Change is coming : people are digging at the roots : female genital cutting in Tarime, Tanzania

Female Genital Cutting

in Tarime, Tanzania

University of Amsterdam Emily Browne 11181176 Supervisor: Dr. E.A.J. Miedema Word Count: 22,325 December 2016

Msc International Development Studies

Graduate School of Social Sciences

“Change is coming. People are digging at the roots.”

Female Genital Cutting in Tarime, Tanzania

Emily Browne

11181176

December 2016

Supervisor: Dr. E.A. J. Miedema

University of Amsterdam

e.a.j.miedema@uva.nl

Second reader: Dr. Rosanne Tromp

University of Amsterdam

rosanne.tromp@gmail.com

Cover pictures: Emily Browne

ebrowne92@hotmail.co.uk

Acknowledgements

I would like to express my gratitude to the people who have supported me throughout the process of this thesis and made the fieldwork possible. Firstly, thank you to the participants of this study, especially the girls in Tarime who travelled to see me, taking their time and effort to share their very personal experiences. The continuous positivity and strength of the girls I spoke to will always be my inspiration and I would like to dedicate this research to them. I would also like to thank the Children’s Dignity Forum and all their employees for giving me access to the participants, the local offices and for being willing interviewees. Without their help and generous reception, the fieldwork for this research would not have been possible. I would like to offer special thanks to the Director, Koshuma Mtengeti, for his instant positivity about the research project and Kambibi for helping to arrange the interviews despite her hectic schedule. In addition, I would like express my appreciation to Tackle Africa for their willingness to be a part of the research and especially Joanna Small for her support, on the pitch and off! I would to thank their local Project Officer, Job, for being incredibly enthusiastic and welcoming me into his home. A special thanks goes to Mama Nyambita who interpreted the interviews, without her, I would have lost momentum half way through the fieldwork when she reminded me how important the topic is to those that experience it. At UvA, I would like to sincerely thank my supervisor Dr. Esther Miedema for her continued support, knowledge and patience throughout the process. The depth of feedback given throughout pushed my critical thinking to new levels and was more than I could have expected. I am also grateful to Dr. Rosanne Tromp for undertaking the role of being my second reader. A special thanks goes to my family and friends. Particularly my father, for supporting me in every possible way, I couldn’t have done it without your patience or encouragement. Lastly, those that I have spent numerous days with in the library, the comedy and emotional support made the writing process enjoyable. Asante Sana Emily Browne

Abstract

Despite being against the law since 1998, and numerous campaigns by non-governmental organisations, the practice of female genital cutting still exists in Tanzania. The current literature and understanding of female genital cutting acknowledges that there is an international consensus that the practice should be ended but fails to identity the most effective means of reducing the prevalence. For this research female genital cutting is studied against the backdrops of the gender hierarchy and convention theory to illuminate the motivations behind and reasons for the persistence of the practice. The research strived to show girls as able to contribute to change of the practice and perceptions of female genital cutting as a bottom-up, sustainable approach towards a decline. The fieldwork research was based in Tarime, in the North-West of Tanzania and employed qualitative methods to gain primary data. The empirical findings of the research indicated that there is resistance from girls towards being cut, whether it is through overt or covert methods. The most common form of resistance was that girls would run away for the cutting season, as a way of avoiding being forced to undergo the practice. While parents and community members are aware of the girls’ disappearance and where they hide, there are no consequences for their actions when they return. However, running away is only a temporary relief from female genital cutting and the appropriate methods of achieving a maintained, sustainable change are yet to be found. Keywords: female genital cutting; gender hierarchy; change; resistance; Tarime; Tanzania

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements………2 Abstract……….……….……..3 Table of Contents………..……….4 Acronyms………..………..7

1. Introduction………..………8

1.1 An Introduction to the Research Topic

………

8 1.2 Rationale………....……….9 1.3 Contextual Information……….……….………….…..10 1.3.1 Tanzania………..……..……10 1.32 Female genital cutting….……….….11 1.33 Law and campaigns………..………..11 1.34 Religion……….……..……….12 1.35 The Kuria……….………12 1.36 Non-governmental organisations in Tarime………….…….………..……….13 1.4 Structure of Thesis………..………13

2. Theoretical Framework………..15

2.1 Gender Hierarchy……….………..15 2.2 Children in Development………..………17 2.3 Female Genital Cutting………..……….18 2.4 Change………20 2.5 Chapter Summary……….……….23

3. Methodology………..………..24

3.1 Research Questions……….………..24 3.1.1 Main research question……….……….…….………..…24 3.1.2 Sub questions……….………24

3.2 Conceptual Scheme……….………..25 3.3 Research Location……….………..…………..25 3.4 Study Population and Sampling……….………26 3.5 Research Methods………..28 3.5.1 Semi-structured interviews……….……….28 3.5.2 Participant and non-participant observations………..………..28 3.5.3 Group interview……….………..29 3.6 Data Analysis………..30 3.6.1 Quality criteria………31 3.7 Scope and Limitations……….……….32 3.7.1 Positionality……….………34 3.8 Ethical Considerations……….34 3.9 Chapter Summary………..……….36

4. “If a girl does not have female genital cutting, she is not good” (Hasnaa, age 22)………....37

4.1 Role of Girls in Tarime………..37 4.1.1 Daily lives of girls and women………...……….37 4.1.2 Relationships and influential figures of girls and women………..……….38 4.2 The Prevalence and Reasons for Female Genital Cutting………41 4.2.1 The prevalence and experiences of female genital cutting……….………..41 4.2.2 Reasons and motivations for female genital cutting………..………42 4.3 Chapter Summary………45

5. “Change is coming” (Mama Nyambita)………..………46

5.1 Methods of Inciting Change……….46 5.1.1 Methods of resistance to female genital cutting………46 5.1.2 Perceptions of change………..49 5.2 Chapter Summary………51

6. Discussion……….52

6.2 Female Genital Cutting………..….53 6.3 Change of Female Genital Cutting……….………..…..………54 6.4 Answering the Research Questions………..………..………..55 6.4.1 Sub questions………..…..55 6.2.1 Main research question………..………57 6.5 Recommendations……….59 6.5.1 Recommendations for policy and practice……….59 6.5.2 Recommendations for further research………..60 6.7 Chapter Summary………62

References………63 Appendix 1………71

Acronyms

B.C. Before Christ BERA British Educational Research Association CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of all Discrimination Against Women CDF Children’s Dignity Forum CRC Convention on the Right’s of the Child DHS Demographic Health Survey FGC Female Genital Cutting FGM Female Genital Mutilation HIV Human Immunodeficiency Virus LHRC Legal and Human Rights Centre NGO Non-Governmental Organisation TA Tackle Africa UN United Nations UNDP United Nations Development Programme WHO World Health Organisation

Chapter 1: Introduction

1.1 An Introduction to the Research Topic As the home of Mount Kilimanjaro, beautiful coastlines filled with beaches and an abundance of wildlife, Tanzania is a greatly admired and popular country, especially with tourists. It seeps diversity; socially, culturally, ethnically and economically. However, historically, the practice of female genital cutting, otherwise known as mutilation or circumcision, exists as a custom for many of the women and girls that live there. Globally, “more than 125 million women and girls have undergone FGM, and a further 3 million girls in Africa will undergo FGM if current trends continue” (28 Too Many, 2013: 5). Female genital cutting affects women in 28 African countries, some of the Middle East and Asia, and due to international migration, there are cases within diaspora communities in Europe, North America and Australasia. At the United Nations 2009 General Assembly, FGC was acknowledged as a “self-enforcing social convention or social norm” and that “abandonment of the practice requires a process of social change” (UN General Assembly, 2009; 28 Too Many, 2013: 13). The recognition of FGC is a crucial step in addressing how a change can be achieved for the girls that live through the experience of it. According to the Tanzanian Demographic Health Survey in 2010, 15% of women had experienced FGC (DHS, 2010), and UNICEF estimated that 7.9 million girls had undergone the practice, showing its high prevalence (UNICEF, 2013). Female genital cutting is the procedure whereby girls, often while still young children, are cut on their clitoris to cause intentional damage as part of a ritualistic custom into womanhood. The motivations behind the practice can be varied; to follow tribal tradition, to increase marriageability prospects, prevent promiscuity, preserve virginity, to induce obedience, for aesthetical purposes, ensure cleanliness and to avoid social exclusion through conformity. The practice is typically accompanied by an elaborate ceremony with gifts and music, followed by a feast with numerous guests, drawing attention to each of the newly cut girls and making them feel special. The effects of FGC can be harmful to girls, not only during the practice itself but subsequently in, and throughout, later life. The importance of tackling FGC, can be seen by the detrimental effects the practice can have on the young women that live through these experiences, physically, emotionally and psychologically. Immediate complications can include: severe pain, shock, bleeding, tetanus or infection, urine retention, open sores and injury to genital tissue. Long term consequences can include: recurrent bladder and urine infections, cysts, infertility, risk at childbirth, new born deaths and need for surgery in later life (28 Too Many, 2013: 13).

1.2 Rationale Female genital cutting in Tanzania was prohibited by the government in 1998 and since there have been numerous resistance campaigns by the United Nations and non-governmental organisations encouraging abandonment. There is international consensus that the practice can have detrimental physical, emotional and psychological effects on the girls that are cut and it needs to be eliminated in the pursuit of women’s and children’s rights. However, there is evidence that FGC still prevails for many of the girls that live in Tanzania (Pesambili, 2009; Hodgson 2011; Winterbottom et al, 2013). While a number of reasons and motivations can be attributed to the existence of FGC, exploring where it stems from needs to be understood against the backdrop of the gender hierarchy. Connell (1987) identifies a gender order that differentiates between masculine and feminine domains and ultimately values the male spheres as superior. In the exploration of why women are often considered subordinate to men, the role and representation of women’s bodies is called into question. Women’s biological organs and ability to reproduce have historically been the basis for their subordination, as this relegates their role to domestic work, rather than formal labour or employment, that serves as an instrument to economic gain (Harcourt, 2009). Women experience their subordination in a number of ways and female genital cutting is a characteristic of the gender hierarchy, maintaining women’s secondary status and legitimising gender based violence (Wadesango et al. 2011). While the practice can be detrimental and debilitating to those that undergo it, the motivations behind encouraging or forcing girls to be cut are often aimed at being protective by improving marriageability prospects (Boyden et al, 2012). Women can also play a part in maintaining the gender hierarchy as they are the practitioners or relatives that encourage their daughter to be cut (Abusharaf, 2001). This thesis argues that the recognition and understanding of the gender hierarchy is necessary to address how and why female genital cutting persists. Another backdrop to female genital cutting that needs to be considered is convention theory. Identified by Hayford (2005), convention theory delineates that the pressures of conformity in a social group outweigh the penalties and punishments that the law can bring. A theory such as this is important for understanding how and why the practice of female genital cutting persists. Current literature on female genital cutting focuses on its adverse health implications (Boyden et al, 2012; Windle et al, 2009; Cutner 1985), rather than the social effects this can have on young girls and for women in later life. There is criticism within the academic world that children, especially girls, are often portrayed as helpless sufferers, lacking agency and the ability to act on their own

accord (Scheper-Hughes & Sargent, 1998). Furthermore, in relation to FGC, people are often depicted as victims of their own traditions (Lightfood-Klein, 1989), triggering a backlash in calls for consideration of cultural self-determination (Gruenbaum, 2005; Abusharaf, 2000). In terms of inciting change of FGC practices, the current debate fails to identify the most effective means of reducing the prevalence (Hayford, 2005) and this thesis argues that to find a sustainable response, approaches need to consider girls’ participation. Previous studies on the role of women as political actors tend to validate their actions in relation to those of men, as their mothers, wives or daughters rather than as an agent of change in their own right (Sjoberg & Gentry, 2007). However, there is little understanding about how girls, as a doubly subordinated group in terms of being women and children, act on their own accord to comply with or resist practices of FGC and whether they have the ability to do this. It can be argued that a bottom-up approach, giving the girls the ability to make decisions over their own politicised bodies, is a more effective and sustainable approach towards change. The thesis presented hopes to show that girls are able to contribute to change in the practice and perception of female genital cutting in Tanzania. 1.3 Contextual Information 1.3.1 Tanzania A former German and then British colony, Tanzania gained independence on 9th _{December 1961.} The Zanzibar archipelago consists of several islands just off the coast and belong to the semi-autonomous region of Tanzania. Geographically placed in East Africa, bordering Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, Congo, Malawi, Mozambique and Zambia, Tanzania is Africa’s 13th _{largest country} and has a population of 52.82 million (World Bank, 2014, accessed 23/05/2016). The national languages of Tanzania are English and Swahili, but there are over 100 indigenous languages also used in some of the more rural areas. While there is a history of poverty and malnutrition for the Tanzanians, particularly in rural locations, the World Bank argues that Tanzania “has maintained a high level of economic stability over the past decade making it the fastest growing economy in the East African community” (World Bank, July 2015, accessed 23/05/2016). UNICEF suggests that, while Tanzania has made great efforts to meet its domestic and international targets in the alleviation of poverty, especially in education and healthcare, child poverty is still a crucial issue for the country (UNICEF, 2009). In terms of female inequality, Tanzania ranks 125 out of 155 in the UNDP Gender Inequality Index 2014 (UNDP, accessed 23/05/2016).

1.3.2 Female Genital Cutting While the exact origins of female genital cutting are unknown, the practice has been identified as dating back to antiquity (Boyle et al. 2001; Lightfoot-Klein, 1989; Mackie, 1996). Historically, the practice of female genital cutting has been performed for over 2000 years (Slack, 1988). Although the origins are largely unknown, there has been much anthropological and historical research on how FGC came to light. Some anthropologists trace the practice to fifth century B.C. Egypt, with infibulations being referred to as ‘Pharaonic circumcision’ (Slack, 1988), or that it existed among Equatorial African herders as a protection against rape for young female herders (Lightfoot-Klein, 1983). Among communities that perform FGC, the motivations behind the practice are often attributed to their ancestors and following traditions that have existed for years, this will be addressed later throughout the thesis. The concept of FGC is often intertwined and correlated with gender inequality, poverty and low levels of education. The last recorded levels of female genital cutting in Tanzania in 2010 estimated that 15% of women aged 15-49 years old had been cut (DHS, 2010). There are four different types of cutting known in Tanzania, these will be explored more precisely in the next, theoretical chapter. For the prevalence of these different methods found by the Demographic Health Survey in 2010, types one and two, meaning flesh is removed, is at 90.9% while type four (cut and no flesh removed) is at 2.2% and type three (sewn closed) is at 0.7%. Female genital cutting is practiced in approximately 7 of the 30 regions in Tanzania (Ali & Strom, 2012). 1.3.3 Law and campaigns In 1998, the Penal Code in Tanzania was amended to include a specific article prohibiting female genital cutting. Article 169a on cruelty to children states: “1) Any person who, having the custody, charge or care of any person under eighteen years of age, ill-treats, neglects or abandons that person or causes female genital mutilation or procures that person to be assaulted, ill-treated, neglected or abandoned in a manner likely to cause him suffering or injury to health, including injury to, or loss of, sight or hearing, or limb or organ of the body or any mental derangement, commits the offence of cruelty to children. (2) Any person who commits the offence of cruelty to children is liable on conviction to imprisonment for a term of not less than 5 years and not exceeding 15 years or to a fine not exceeding 300’000 shillings (US$230) or to both the fine and imprisonment, and shall be ordered to pay compensation of an amount determined by the court to the person in respect of whom the offence was committed for the injuries caused to that person” (UN, 2009, Legislation to

address FGM). However, there is no record that indicates the number of people that have been convicted of offences in relation to female genital cutting (LHRC, 2009). There have been several other campaigns to end FGC within Tanzania. Two prominent international human rights agreements: The Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and Convention of the Rights of the Child (CRC), have been signed by Tanzania. In December 2012, the UN passed a historic resolution calling for countries to eliminate female genital cutting (UN, 2012) and in 2013, the UN Convention of the Status of Women agreed to include a reference for the need of states to develop policies and programmes to eliminate FGC as well as other forms of violence against women (UN, 2013). These campaigns suggest that there is national and international consensus that female genital cutting should be eliminated. However, public denunciations of FGC by politicians had caused some Kuria communities to cut girls in secret for a brief period before the lack of enforcement of these laws led to a return of the practice being a public ceremony again (Waritay & Wilson, 2012). 1.3.4 Religion In Tanzania, religion is split one third Christian, one third Muslim and the last third indigenous beliefs. Although female genital cutting is practiced in some communities in the belief that it is a religious requirement, research shows, that FGC pre-dates Islam and Christianity (Boyle et al. 2001; Mackie, 1996). Tanzanian government determines that religious freedom is protected by the constitution; it is illegal to discriminate against a person based on their religious beliefs, practices or affiliations (Report on International Religious Freedom, 2012; 28 Too Many). In the Mara region, where Tarime is found, over 95% of the population is Christian, with a small Muslim population, mostly found in urban areas (Planning Commission of Tanzania, 1998). More contextual knowledge on the importance of religion, especially the Church for the people of Tarime will be addressed in the empirical findings: chapter 5. 1.3.5 The Kuria The Kuria (sometimes spelt Kurya) are a pastoralist tribe in the Mara region of Northern Tanzania, bordering Kenya (Lawrence, 2009). Due to their prevalence in Tarime and use of female genital cutting on their girls, they are the focus of this research. The Kuria have a population of approximately 680,000 people (Joshua Project, 2013), they have their own tribal language called

Igikuria and characteristically live in homesteads of circular grass thatched huts. Typically, the Kuria perform female genital cutting on girls between 11 and 16 years old, every two years (Waritay & Wilson, 2012). Commonly referred to as the ‘cutting season’, the practice is fulfilled in December every second year and the next occurrence is in 2016. The Kuria, similarly to the Maasai, instil the importance of marriage for girls and socialize them into knowing their role will be in the domestic sphere. Within the Kuria tribe, there are smaller clans for the villages and at the head of these are Clan Leaders. The role of these men (never women), is to maintain the traditions of the tribe, to retain the identity of the Kuria peoples. 1.3.6 Non-Governmental Organisations in Tarime To gain access to participants in Tarime, I affiliated myself with two non-governmental organisations who could direct me to girls and women with FGC. Contact was made with the Director of Children’s Dignity Forum who kindly gave me access to their local offices and helped me to arrange participants for the interviews. The Children’s Dignity Forum, founded in 2006, focuses on children’s rights through the creation of working forums that empower children, families and communities (CDFTZ.org, accessed 07/11/2016). The core functions of CDF are to facilitate human rights advocacy for children at risk of, or affected by child marriage, female genital cutting and gender based violence (CDFTZ.org, accessed 07/11/2016). The second organisation, Tackle Africa, works alongside CDF to raise awareness on sexual health issues such as HIV and female genital cutting. It aims to open up discussion about FGC and empower girls by teaching and using football drills as a metaphor for resistance to being cut (TackleAfrica.org, accessed 11/11/2016). During the fieldwork period in Tarime, TA were running their second coaching course delivering the football drills and then observing and evaluating the football coaches conveying the messages to the girls in their own village settings. Very kindly, the Regional Programme Manager allowed me to witness their work throughout the project and introduced me to two of the coaches who were willing to be interviewed. Both of these affiliations were crucial to the success of this research. 1.4 Structure of Thesis The thesis presented here is split into 6 chapters, the first, as demonstrated above, introduces the research topic, rationale for the project and the contextual information surrounding the area. Following from this, chapter 2 will provide the theoretical framework that structures the thesis, engaging with the current literature on gender hierarchy, children’s rights, female genital cutting

and change in terms of resistance. Chapter 3 will consider the methodological processes undertaken, including scope, limitations and ethical considerations necessary for the validity of the research. Chapters 4 and 5 discuss the empirical findings discovered during the fieldwork in Tarime and chapter 6 concludes the thesis by answering the research questions and considering recommendations for future research and policies.

Chapter 2: Theoretical Framework

The theoretical framework for this research is crafted around the highly interconnected concepts of (2.1) gender hierarchy, (2.2) children in development, (2.3) female genital cutting, and (2.4) change of the practice. To fully understand the challenges to, and abilities of, those that are affected by FGC, the frameworks of gender hierarchy and children in development are combined to form an understanding of the role and positionality of girls. Furthermore, the concept of change that is theorised focuses on resistance, specifically how girls can use resistance to contribute to change of FGC practices. There will be a (2.5) brief summary to conclude Chapter 2. 2.1 Gender Hierarchy In theorising the concept of gender, the consideration between the distinctions of sex and gender need to be distinguished, despite commonly being used as interchangeable terms. While sex is widely employed in reference to the biological differences between the male and female body, gender is applied to denote the social construction of masculine or feminine spheres. Notable gender theorist, Judith Butler (2011), argues that gender is not binary but a spectrum, constructed through sets of acts that follow societal expectations and norms. While ‘acts’ suggests gender is a performance, that would imply the act is purposefully behaved and can be terminated at any time, however, Butler unites gender to performativity as it ongoing and out an individual’s control. These societal constructs of male and female are often given distinct differences, such as the expectation that men are strong leaders whereas women are sensitive and caring. Although the stereotypical gender roles can vary between societies, most gender orders around the world value the male domain as superior to the female. Reflecting on Butler’s notion of gendered roles, renowned sociologist Raewyn Connell (2012) addresses the issue that “more wealth is in the hands of men, most big institutions are run by men, most science and technology is controlled by men” while in comparison “on a world scale, two-thirds of illiterate people are women” (p.5). In Gender and Power (1987) and reworked in Gender (2002), Connell defines the gender order as formulated by four elements: labour, power, cathexis and symbolic relations. The division of labour is typically split between masculine and feminine domains where the latter is demarcated by domestic work and child rearing. Unequal economic and social value is given to these two areas which implies women’s role is deemed less important than men’s. The aspect of power refers to control and authority, where again, women are habitually subordinated through institutional discrimination, through regulations created by the state, such as women’s suffrage rights permitted much later than men’s

across a variety of countries. Cathexis indicates emotional and sexual relations whereby women are often sexualised as objects of men’s desires, for example through prostitution. Lastly, symbolic relations explains the meanings of words, appearance, gesture and art in terms of gender, suggesting that each time the term ‘a man’ or ‘a woman’ is used there are implications and allusions that have accumulated throughout history (Connell, 2002). However, this is not to say that men are necessarily the enforcers of the gender hierarchy, women can play a role in maintaining the order that subordinates them and “though men in general benefit from the inequalities of the gender order, they do not benefit equally” (Connell, 2012: 6). The prescribed roles expected of both men and women frequently go unrecognised but are reintroduced and defended as they have become a social norm. While women’s status in many contexts and countries is improving, their habitual subordination still exists and there is good reason to question their secondary status in the aim of improving gender relations and equality for the sexes (Connell, 2009; Arnot & Fennell, 2008). Gender hierarchies are therefore perpetrated by an array of subconsciously embedded social structures, that ultimately define how the male domain is valued as superior to the female. When addressing women’s inequality in the world, representation and ownership of their bodies comes into question. Butler (2004) theorises how gender is affected by perceptions of the body as it is publicly exposed to others, “implicated in social processes, inscribed by cultural norms and apprehended in their social meanings” (p.20). Politically, women’s bodies are often the subject of violence, through their reproductive and sexual rights and gender based violence. Wendy Harcourt addresses these issues in Body Politics in Development (2009), arguing that studies of gender hierarchy need to embody the complexities of gender inequalities from the very beginning so that they are not overshadowed by technocratic, efficiency and growth based development goals. Women’s biological organs and ability to reproduce have historically been the basis for their subordination to men, prescribing them as closer to nature and therefore less powerful. Harcourt and Escobar (2002) call for a “need to understand the body not as bound to the private or to the self…but as being linked integrally to material expressions of community and public space” (p.10), showing that experiences, relationships and context play a role in how the body is perceived and managed. The concept of the body is embedded within social structures that contribute to understanding and encountering the world; “the political self is not distinct from the body; it is only through particular ideological and historical processes that bodily experiences and activities have been removed from political discourse” (Harcourt & Escobar, 2002: 10). These authors emphasise that there is a need to consider ‘the body’ within discussions of women’s positionality and equality, how they are conceptualised, understood and treated as a political site. The research presented

proposes to tackle the concept of the body as an instrument for women’s subordination to men and explore how they experience this through the practice of FGC. 2.2 Children in Development Children are frequently viewed as silent, neglected and ignored victims of oppression and conflict rather than active participants with knowledge and capabilities. The definition of a child by the Convention on the Rights of the Child is “a person below the age of 18” (UN, 1989) and it is the definition that this research will follow throughout. In Small Wars (1998), Scheper-Hughes and Sargent suggest that children are generally thought of as “forming an essential backdrop to everyday life, but mute and unable to teach us anything significant about society and culture” (p. 13-14). They are often seen as consumers rather than participants in daily, family life, unable to provide a contribution, giving them the role of victims. A pioneer on behalf of children and calling for legislative and policy reform, Richard Farson (1974) argues children’s rights can only be realised when they have total freedom to decide for themselves what is best, including the right to sexual freedom, financial independence, and the right to choose where they live. A recognition of children’s abilities calls for the elimination of both state and parental control in the advancement of child agency. Child psychiatrist, Robert Coles (1986), argued that national identities and political contexts, once thought to be out the reach of children, in fact permeate their consciousness, morality, sense of security and ways of being in and thinking about the world. Reiterating Farson’s point, Coles believes children have the ability to understand and be included in discussions about social, political and economic changes and contexts within a society. These theories shape the debate about children as having agency, able to perform as activists for what they deem worthy. In the field of international development, the agenda for children’s participation ties together a number of wider trends, and ‘rights-based approaches’ have overtaken the earlier orientation towards the welfare of disadvantaged groups (Cornwall & Nyamu-Musembi, 2004). Recently, the emphasis has shifted to a ‘participation’ agenda, where means and ends, processes and outcomes are inextricably linked. The child rights community has taken up the importance of the participation process, identifying ‘child rights principles’ which can be used to strengthen implementation of formal commitments (UNICEF, 2001: 95). The child rights principles highlight two aspects, “the first is the centrality of participation: that children should themselves be at the centre of development activities, no longer the passive targets of the good intentions of others. The second is to ‘mainstream’ children and child rights issues, bringing them from the margins to the centre of

development activities and thinking” (White & Choudhury, 2007: 533). These theories emphasise a move away from a focus on specific children’s programmes in sectors such as health and education. Instead, challenging how children are considered as a part of a wider agenda, by the whole range of development policies that exist. The framework presented considers women’s rights and children’s rights separately with the final aim of analysing girls. These two groups face huge marginalisation across the world as individual issues and so this research hopes to reflect on the combined group of girls and young women as doubly repressed and subordinate to that of men. This study proposes to contribute research on this group; girls, and their role and positionality within a small rural community. 2.3 Female Genital Cutting As mentioned within the introduction, this research refers to female genital cutting as such, rather than mutilation or circumcision. Terminology such as mutilation can be offensive to the women who have received the practice and do not consider themselves as mutilated. The term ‘mutilation’ derives from ethnocentric ways of considering the practice (Skaine, 2005) and there is also concern within the academic community that “mutilation terminology is often used as a means to insult people and the cultures from which they come” (Rahman & Toubia, 2001: x). Therefore, cutting is applied to this research in order to be as ‘non-politicised’, neutral and fair as possible to those that comply with the practice. Female genital cutting is a procedure whereby young girls are subject to an intentional injury to their genital organs for non-medical reasons (Shell-Duncan, 2008; Yirga et al, 2012; Boyden et al. 2012: 511). The practice is often carried out by traditional circumcisers or elders who play a central role within a community or by healthcare practitioners who believe the procedure is performed more safely when it is medicalised. Female Genital Cutting has been recognised by The World Health Organisation as having 4 different types: Type 1 or clitoridectomy, the partial or total removal of the clitoris and/or the prepuce; Type 2 or excision – partial or total removal of the clitoris and the labia minora, with or without excision of the labia majora; Type 3 or infibulation – narrowing of the vaginal orifice with a covering seal, formed by cutting and re-positioning the labia minora or majora; and Type 4 covers all other harmful procedures to the female genitalia for non-medical purposes including pricking, piercing, incising, scraping or cauterisation (WHO, 2016). There are no health benefits to having female circumcision and many harmful consequences such as: pain, excessive

bleeding, swollen tissue, urinary problems, emotional trauma, infections, painful intercourse and an increased risk in childbirth amongst more. Reflecting on the gender hierarchy framework, female genital cutting needs to be understood against the backdrop of the habitual subordination of women. Typically, in many different countries and contexts, while men go out and work to earn money, the women’s role is traditionally the domestic sphere, looking after the household and children. It is this positionality, “role differentiation and expectations in society, [that] relegate women to an inferior position from birth throughout their lives” (Wadesango, Rembe & Chabaya, 2011: 121). Practices such as FGC can be said to characterise this way of viewing women as lesser as it “maintains the subordination of women in society and legitimize and perpetuate gender based violence” (Wadesango, Rembe & Chabaya, 2011: 121). While female genital cutting can be condemned as a symptom of patriarchal dominance, it is not the ‘fault’ of only men that it continues. Abusharaf (2001) explores this by considering how women are often the perpetuators of FGC, as the cutters and by encouraging their daughters to undergo it or shaming those that haven’t. Furthermore, she argues FGC can give women more agency, self-control and power within their lives and over their bodies because it shows their “remarkable ability to take charge of their natural desires and to display restraint over their sexuality” (Abusharaf, 2001: 128). The motivations behind performing FGC can be argued as not intentionally torturous, but the aim is to be protective, preventing risks of extramarital sex, spinsterhood and single parenting (Boyden et al, 2012). It is believed as a safeguard against premarital sexual activity and to prevent female promiscuity (Yirga et al. 2012). The practice of FGC also hopes to ensure girls are “pure and of calm disposition” (Boyden et al, 2012: 515), as it is thought to influence behaviour and create humble and obedient women. These qualities are desired for good wives, increasing the marriageability prospects of women. FGC is a practice “that facilitates the transition of a young girl into adulthood. It is only after the practice is performed that a young girl acquires new rights, obligations, and specific teaching that are deemed necessary to prepare [them] for marriage; bearing of children and expected responsibilities as an adult member of her community” (Yusuf & Fessha. 2013: 359). After years of ethnographic research on FGC in Sudan, Gruenbaum (2005) argues that the role of marriage is “vital to the long-term economic and social security of most women, especially where access to livestock, land or incomes is largely dependent on men” (p.436). Therefore, the relationship between female genital cutting and marriageability prospects need to be considered in the

exploration of motivations behind compliance with the practice as they are inextricably linked concepts. Despite laws that ban female genital cutting, penalties and some activism against it, the custom persists in some communities, especially within tribal groups. Drawing on convention theory, FGC may be understood as a practice that recurs because of group norms, that the punishment for non-conformers has such a great impact on their lives that it is not worth resisting (Hayford, 2005: 123). There have been numerous attempts to eliminate the practice internationally by the United Nations and non-governmental organisations but still, “resistance to the prohibition of FGM is strong” (Boyden et al, 2012: 513). It is not only that the practice continues despite consequences such as fining and imprisonment from the law (UN, 2009), but “abolition has had a number of unanticipated deleterious outcomes” (Boyden et al, 2012: 519), implying that the practice is moved into an ‘underground’ market where it is more secretive and less safe for the girls that experience it. FGC can be unsafe in terms of sterility and cleanliness, but also in how girls are forced to undergo the practice or, in some cases, girls have reportedly taken to secretly cutting themselves with razors in conformity with older peers when the practitioners have abandoned their role (Waritay & Wilson, 2012). The resistance to anti-FGC campaigns highlights how it is more than just the law and application of this that need attention but wider attitudinal and behavioural shifts need to be tackled before a change can be achieved in reality. Much anthropological research on FGC recognises that Western campaigns against the practice are criticised for being ‘colonialism in disguise’ (Silverman, 2004; Gruenbaum, 2005). In a similar vein, the anthropologists Robertson and James (2002) argue Western discourse is “reducing all of Africa to one uncivilised place; reducing African women to being sadistic torturers or victims; and reducing all FGC to its worst form” (p. 60). According to these theories, anti-FGC campaigns can be damaging if they are not carefully considered with cultural contextualisation, calling for more personal perceptions and experiences of FGC to uncover what role this takes in their communities, which can hopefully shed light on ways in which the practice can be changed. 2.4 Change In the consideration of female genital cutting and the harmful effects it can have on the girls and women that experience it, there must be an understanding of how the practice can be reduced. As Hayford (2005) states “there is now a consensus both in the international community and among

governments of the countries where it is practiced, that female genital cutting should stop” (p.121). Therefore, this research will define and refer to change as the decline in prevalence of FGC. However, for the reduction of the practice, there has to be an understanding of what this change entails and how it can be achieved. The current research and literature on this topic currently has “little consensus on the most effective means of reducing the prevalence of female genital cutting” (Hayford, 2005: 121), whether it be through law, rights-based approaches, education, health interventions or activism. This thesis hopes to provide insight into how girls and women can contribute to change of the practice themselves, within their community. In historical and colonial efforts for eradication of FGC, the method of choice for change was ‘enlightenment’, “drawing the subject peoples out of traditions that Europeans deemed harmful, beliefs considered too non-Western” (Gruenbaum, 2005: 433). However, these often portrayed people that practice FGC as backwards and savages, triggering a backlash among some African women who found the condemnations to be racist and insensitive to cultural self-determination (Gruenbaum, 2005; Abusharaf, 2000). From this, there was a shift in focus to concentrate on laws making FGC illegal, a positive development in recognising nationally that the practice should end. But there has been criticism that “little attention has gone into the application of these laws” (Svanemyr et al. 2015: 2). If these laws are not contextually relevant, effectively carried out or condemned in reality, then the likelihood of them continuing is high. Furthermore, “human rights- based approaches can often be ineffective when communities feel that their rights to cultural self-determination are infringed” (Winterbottom et al. 2009: 48). It is the problem of failed anti-FGC campaigns and the practice continuing that this research seeks to address, instead focusing “closer attention to the cultural contexts… in order to understand the continued failure of many of these efforts” (Winterbottom et al. 2009: 48). Drawing on Boyden et al. (2012), they argue that “women’s own experiences of problems… have been more pivotal in attitudinal change than government policy” (p. 512) and express what they deem necessary for change to be stimulated, as they are the experts of their own realities. This research hopes to show how a bottom up approach to tackling FGC is more sustainable as understanding girl’s own perceptions and experiences of the practice can shed light on their responses to it. In studying resistance towards female genital cutting, there must be an understanding of the theory behind these actions and how girls are motivated to react. Famously, Foucault (1978) said “where there is power, there is resistance” (p. 95-6) and Abu-Lughod (1990) replied to this with: “where there is resistance, there is power” (p.42). These statements acknowledge that the theory of

resistance is inextricably linked with power and to understand this concept, the research must first address where the power lies for the practice of female genital cutting. In this case, the research will explore power in terms of what and who exactly the girls are resisting; unpacking what existing social structures drive the continuation of FGC. There are different forms and levels of resistance, and it can constitute a “continuum between public confrontations and hidden subversions” (Vinthagen and Johnsson, 2013: 3). Public voicing is an overt approach of resistance but subtler methods also exist and cannot discounted in the exploration of how girls are able to, and choose to act. For this research the notion of resistance will be used “to characterise struggles against sites of power and authority… carried out by less powerful or so-called subordinate actors, both individual and collective” (Long, 2007: 70). The definition used here encompasses both collective and individual forms of resistance, as it places emphasis on “building relationships that foster change in the community or contribute to reworking existing networks and powers” (Martin, Hanson, and Fontaine, 2007: 81). Resistance is not always politically articulated or formally organized, it can equally be small scale and disguised. However, there is a level of stigma attached to publically resisting something, especially for women. The gender order, as discussed earlier, gives “inherited perceptions of women as maternal, emotional, and peace-loving” (Kaufman-Osborn, 2005: 597) so actions that contradict these stereotypes are considered shocking, and can result in an undesirable reputation for the individual involved. Often women are only portrayed as activists in relation to men, as their mothers or wives rather than political actors in their own right with agency and the ability to resist phenomena if they wish (Sjoberg & Gentry, 2007). Women’s political voice is “not seen as driven by ideology and belief in a cause but instead as a perversion of the private realm” (Sjoberg & Gentry, 2007: 32), denoting their resistance as secondary to that of men. In relation to FGC, this research hopes to investigate whether girls can resist the practice without any further justification of why, other than they do not want their bodies to be cut, and should be allowed to make this decision themselves. The relationship people have with power and resistance is key to understanding how they react to or comply with FGC. However, within the scope of this research, the focus is on resistance rather than power. Developing an adequate system of change for ending FGC is a complex task as there is no single reason or consistent set of determinants in identifying the reasons behind the practice. Gruenbaum (2005) argues that “the research finding that genital cutting is following a tradition of the past is not very illuminating about the potential for change, since it subsumes several underlying social goals” and that “change strategies should be based not on the assumption that traditional beliefs are irrational…but should reflect an accurate assessment of the different meanings and motivations”

(p.435). Furthermore, to liken people to prisoners of their traditions underestimates human agency and the dynamics, especially potential, for change (Lightfoot-Klein, 1989). In the abandonment of FGC, it is often the risk of un-marriageability that is reasoned for its use, especially when virginity is a prerequisite for marriage. In this respect, FGC can also be regarded as a rites of passage for girls to become women. After undertaking research on FGC in Northern Tanzania, Winterbottom et al. (2009) argue that “some evidence suggests it is indeed possible to disconnect genital excision from the social process of ‘becoming a woman’” (p.65), as their ceremonies are often changing to adapt to new circumstances and situations. Therefore, focusing reform campaigns to change rites of passage traditions could provide an effective and sustainable method of change. The process of ending FGC practices needs to study how the variety of factors contribute to the girl’s decision making for reform or abandonment, because “how change occurs… [is an] under-researched issue” (Gruenbaum, 2005: 438). 2.5 Chapter Summary The three core frameworks of girls, female genital cutting and change are closely interconnected, especially for understanding ways in which the practice can be abandoned. By exploring the role of gender hierarchy, focusing on women’s bodies, and children’s participation abilities, a framework of girls is created and it is this group that is the focus of this research. The concept of change presented here concentrates on how resistance is a bottom-up approach to tackling FGC, that is a more effective and sustainable method than Eurocentric interventions. The thesis argues that together, these concepts frame the practice of FGC as delineating women’s and girl’s role in society as subordinate to that of men, and the practice continues to prevail despite anti-FGC laws and campaigns, arguably due to convention theory.

Chapter 3: Methodology

Following on from the theoretical framework of this research, this chapter presents the (3.1) research questions and (3.2) conceptual scheme. Then the (3.3) research location will be discussed, along with an introduction to the (3.4) study population and sampling techniques applied. This will be followed by the (3.5) research methods used for the data collection, and the (3.6) data analysis process used, including a reflection on (3.6.1) the quality. Finally, the (3.7) scope and limitations of the research, including (3.7.1) positionality, and (3.8) ethical considerations will be addressed. 3.1 Research Questions 3.1.1 Main Research Question: • How are girls able to contribute to change of the practice and perceptions of female genital cutting in Tarime, Tanzania? 3.1.2 Sub Questions: • How is FGC in Tarime, Tanzania perceived and experienced by girls and women? • What are the girls’ motivations behind complying with or resisting FGC? • What approaches do girls use to bring about changes in FGC practices in their community? • How do other actors impact the practice and perceptions of FGC in Tarime? 3.2 Conceptual Scheme The conceptual scheme on the next page demonstrates how the key theoretical concepts used in this research are related. The outer green circle that encompasses the diagram, expresses that within the social-political-economic context of the area that the study lies in, gender hierarchy and convention theory are the backdrops to female genital cutting. According to this diagram, girls have their own perceptions and experiences of the practice that influence them. However, other perceptions and experiences, either from other actors or authorities, can also influence the girls as they themselves are actively engaged in the formulation of these concepts. The engagement with perceptions and experiences motivates the girls to either comply with or resist female genital cutting. Compliance with FGC means that the process is perpetuated whereas resistance implies a break away from the system, enabling change.

3.3 Research Location: Tarime Image 1: Tarime

The town of Tarime is in the Mara region of North-West Tanzania that borders Kenya, Lake Victoria and the Serengeti National Park. Tarime, as marked on image 1, has a population of 33,431 people according to the 2012 national consensus and is known for its Gold Mine (National Bureau of Statistics, 2015). There are many smaller villages that surround Tarime and these are very rural places, often without roads, electricity or running water. The prevalence of FGC in Tanzania is highest in the rural areas of the country, such as the Mara region (28 Too Many, 2013), and it is said that women in these areas are more likely to already have at least one circumcised daughter, and would also consider having other daughters circumcised (DHS, 2010). As mentioned in the introduction, the Kuria are the dominant tribe in Tarime and this research focuses on their perceptions and prevalence of FGC. The motivations behind basing this study in Tarime are grounded in the prevalence of FGC, the Kuria and the NGOs that enabled access to participants. 3.4 Study Population and Sampling In researching change of FGC in Tarime, the units of observation for this project were primarily the girls of the town, who had either recently complied or resisted the practice. I undertook 20 semi-structured interviews, with girls and women of the town. One of the participants was also a Community Leader within Tarime. These participants were 15 to 28 years old, as those younger may have been affected by the probing on such a sensitive topic and those older may have not been able to accurately reflect on their past experiences over ten years ago. Purposive sampling was used for this study to gain participants “in a strategic way, so that those sampled are relevant to the research questions that are being posed” (Bryman, 2008: 418), in this case meaning that they had an understanding of the concept of female genital cutting. However, this technique does mean that the researcher cannot “generalise to a population” (Bryman, 2008: 418) with their results, and this research is specific to the Kuria tribe in Tarime. The criteria for these participants was not discriminatory and flexible in the variety of people that could contribute. The NGO Children’s Dignity Forum was the main gatekeeper to my primary group of informants as they organised a selection of girls and women to meet me for the interviews. Each of these interviews lasted on average 45 minutes to an hour long and held in the privacy of the Children’s Dignity Forum’s offices. All the participants have been given pseudonyms for this thesis to anonymise their identity. For the secondary group of participants, the staff and affiliations of both Children’s Dignity Forum and Tackle Africa were interviewed on their perceptions of the girls’ experiences of the cutting, and how these girls could instigate a change of the practice. I interviewed the Director of Children’s

Dignity Forum twice, The Head of Field Operations and Community Worker for the Mara Regional Offices of CDF, and two Canadian interns for the organisation who had been living in Tarime for the last six months, and in East Africa for the last three years. For Tackle Africa, I interviewed the Programme Manager and the Regional Project Officer as they implemented the second year of their training of local football coaches. Two of the football coaches for TA were also interviewed and observed in delivering specific, informative, FGM football sessions, while also observing the girls reactions to the campaign. These coaches were selected on their ability to speak English and had been involved in TA’s programmes for two years. The aim of including other actors in this research was to provide supporting, supplementing and contrasting information gained from the girls that experience the practice themselves, to shed light on other ways that FGC can be perceived. These informants, particularly the regional employees of CDF and TA were selected on the basis of their availability during the fieldwork period in Tarime but were chosen purposively due to their relationship with the NGO. There was also group interview conducted with three male local clan leaders from the Kuria tribe in Tarime. The clan leaders were an opportunistic purposive sample as the situation that arose was “unforeseen” but capitalised on the opportunity to collect data that is relevant to the research question (Bryman, 2012: 419), as the men arrived at the CDF offices and could spare the time to be interviewed. While their opinions and perceptions of FGC in their communities are relevant, they almost certainly not representative of clan leaders as a whole as they are already involved with the NGOs who work on anti-FGM campaigns. Other clan leaders that are not involved with CDF or TA are more likely to oppose their work and encourage the persistence of FGC as they do not have an awareness of the dangers that the practice can bring. In these tertiary groups of informants, men are included for the observations and interviews, creating a holistic and all encompassing opinion of FGC and gender roles within the community. This study conducted two casual unstructured interviews with community members to gain further understanding on the way of life and role of girls within Tarime. One of these was with a female, educated village elder who used to be a school inspector before retirement. Another was with a local male driver who was preparing to be married in September to a woman that his parents had chosen. Both of these used opportunistic sampling as they were unforeseen interviews with people that were accessible daily and useful in providing background information about the community.

3.5 Research Methods This research used qualitative approaches to data collection with participant observations, a group interview and semi-structured interviews as the chief methods for identifying girls’ perceptions and experiences of FGC. For the motivations towards complying with or resisting the practice, interviews gave a more profound insight into their personal views and understandings of FGC. In total 31 interviews were conducted for this research and one group interview with three participants. 3.5.1 Semi-structured interviews: The majority of the interviews obtained during this research process were semi-structured. Building on O’Reilly’s definition of a semi-structured interview which emphasises the need to contain elements of both structured and unstructured interviews “in order to explore ideas with the participants but also to get fixed responses for some criteria” (O’Reilly, 2012: 120), this research considered a semi-structured approach as the most appropriate method. Semi-structured interviews allow predetermined questions and topics that the researcher wants to investigate to be covered but gives participants the ability to raise issues that are not mentioned and simultaneously gives the freedom to elaborate more on participant’s experiences that are beyond the prepared questions (Berg, 2001). An interview guide was used for the interviews with the primary informants, the girls and women, as this ensured the same format and questions were delivered to each of the participants. Additionally, this method gives detailed insight into the perceptions and experiences of each of the participants that can vary owing to the open nature of the qualitative questions. A method like this can leave space for further questioning and follow up questions to gain a deeper understanding of what the participant means without diverging from the interview guide too much. The questions in the interview guide were aimed at being open to allow “rambling or going off at tangents” (Bryman, 2012: 470), which was encouraged, to allow freedom in the length of their responses, and hoped to gain different answers between the variety of participants. Some women were shy or more uncomfortable than others in the questioning and so for some of the interviews less questions were asked or the more personal topics were missed. 3.5.2 Participant and non-participant observations: For the active participant aspect of the observations, the traditional anthropological method suggests that the researcher should integrate themselves within the daily routines of the community

to establish a rapport with the informants. As Bryman suggests, this method involves “participating in the group’s core activities but not as a full member” (Bryman, 2012: 442). By spending two months in Tarime, living in the community of the participants, this aspect was achieved to some extent in the research process. I shopped in the marketplace along with ‘locals’, went to the Church every Sunday and often cooked dinner with members of the community. They became used to my presence but there was a limitation to the extent that this could be achieved due to the white Westerner novelty that never wore off during the two months fieldwork. However, these observations meant that I could witness everyday interactions between the community members, especially how the role and daily life of girls was experienced by the participants. Due to the affiliations with Tackle Africa, I witnessed their second round of implementing training courses for football coaches within Tarime and the surrounding villages. This involved a week of demonstrations of football drills and workshops linking these to sexual health and how to help those affected by or in threat of having female genital cutting. Observing the local coaches’ reactions and reception of these issues was particularly insightful for the research as they asked many questions to understand the exact effects of FGC and how they could contribute to the NGO’s work. The second week then involved re-visiting the coaches as they delivered the training they had learnt to the girls practising football. These visits generated useful reflections on how anti-FGM programmes were received by those most likely to be cut. The fieldwork in Tarime also gave the opportunity to observe how CDF’s local offices functioned, especially for community members that arrived needing advice or help from the employees. Due to their very busy schedule, I witnessed the importance of the office for the community and how often their attention was demanded by local people. These observations generated numerous field notes with reflections on the community in Tarime and provided a basis for understanding the backdrop of their lives in which female genital cutting is a part of. 3.5.3 Group interview: Another method used during this research was a group interview with three local clan leaders. This was an unplanned event as they were an opportunist sample that arrived in the CDF offices after some of the day’s interviews had taken place. However, it was a semi-structured group interview as there were specific questions that needed to be covered during the time. The aim of a group interview is to “develop an understanding about why people feel the way they do” (Bryman, 2012:

why the continuation of female genital cutting happens. The group interview method is valuable as “participants are able to bring to the fore issues in relation to a topic that they deem to be important and significant” (Bryman, 2012: 503). The clan leaders were crucial to identifying the reasons behind the perpetuation of female genital cutting as these were some of the people that other participants had delineated as persistent about its continuation. While the men that were interviewed in the group interview were leaders in their community’s, they were anti-FGM and had an affiliation with Children’s Dignity Forum, therefore they do not represent the opinions of all clan leaders in the area. The group interview was moderated by myself, translated at the time by the interpreter, recorded and later transcribed. 3.6 Data Analysis The data analysis aspect of this research was qualitative to reflect on the data collection research modes. The aim of coding was to segment and reassemble the data, looking for patterns, relationships and categories to discover explanations and connections for what was observed during the fieldwork time in Tarime. The coding of the data gave a wider theoretical perspective, with links and comparisons drawn between experiences, motivations and impacts of resistance to FGC. Boeije argues that “the data do not speak for themselves but the researcher plays an active role, whereby thinking, creativity, theoretical knowledge, knowledge of the field and combining the different elements are of chief importance” (Boeije, 2010: 84). The researcher’s significant role during the data analysis process, their interpretations and selections of the data, are reflected in the empirical findings of this thesis. All of the interviews undertaken were transcribed in the field, which gave me the opportunity to start analysing and reflecting on the data during the fieldwork period. The data analysis methods of this study used open coding to discover new ideas and perceptions that arose from the fieldwork. A framework in this style means it used an inductive approach to arrive at conclusions, formulating theory based on the interpretation of findings rather than using a predetermined hypothesis to work from. I revisited each of the transcriptions, carefully collected further themes and divided each of the responses into fragments that could be connected to other participants’ opinions. From the process of open coding, there was an element of axial coding used, whereby “the data are put back together in new ways after open coding, by making connections between categories” (Strauss & Corbin, 1990: 96). The themes gleaned from the open coding were linked to the context and patterns of interaction to suggest causes and consequences for certain aspects of the research to have been raised. The coding process was not selective in terms of

relevance of material as it could not be predicted what would be of use at this stage. It soon became apparent that there were several strong themes running through participants’ narratives that could structure the empirical findings chapters. 3.6.1 Quality criteria: To ensure a strong quality of this research, the criteria used followed Lincoln and Guba (1985) and Guba and Lincoln (1994)’s methodological reflection as found in Bryman (2012). The criteria was used to assess the reliability and validity of the data collected during the study. A style like this considers the trustworthiness and authenticity of the research by evaluating its credibility, transferability, dependability and confirmability. The criteria used includes a separate consideration for the authenticity of a study which will also be analysed. In terms of the credibility of this research, the lives of the people in Tarime can be argued as fairly represented due to the two months’ fieldwork time in the area and immersion into their world. The participant observations conducted allowed me to observe the daily lives and social reality of local and these compared to their own explanations of their roles within the community. Triangulation was achieved by using multiple methods and engaging with different sets of actors that agreed on the same conclusions about aspects of their experiences, clarifying this as an accurate account of their lives. There is little transferability for this research as it is specific to the Kuria tribe who live within Tarime. Consequently, this means the findings may not be applicable to other contexts. Similarly, due to the small sample of participants interviewed about their personal experiences, another researcher may find different answers and perceptions if they do not use the same participants. According to Guba and Lincoln (1994), for dependability, a researcher should adopt an auditing approach, ensuring complete records are kept of their study. An interview guide was used for all of the interviews with girls and women ensuring that the same questions were asked to each participant. There is evidence of all the recordings and transcripts from the interviews, observation notes and emails recorded with the non-governmental organisation’s that were interacted with during the study. By working within the NGO’s office the research was often audited by the employees as we discussed the reliability of the comments witnessed during interviews. However, this research could have further auditing from peers to increase the dependability.

While Bryman says that “complete objectivity is impossible in social research” (2012: 392), for the confirmability of the research, there is the aim of being as impartial as possible and leaving the participants unaffected by the presence of a new person. This was achieved to a certain extent despite the sensitive nature of talking about female genital cutting. My own personal values and understandings of the issue were not vocalised during the interviews conducted. In terms of improving their situation, this was not the researcher’s prerogative in the community and they already had two NGOs working on the same issues who the girls could go to. However, this research could be passed on to these organisations to provide further insight into how change is best achieved in the opinion of the participants. Following on from Guba and Lincoln’s (1994) criteria, they include a separate criterion for authenticity. These include fairness, ontological authenticity, educative authenticity and catalytic authenticity. Firstly, this research considers fairness as it represents different actors’ viewpoints, whether they were parallel statements or contrasting. Secondly, for the ontological authenticity of this research, this was not completely achieved during the fieldwork in Tarime. It was not my purpose to help the participants arrive at a better understanding of their social milieu, this study’s purpose was to understand theirs more completely. This research hopes to have left the people of Tarime unaffected by the questions asked. Thirdly, the questions and reflexivity during interviews and discussions gave an element of educative authenticity because the research shared other members of the community’s opinions with the participants to gain a deeper understanding of their contrasting views, in an anonymised manner. Lastly, the research gained during the fieldwork did not act as a motivation for participants to engage in action to change their circumstances and this had not been an aim of the research. While questioning them on certain aspects of their life might have given them reason to think and act on an aspect, it was not an intention of the study. 3.7 Scope and Limitations One of the central limitations of the study was that the majority of the participants used are affiliated with the NGOs, Children’s Dignity Forum and Tackle Africa, due to accessibility. A limitation such as this has implications for the research as the informants already have an understanding of FGC and an awareness of campaigns against the practice, as this is what the NGOs offer them. Not all the girls are affected by FGC but will have joined the NGOs programmes with some motivation, whether it be to avoid, understand or impact further developments against the practice. Furthermore, the girls met me through the NGOs and so I had to make it as clear as possible that