolleys, and heads of charity organizations for returnees in Benin City.

3.5 Sampling techniques and sampling procedure

For this study, the probability sampling technique was adopted. The purposive sampling technique was utilized in the selection of respondents. This is because the study required competent and reliable key informants who were able to provide adequate and concise information useful for the actualization of the research goal.

3.6 Sample size

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3.7 Method of data collection

For the purpose of this research, the qualitative method of data collection was adopted. As McMillan and Schumacher (2001) note, qualitative techniques are used to collect data primarily in the form of words, rather than numbers. This research made use of informal, in-depth interviews and observation. In-depth interviews were held with returnee sex workers, NAPTIP agents, juju priests, and heads of charity organizations in Benin, while observations were carried out in Ayelala temples. The interviews were structured to capture the research questions thereby realizing the objectives of the study. The interviews comprised open-ended questions that aimed to encourage the participants to talk in detail about their experiences. Towards the completion of the study, the researcher decided to observe the daily lives of the returnees through participant observation and daily visits to their places of business were made.

The observation of Ayelala temples was carried out in the course of the research. Impromptu visits to observation sites were carried out. The observation of these temples became important in order to compare the practice as it is performed in the temples with the testimonies of respondents.

3.8 Method of data analysis

A number of strategies were employed during interviews, these included engaging the key informants in discussions related to other returnees and sharing experiences to get the discussion running. All the interviews were recorded and transcribed. Notes were also taken by the researcher during the interview sessions.

3.9 Limitations of the study

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recount and relive their experiences, especially the oath taking process, was a challenge at first. I therefore decided to become a participant in their daily activities. The aim was to make me, the researcher, a part of their reality in order to gain their trust and confidence. This participant observation method allowed me to blend into their lifestyle and also encouraged the returnees to open up in the interviews.

The code words and slang used by the returnees proved to be a major issue. For a better understanding of their narratives, I had to employ the service of a returnee to explain in detail the meaning of such slang. Other actors who were part of the network and were interviewed for the study were also initially reluctant to divulge information to me. However, after a series of attendances at the ritual process and meetings, they became more relaxed and were willing to respond to my questions.

3.10 Ethical Consideration

The objectives and focus of the research were guided. Ethical consideration was ensured and the protection and integrity of participants were guaranteed. This was done by adopting pseudonyms when and where necessary to ensure the privacy of participants. The welfare of participants during the course of the research was also prioritized; anonymity rights and requests were also upheld.

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4

Data Presentation, Analysis and

Discussion of Findings

4.1 Introduction

This study offers a discussion on the dimensions of oath taking for sex work, the rituals involved in the process, the sex work network and its operations in Edo State. The oath taking itself becomes central to the sex work network. Related to this is the significance of the ritual to the network and how silence is displayed in a plethora of ways. The research explores the dynamics of the use of juju in the sustenance of sex work in Edo State, taking into consideration the network involved, the belief system of sex workers, the connection between parties involved, and the transnational dimensions of the operation. Furthermore, attention is paid to how the ‘oath taking’ aids transnational sex work thereby giving insight into the calibration of the transnationalism of silence of Edo transnational sex work and how it is implicated in their activities. The chapter also provides the perception(s) of Edo people towards sex work, from the perspective of the sex workers and other agents represented in the state. In order to understand various perspectives of the discourse, the views of the following groups are considered germane to the production of findings:

• Traditional rulers • Law enforcement agents • Sex workers

• Parents/Guardian of sex workers) • Traditional priest

• Religious leaders

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4.2 The Madam

According to Europol (2011), there has been an increase in the number of traffickers over the years. This means that the traffickers have devised innovative methods of trafficking victims across the borders to Europe. Ikeora (2016) explains that sex work networks in Edo State vary in their mode of operation, but that the structure is, in most cases, quite constant. These variations are dependent on a number of factors, for example, the number of women and girls to be recruited. The Madam heads the network; she finances the operation and gives orders on the next line of action.

In this vein, Carling (2005) opines that madams are usually former victims of the sex trafficking network who have, in turn, gained freedom from their former madams. They subsequently decide to set up their own network, serving as madams to new sets of victims. These facts underscore their expertise in recruiting new victims into the network. Although the process of recruitment and transportation of women and girls to Italy is regarded as clandestine (see Attoh 2007), the madam sends out the word that ‘she is recruiting’ girls. She calls on friends, relatives, former colleagues, and former acquaintances made during the course of her own trafficking as well as church members in some cases. One of the respondents, who went to Italy but was recruited via the pastor of her church, recollected that:

I was a chorister in the church everyone usually told me they liked my voice and whenever I sang, the spirit came down. It was one of my singing days that Brother Valentine told me that pastors would like to see me. The pastors told me that I was very talented and that they would help me develop my talent; they convinced me that I would make it in Europe big time as a musician, if I could make good music like I did in the church. I was very excited and was ready to go through with the processes.

Oath taking and the transnationalism of silence among Edo female sex workers in Italy

Oath Taking and the Transnationalism

of Silence among Edo Female Sex

Workers in Italy

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Cynthia Olufade

77

Oath Taking

and the

Transnationalism

of Silence among

Edo Female Sex

Workers in Italy

Cynthia Olufade

Oath Taking and the Transnationalism of Silence among Edo

Oath Taking and the

Transnationalism of Silence

among Edo Female Sex

Workers in Italy

Cynthia Aghunotse Olufade

Table of contents

1

Background Information

2

Literature Review and the Theoretical Framework

3 Methodology

4

Data Presentation, Analysis and Discussion of Findings

5

Summary of Findings and Conclusion

1

Background Information

1.1 Introduction

1.2 Statement of the problem

1.3 Research Questions

1.4 Aim and Objectives

1.5 Significance of the study

1.6 Scope of the study

1.7 Operational definitions of terms

2

Literature Review and the

Theoretical Framework

2.1 Oath Taking and Work Ethics

2.2 Theory of Abstract Phenomena in Transnationalism

3

Methodology

3.1 Introduction

3.2 Research Design

3.3 Study area

3.4 Study population

3.5 Sampling techniques and sampling procedure

3.6 Sample size

3.7 Method of data collection

3.8 Method of data analysis

3.9 Limitations of the study

3.10 Ethical Consideration

4

Data Presentation, Analysis and

Discussion of Findings

4.1 Introduction

4.2 The Madam