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Euroculture Rijksuniversiteit Groningen Georg-August-Universität Submitted by: Danielle Turmel 1562401 Grote leliestreet 7b 9712 SM Groningen The Netherlands Tel: 0031-(0)647048406 Email: danielleturmel85@gmail.com Supervised by: Dr. P.O.H. Groenewold Dr. Lars Klein Groningen, 20 February 2012

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2 List of Content

List of Content 2

Introduction 3

1. literature review 7

1.1 Inclusive identity theory and the perception of the other 7 1.2 Printed media as instrument

to analyze change in the perception of a ‘nation’ 9

1.3 Critical Discourse Analysis 10

1.4 The choice for a specific method within the field of CDA 13

2. methodology 19

2.1 Sources and time period for analysis 19

2.2 Data Selection and Sampling 20

2.3 A detailed analysis of typical articles within the theme 24

3. Data Analysis and Discussion 27

3.1 The Polish treatment of German minorities in Poland &

the Polish reparation money for forced labor during World War II 27

3.1.1 Analysis of der Spiegel articles 27

3.1.2 Main conclusion 38

3.2 EU membership – is Poland ready or not? 39

3.2.1 Analysis of der Spiegel articles 39

3.2.2 Main conclusion 47

3.3. The German opinion about Polish leadership 49

3.3.1 Analysis of der Spiegel articles 49

3.3.2 Main conclusion 55

Conclusion & Implications 57

List of References 62

Appendix: Overview of themes (including color labels)

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3 Introduction

In its early years the European Community (later renamed the European Union, EU) primarily dealt with economic measures, which did not require any politicizing or democratic decision-making. However, in the 1990s a development towards political integration began, with the Treaty of Maastricht (ToM) as a visible starting point. The ToM provided the legal basis for the internal market. This is a market in which the free movement of goods, services, capital and persons is ensured and in which European citizens are free to live, work, study and do business.1 In order to secure, control and monitor these freedoms in all EU member states political integration was needed. As a consequence, there was (and is) a need for more democratic power sharing from an institutional perspective; more power for the European Parliament (EP) and increased accountability of the Council of Ministers and the European Commission (EC). In other words, since the ToM the need to make decision making more democratic (at the EU level) became an urgent issue. Within public and academic discourse, the previous became known as the ‘democratic deficit’ debate.

From this development a whole new debate began within the academic world, namely whether European collective identity should be regarded as the missing link to a successful, stable and democratic European Union.2 There are several theories that assert that a process towards a stronger European identity is necessary and possible. Klaus Eder, for example, claims that, “compared to the collective identity attached to the nation state, European

identity must be even stronger”.3

This thesis will not discuss whether there should be a European identity, whether this identity should be strong or weak or whether this really is the missing link to a more stable and democratic European Union. Instead, this thesis will attempt

1 Summaries of EU legislation, “the Internal Market,” Europa

http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/internal_market/index_en.htm (accessed on 15 January 2012). 2

Heiko Walkenhorst, “Constructing the European Identity – Trap or Gap? European Integration between Community-building and Path-dependency,” in Limerick Papers in Politics and Public Administration, (no.1) ed. Peadar Kirby and Barry Hussey (Limerick: University of Limerick, 2008), 2.

3

Klaus Eder, “Remembering National Memories Together: The Formation of a Transnational Identity in

Europe,” in Collective Memory and European Identity: The Effects of Integration and Enlargement, edited by Klaus Eder and Willfried Spohn (Burlington: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2005), 218.

‘We have made Europe, now we have to make Europeans’

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4 to examine whether a trend towards a stronger European identity is visible in media discourse.4

Liesbet Hooghe and Gary Marks developed a theory about inclusive identity as an important factor for strengthening European identity.5 They assume that a person has multiple identities and for example can have a strong national attachment and be positively oriented to European integration and the idea of a European identity at the same time. According to Hooghe and Marks, this depends on whether a person conceives his or her national identity as exclusive or inclusive of other territorial identities. In this sense, an inclusive idea of identity means that a person believes that patriotism for his or her country and its institutions is compatible with European integration.6

The 19th and 20th centuries are known for the power of the nation-state and the rise of nationalism. Therefore, we can presume that people since the rise of nationalism have had an exclusive identity. According to Hooghe and Marks, a change from exclusive to inclusive identity is possible. The question that remains is: ‘Is there over a period of time a visible trend from an exclusive national identity towards an inclusive national identity?’

In order to analyse whether this is possible, the ‘factor’ that can cause a change in how you define your identity (inclusive or exclusive) must first be determined. In my opinion, this factor is ‘the perception of the other’, because the more positive your view of the other is, the greater the chance is that you see your identity as compatible with other territorial types of identity.

Second, the scope within which this research takes place has to be downsized. Therefore, I focus my research on the Germans and on how they perceive the Poles. German-Polish relations at a national, as well as grass-roots level have been viewed as complex. This is the result of the difficult history between these two nations and due to direct geographical proximity.7 Negative stereotyping from both sides, border conflicts, and many years of communist propaganda made Poland one of the most anti-German nations in Europe.8

4

‘Discourse’ is a concept that can be defined in various ways. In this thesis ‘discourse’ signifies a particular awareness of social influences on the use of language. For more information regarding the concept of discourse see: http://csmt.uchicago.edu/glossary2004/discourse.htm.

5 L. Hooghe and G. Marks "A Postfunctionalist Theory of European Integration: From Permissive Consensus to

Constraining Dissensus." British Journal of Political Science 39 (2009): 12.

6

Ibid.

7 Marcin Zaborowski, “Europeanisation as a consensus building process: the case of Polish-German Relations,”

(paper presented at the conference on Europeanisation and Foreign Policy, London, United Kingdom, 5 June 2002), 9-10.

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5 However, since the 1970s more and more attempts have been made by Germany and Poland to improve their relations.

Finally, printed media can be seen as transmitter of ‘input’ and ‘output’ within the political system, and therefore it could be used as an instrument to examine to what extent German printed media stimulates a positive change in the German perception of Poles. This transmitter function means that on the one hand media publishes facts and opinions with social relevance, serving as a warning system for developments within society, the input.9 On the other hand, the media informs the public of decision-making processes and their results in the political system.10 Analyzing articles from German newspapers could be a way to grasp the types of opinions with social relevance that a German newspaper wants to stimulate. Further, Ulrike Klein claims that, “the large majority of the population in modern

democracies nearly exclusively get information about (…) the collectively shared conceptions of the social and political reality through the press, radio, and television”.11 In other words, a positive statement in the printed media could be the first step towards creating and/or obtaining a more inclusive identity. Therefore, printed media could contribute to stimulating a more inclusive idea of national identity.

The central question of this research is to what extent has German printed media stimulated a positive change in the German perception of the Poles between 1989 and 2004? In order to answer this question, a literary review will first be presented to clarify which theories can be used to examine German perception of the Poles and the German printed media. This literary review will begin with theories concerning inclusive identity, the perception of the other and the function of printed media. These theories can be used to construct a solid theoretical framework from which, at a later stage, different elements can be examined.

The literary review will then move on to theories on Critical Discourse Analyses (CDA and will discuss to what extent CDA can be used to analyse printed media. However, within the field of CDA there are various methods of analysis. Therefore, the literary review will also include a comparison between six specific methods of analysis within this field. Based on a comparison of the overall research strategy, the linguistic depth of field and the level of aggregation, a combination of the Dispositive Analysis (DA) and the Sociocognitive

9

Ulrike Klein, “Tabloidised Political Coverage in Bild-zeitung,” The Public, 5 no. 3(1998): 80.

10

Ibid.

11

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6 Approach (SA) has been selected for this research in order to analyse whether a change in the German perception of the Poles is stimulated by German printed media.

After clarifying the theoretical fundaments of this research, the methodology (based on DA and SA) will be discussed. In order to academically underline the analysis of printed media, the chapter on methodology is used to legitimate the selected source (der Spiegel), the selected time period (1989-2004), the selected themes, and the selected articles. Further, this chapter underlines how the analysis of specific articles will be structured. Based on the methodology, specific articles from printed media (der Spiegel) will be analysed and compared in the third chapter on ‘Data Analysis and Discussion’.

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7 1. Literature Review

1.1 Inclusive Identity Theory and the Perception of the Other

To understand the context in which this analyses takes place, first the connection between inclusive identity and the perception of the other needs to be clarified. As discussed in the introduction, Hooghe and Marks use inclusive identity as a solution for the creation of a European identity.12 They argue that, when a person is led to believe that their patriotism is compatible with European integration, this person can be open to a European identity. From this, one can derive a similar pattern that when the perception of the other becomes positive instead of negative, it is possible to see ones patriotism compatible with other forms of territorial identity (eegional, European, and universal). To understand how the perception of a whole nation can change, it is important first to examine how perception on an individual level can change.

Within the field of social psychology there are three relevant assumptions about identity regarding the individual level. Firstly, the basic assumption is that identity originates in groups, thus only group identifications shape individual self-conception. Secondly, every group has the tendency to evaluate their own group (in-group) or its members more favourably than another group (out-group) or its members. This tendency is called intergroup bias.13 The use of the term ‘bias’ refers to attitude (prejudice), cognition (stereotyping) and behaviour (discrimination) and implies that the perception of the other group (and members) goes beyond the objective requirements. 14

The third assumption is that cooperation reduces intergroup bias through interaction.15 According to Samual Gaertner, interaction reduces intergroup bias because “members of the

in- and out-group work together, communicate, express values, argue, compromise, reach agreement and gain information about in-group and out-group members. They interact and through this interaction they learn more about each other.”16 As a consequence, they learn more about each other and their perception of the other changes.

12 Hooghe and Marks, "A Postfunctionalist Theory of European Integration," 13.

13 Miles Hewstone, Mark Rubin and Hazel Willis, “Intergroup Bias,” Annual Review of Psychology 53, (2002):

576. 14

Ibid.

15

Samuel L. Gaertner, et al., “Reducing Intergroup Bias: Elements of Intergroup Cooperation,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 76 (1999): 388.

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9 1.2 Printed Media as an Instrument to Analyze Change in the Perception of a ‘Nation’

Since the perception of the other is not objectively obtained, and originates from feelings of belonging (identity) and social interaction, it is easier to analyze one individual or a small group. Therefore, this thesis focuses on the general German perception of the Poles. In July 2011 Germany had a population of approximately 81,471,834 German citizens.17 Furthermore, many German citizens also identify themselves with identity groups other than German, such as regional identities (Wessie, Ossie, and Bavarian), national identities (Turkish-Germans), or part of subcultural groups (students, conservatives).18 Therefore, it is very difficult to examine the perception of the average German, let alone the change in this perception.

In order to grasp whether a (long term) change in the German perception of the Poles could be possible, it is interesting to examine whether German printed media may have stimulated such a change within a given time period. The questions that remain are: What are the functions of printed media? Why should it stimulate a certain development? Could that lead to a certain development? In order to legitimate printed media as an instrument to examine whether a positive (long term) change in perception is possible, it is necessary to first understand the function of printed media. As explained in the introduction, printed media can be seen as a transmitter between society and the political system. In other words, media can be seen as the principal means through which citizens and their elected representatives communicate, and media is used by both actors to inform and influence.19

That printed media (as part of mass media) is more than just a source of information, is illustrated in the following quote: “Studies conducted to determine the effect of mass media

on the public’s belief systems have concluded that mass media’s power to influence the public perception and the degree to which people are exposed to media’s representations combine to make mass media one of the most significant influences in developed societies.”20 Although many agree that media does more than just delivering information (‘ínput’ and ‘output’) to the society, this quote does not mean that, for example, readers of newspapers believe everything

17 “The World Factbook,” Central Intelligence Agency (CIA),

https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/gm.html (accessed on 24 December 2011).

18 Marcus E. Ethridge and Howard Handelman (ed.), Politics in a Changing World, 4th edition (Belmont,

Thomson Corporation, 2008), 64.

19

Richard Gunther and Anthony Mughan, Democracy and the Media: a Comparative Perspective (New York, Cambridge: Campbridge University Press, 2000), 1.

20 F. Kigozi, J Ssebunnya , D Kizza and S Ndyanabangi, “Media and Mental Health in Uganda,” African Journal

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10 that the media claims. Neither does it mean that the opinion of a newspaper is the same as the opinion of the average German citizen. Max Kaase emphasized this by claiming that, “by

1990 only one-quarter of Germans definitely believed in the truthfulness and objectivity of the media, newspapers being the least trusted among the three.”21

Within the context of this thesis, this would mean that if media has stimulated a positive change in the German perception of the Poles over a period of time, this could be a sign that within German society and/or within the German political system (the elected representatives) a more positive perception of Poles is preferable Given the lack of empirical data regarding the impact of printed media on citizens (and the political system), or the impact of citizens on printed media, this thesis will not focus on these aspects. The focus will be on printed media and whether there is a pattern (the stimulation of a positive change in the German perception of Poles) in the way printed media have portrayed Poles over a period of time.

However, a question remains: which aspects, patterns and phrases within printed media should be analyzed in order to answer the main question, and how should this analysis be conducted? Critical Discourse Analyses (CDA) can be used to understand the usability of printed media. Therefore, the following section will discuss CDA and its understanding of printed media.

1.3 Critical Discourse Analysis

Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) has been considered a field of investigation since the late 1970s . CDA critically analyzes the relationship between language and social meanings. This thesis will attempt to use CDA to examine whether a positive change in the perception of the other is stimulated by printed media. First, the main assumption within the field of CDA will be described. Second, the usability of CDA in the examination of printed media will be discussed.

CDA has never been and has never attempted to be or to provide one single or specific theory or methodology. According to Ruth Wodak, studies in CDA are quite the contrary; they are multifarious, derived from quite different theoretical backgrounds, oriented towards

21

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11 different data and methodologies.22 In other words CDA cannot be seen as a heterogeneous school, such as the Frankfurt School. This also makes it difficult to define the content of CDA.

However, attempts have been made and one of the most popular definitions among CDA researchers is:

CDA sees discourse – language use in speech and writing – as a form of ‘social practice’. Describing discourse as social practice implies a dialectical relationship between a particular discursive event and the situation(s) institution(s), and social structure(s) which frame it: The discursive event is shaped by them, but also shapes them. That is, discourse is socially constitutive as well as socially conditioned – it constitutes situations, objects of knowledge, and the social identities of and relationships between people and groups of people. It is constitutive both in the sense that it helps to sustain and reproduce the social status quo, and in the sense that it contributes to transforming it. Since discourse is so socially consequential, it gives rise to important issues of power. Discursive practices may have major ideological effects – that is, they can help produce and reproduce unequal power relations between (for instance) social classes, women and men, and ethnic/cultural majorities and minorities through the way in which they represent things and position people. 23

From this definition three assumptions can be drawn. First, CDA defines discourse as “language used in writing and speech.” In this sense, the use of language in printed media, for example, is discourse. Second, discourse is a form of social practice. Thus, the language that is used in a specific text depends on the socially formed background of the writers. On the other hand, it also reaffirms the writer’s social background and can shape the readers. Finally, this definition of CDA makes the assumption that discourse helps to sustain and reproduce the social status quo, but can also contribute to transforming it.

Based on these three assumptions, CDA holds that discourse can help produce and reproduce (unequal) power relations through the way discourse represents things and

22

Ruth Wodak and Michael Meyer ed. (2en edition), Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis (SAGE publications Ltd. London, 2009), 5.

23 N. Fairclough, and R. Wodak, “Critical discourse analysis,” in: Discourse Studies: A Multidisciplinary

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12 positions people. In other words, CDA identifies three dimensions that can give rise to important issues of power: text production, sociocultural practice and discourse practice.

The above definition gives a solid understanding of the basic assumptions of CDA, but fails to indicate what makes CDA ‘critical’. According to Wodak, the term ‘critical’ can be traced to the influence of the Frankfurt School and Jürgen Habermas. The term is mainly based on Max Horkheimer’s argument “that social theory should be oriented towards

critiquing and changing society, in contrast to traditional theory oriented solely to understanding or explaining it.”24 Thus, CDA is very useful in studies that attempt to analyze opaque as well as transparent structural relationships of dominance, discrimination, power and control as manifested in language.25

CDA seems well suited to examine whether German printed media has stimulated a positive change in the perception of the other. This perception of the other includes a relationship or the lack of a relationship between two identity groups. By analyzing the use of (positive and negative) discrimination, stereotyping or prejudice visible in discourse (printed media), the extent to which discourse stimulates a certain development should be examinable. Furthermore, by analyzing discourse in different time-periods it should be possible to examine whether a long term change is stimulated.

However, CDA does not provide a single approach or one specific method to analyze discourse. The issue that remains is how the various approaches of CDA are able to ‘translate’ their theoretical claims into instruments and methods of analysis. Therefore, a specific method within the field of CDA has to be found to provide instruments and conditions.

24

The essay itself is not traceable: ‘Traditional and Critical Theory, Zeitschrift (1937). The information can be found in: Ruth Wodak and Michael Meyer ed. (2en edition), Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis (SAGE publications Ltd. London, 2009), 6.

25

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13 1.4 The Choice for a Specific Method Within the Field of Critical Discourse Analysis

In order to come to a more specific method, this section will consider six methods of CDA. These methods are: Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA), Corpus-Linguistics Approach (CLA), Social Actors Approach (SAA), Dispositive Analysis (DA), Sociocognitive Approach (SA) and the Dialectical-Relational Approach (DRA). From these six, one will be chosen, based on the overall research strategy, the linguistic depth of field and the level of aggregation.

The Overall Research Strategy

Within the field of CDA, we distinguish between approaches which proceed deductively and approaches that choose a more inductive perspective.26 Deductive reasoning means working from a more general premise to a more specific conclusion and is also known as a ‘top-down’ approach.27 Inductive reasoning means starting from specific premise and moving to a general conclusion.28 Within CDA, a deductive or inductive approach is linked to the choice of objects under investigation. A more deductively oriented approach proposes a closed theoretical framework and will attempt to strengthen its assumptions with several examples which seem to fit their claims. A more inductively oriented approach usually stays at the ‘meso level’29

and attempts to come to general conclusions through in-depth case studies and ample data collection. According to Wodak and Meyer, the six CDA approaches can be categorized as depicted in figure 1.1. From this it can be assumed that SAA, CLA and DHA are the more inductively oriented approaches, while DA, SA and DRA are the more deductively oriented approaches.

26

Ruth Wodak and Michael Meyer, Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis, 19.

27“Deduction & Induction,” Research Methods Knowledge Base,

http://www.socialresearchmethods.net/kb/dedind.php (accessed on 2 December, 2011). 28

Ibid.

29

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14 Figure 1.1 Overall research strategies

Since this thesis focuses on the extent to which a change in the perception of one society (the Germans) is stimulated, a more deductively oriented approach is necessary. In other words, an approach that makes it possible to downsize the amount of information that can help to categorize it and that leads to several examples that can illustrate whether or not the assumptions made are valid. Therefore, this thesis will not use the SAA, CLA or DHA approaches.

The Linguistic Depth of Field and the Level of Aggregation.

The second factors that distinguish the remaining approaches (DA, SA, DRA) are the extent to which each approach analyses printed media (linguistics) in a broad or a more detailed way. For example, DRA analyses printed media by examining the form and texture of an article, while DHA also examines the argumentation and claims and fallacies within the argumentation. Therefore, in Figure 1.3 ‘broad linguistic operationalization’ and ‘detailed linguistic operationalization’ have been distinguished. In the same figure the third factor, ‘the level of aggregation,’ has also been incorporated. It is not only important to understand whether an approach analyses printed media in a more detailed or more broad way, but it is

IN D UCTIVE , D ET AI LE D CA SE STD IES D ED UCTIVE, GENERA L P ERS P ECTIVE

Discourse-Historical Approach - DHA

Corpus-Linguistics Approach - CLA

Social Actors Approach - SAA

Dispositive Analysis - DA

Sociocognitive Approach - SA

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15 also important to know whether an approach focuses on a (human) agency level or a (social) structure level when it examines printed media. According to an online encyclopedia, “a

Social structure refers to larger and relatively enduring features of society which provide the background against which social life is carried out.”30 On the other hand, the encyclopedia defines (human) agency as “the volitional and purposeful nature of human activity.” 31

In order to answer the research question of this research, The main conduct of my analysis should focus on the stimulation of a change in perceiving reality. Stimulation could be achieved by attempting to persuade readers of an article to perceive an event or development from one specific point of view. In order to examine whether printed media stimulated a certain development, it is necessary to look for expressive or evaluative manifestations in the text. 32 This way, the key to our interpretation of the text or what we perceive as the purpose of the author and the intended effect of the text can be analyzed. 33

This means that when analyzing specific articles (printed media) it is necessary to focus more on the agency level than on the structure level and to analyze an article in a more broad way. Therefore, it will grasp the reality as depicted by individuals. This is important, because the way we perceive reality also includes the way we perceive ‘the other’ within this reality. Further, it is important to analyze the article in a broader way, making it possible to read between the lines, and find possible changes. Therefore, viewing Figure 1.2, the method used in this thesis should be within the green area. Thus, SA or DA, or a combination of SA and DA would be appropriate for this thesis. Both approaches will be discussed in the following two sections, and finally the choice of either one specific method or a combination of both will be discussed.

30“Structure-Agency debate,” Encyclopedia69,

http://www.encyclopedia69.com/eng/d/structure-agency-debate/structure-agency-debate.htm (accessed on 2 December, 2011).

31 Ibid.

32Karen Korning Zethsen, “Semantic Prosody: Creating Awareness about a Versatile Tool,” Tidsskrift for

Sprogforskning 4 no. 1-2 (2006): 284.

33

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16 Figure 1.2 Linguistic depth of field and level of aggregation. 34

34

Ruth Wodak and Michael Meyer, Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis, 22.

Detailed linguistic operatio

-nalization Broad linguistic operatio- nalisation

agency

structure

Social Actors Approach (Theo van Leeuwen)

Dispositive Analysis (Siegfried Jager and Florentine Maier)

Sociocognitive Approach (Teun van Dijk)

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17 Dispositive Analysis (DA)

The basic assumption within this approach is that discourse produces subjects and reality. In other words, discourse, transmitted by individuals (active subjects), produces reality. Or as Jager and Maier claim, “discourses determine the way in which a society interprets reality

and organizes further discursive and non-discursive practices (further talking, thinking and acting). 35” DA calls the way a society interprets reality or creates reality ‘materialization’.36

Analyzing discourse, therefore, can also be understood as analyzing a ‘given’ reality (discursive practices, non-discursive practices and materializations). Jager and Maier call the interaction between discursive practices, non-discursive practices and materialization a ‘dispositive’. This method is called Dispositive Analysis, since it analyses the interaction between discursive practices, non-discursive practices and materializations, in order to examine how a given reality is created.37 Further, the approach assumes that a ‘given’ reality can change. According to Jager and Maier, “the knowledge assigned to a particular part of

reality changes, this part of reality turns into a different thing.”38

For example, before World War II Katyn was just a small town in Poland. After the war, ‘Katyn’ became a symbol for Polish suffering, because of the genocide that occurred in that town in 1940.39

When analyzing the stimulation of change in the way one group perceives another group, DA can be very useful. Since DA is based on the assumption that reality can be influenced by discursive practices and that a reality can change, it could underline the possibility of a newspaper that stimulates a change in the way we perceive others (part of our reality). In other words, DA could be used as a method for this thesis.

The Sociocognitive Approach (SA)

SA values the study of ‘cognition’ as fundamentally important in the critical analysis of discourse, communication and interaction. One important assumption within this approach is that social structures (such as groups, race, gender etc.) cannot be directly linked to the mental processes behind, for example, writing and reading articles. Therefore, Teun van Dijk developed a mediating cognitive device, “that is able to represent the relevant structures of

35 Siegfried Jager and Florentine Maier, “Theoretical and Methodological Aspects of Foucauldian Critical

Discourse Analysis and Dispositive Analysis,” in Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis, (2end edition) ed. Ruth Wodak and Michael Meyer (SAGE publications Ltd. London, 2009), 37.

36 Ibid.

37

Ibid, 39.

38 Jager and Maier, “Theoretical and Methodological Aspects, ” 40. 39

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18 social situations, and at the same time is able to control discourse, the mental processes of production and comprehension and its situation variation.” 40 This device consists of ‘context models’ and ‘event models’. Whereas context models ensure that language users adapt their discourse to the social environment so that it is socially appropriate, event models are personal interpretations of certain events or situation, based on the social basis of an individual (their socially shared knowledge, group ideology etc.). With regard to an analysis, this entails that the analyst should focus on forms of implicit or indirect meanings, such as implications, presuppositions, allusions, connotations and vagueness in order to come to conclusions regarding social structures and personal (or newspaper level) motivations.41

SA could be very useful for the analysis of the articles in this thesis. SA can be used as a tool to academically underline the (indirect) meaning of, for example, presuppositions and connotations. Since ‘stimulation’ could be achieved by attempting to persuade readers of an article to perceive an event or development from one specific point of view, analyzing indirect meanings could help to examine this ‘stimulation’ and the aim of the author (newspaper).

Conclusion

Whereas DA underlines the fact that reality can be influenced by discursive practices and can change, SA emphasizes whether a newspaper (and its authors) stimulates a certain perception. Since these two methods can be used complementarily, a combination of DA and SA form a good foundation for analyzing the extent to which printed media stimulated a positive change in the German perception of the Poles. DA is a more structural theory than SA, and therefore DA can help with the structure of the analysis. SA focuses more on the indirect meaning of phrases within a text, and so SA will be used for the analysis of phrases within the articles. Finally, DA will be used to analyze whether there is a change between articles from different time periods.

40 Teun A. van Dijk, “Critical Discourse Studies: A Sociocognitive Approach,” in Methods of Critical Discourse

Analysis, (2end edition) ed. Ruth Wodak and Michael Meyer (SAGE publications Ltd. London, 2009), 73.

41

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19 2. Methodology

Based on the comparison made in section 1.3, both DA and SA will be used to construct the methodology for this research. Firstly, the source and timeline for analysis will be determined upon as demarcation of the context. Secondly, DA will be used to define the structure of data selection and sampling. After this, a combination of DA and SA will be used to come to a detailed analysis of typical discourse fragments.42 Before starting to define the structure of data selection and sampling it has to be stated that both DA and SA allow a researcher to modify the sequence of steps, which makes it possible to develop a combined DA and SA method.

2.1 Sources and Time Period for Analysis

In order to examine the research question, this analysis will focus on one specific newspaper within a certain time period. I chose der Spiegel as the object of analysis. This choice is made upon the following criteria: (a) the territorial reach, (b) the target group, (c) the circulation and (d) the type of newspaper (tabloid, daily, weekly, newspaper, and news magazine).

Der Spiegel is a weekly news magazine and discusses issues such as politics, economy,

culture, media, society and science. The magazine also includes current issues from around the world, and is available in 172 countries.43 According to a media analysis from 2005, der

Spiegel was read weekly by 9.2 % of the total German population, of which 53% was between

the age of 20 and 49 years old. 44 Furthermore, this target group is well educated. Compared to other news magazines in Germany, it has one of the biggest circulations, reaching approximately one million readers. These factors make der Spiegel Germany’s most important weekly news magazine.45

As a weekly magazine, der Spiegel is well known for its in-depth reporting, thorough research and its ability to uncover facts. This reputation is also current outside of Germany, as, for example, shown in English media: “It is widely respected both for its coverage of news

events and news analysis and for its concise writing and it is generally regarded as one of the

42

Ruth Wodak and Michael Meyer, Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis, 27. 43

Matthias Schrauff, „Nachrichtenmagazine in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland: Geschichte und Entwicklung des SPIEGEL,“ GRIN, http://www.grin.com/de/e-book/63267/nachrichtenmagazine-in-der-bundesrepublik-deutschland-insbesondere-geschichte#inside (accessed on 6 January 2012), 3.

44

“Kernzielgruppe – Sociodemographie,” Lombard-media, http://www.lombard-media.lu/pdf/DE/SPIEGEL_MA2005_0605.pdf (accessed on 6 January, 2012). 45

“The Media in the German Speaking Countries,” University of Chicago,

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20 best news weeklies in Europe.”46 To conclude, der Spiegel was chosen as the object of analysis, because it produces in-depth articles, has a rather broad reach (readers from Germany and abroad, many between 20 and 49 years old) and the biggest circulation in comparison with other German news magazines (such as Focus) and in comparison with newspapers (such as die Welt).

Second, I chose the period between 1989 and 2004 as the timeline for analysis based on the following facts. Firstly, in 1989 the road to German reunification (DDR and BRD) began, the Soviet Union no longer supported the Polish Communist government, and Poland began a shift to democracy and a market economy.47 Secondly, in the period from 1989 to 2004 attempts were made to improve German-Polish relations. For example, a Good Neighbour Treaty was signed by both countries. Finally, Poland became a member of the European Union in 2004. Since many developments took place during this period that could influence the Polish-German relations, this time period has been selected for analysis.

2.2 Data Selection and Sampling

Data Selection

In order to analyze whether a positive trend in the German perception of the Poles is stimulated by der Spiegel, DA emphasizes that a list of all articles of relevance for the discourse strand should be compiled.48 This is done by developing a database that includes all articles from der Spiegel that have something to do with the German-Polish relations (political, cultural, and social) from the period 1989 until 2004.49 In order to develop this

database, some criteria are needed to select suitable. In order to make sure that the database contains all relevant articles, I focused on a variety of terms.

46

“Der Spiegel,” Encyclopedia Britannica, http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/559866/Der-Spiegel (accessed on 6 January 2012).

47

“Poland,” Everyculture, http://www.everyculture.com/No-Sa/Poland.html#b (accessed on 14 January, 2011).

48 Siegfried Jager and Florentine Maier, “Theoretical and Methodological Aspects of Foucauldian Critical

Discourse Analysis and Dispositive Analysis,” 53.

49

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21 Table 2.1 data selection based on a variety of terms

According to DA, the next step is to examine with what frequency particular groups of sub-topics appear.50 These sub-topics are first identified and then summarized into main themes.51 Therefore, the database contains not only the title of the article and where it can be found, but also a short summary of the content of the article, and the topic-group to which it belongs to (see table 2.2). In order to emphasize the main themes, each theme was assigned a colour.

Table 2.2 the structure of the database

Content: Example:

Number 5

Year 1990

Where to find 23/4, Nr 17/44 UB:TC 244,44, 1990: 13-17 Start page number 105

Title article Berlin Die Polen-invasion heizt Auslanderfiendschlichkeit an

Summary Invasion Polish black market in West-Berlin caused a negative image of Poles.

Theme Stereotyping

Since two library systems were used during the search for these articles, three methods for data selection were used. For the articles from 1989 until 1995, the hard-copy collected der

Spiegel books were used. Every book contained up to ten clustered der Spiegel magazines.

The selection was started by first checking the index. There I focused on the terms illustrated in Table 2.1. Secondly, if there were any of these terms in the index, I would briefly read the whole article. If the article was about Poland and the Poles and also includes more subjective

50 Siegfried Jager and Florentine Maier, “Theoretical and Methodological Aspects of Foucauldian Critical

Discourse Analysis and Dispositive Analysis,” 53.

51

Ibid.

Table of terms: 1. Poland

2. Polish cities and regions; Oder-Neisse, Krakow, Warsaw 3. Polish names; ministers, presidents, writers

4. stereotyping terms; Eastern Europe, car thieves, ex-communists, black market, prostitution, Solidarność

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22 terminology, I would put the necessary information in the database, and scan the article in order to have a digital copy on my computer. Subjective terminology is, for example, when an author claims: “the Poles still believe Kohl his redeemed promise.52” This sentence does not just describe a fact, but emphasizes also an opinion (of the writer, or of the news magazine he/she is writing for).

For the articles from 1996 until 2004 I used an online database from the Free University of Berlin. First, when the database found the term Polen (Poland) somewhere in an article, I checked the titles of these articles. For the period 1996-2005 there were 4798 hits. From these 4798 articles, I used the terms inTable 2.1. to make a more specific selection. Because making a more specific selection could exclude what may be important articles, I did the more specific selection myself by checking the titles and by briefly reading the content of the articles. The only disadvantage to this was that I could not save any specific article on my computer, and the account ran out after two months.

The Main Themes for Analysis

Based on the database of all articles about the German-Polish relations and perceptions derived from the archives of Der Spiegel, the articles can be divided in eleven themes, as illustrated in Table 2.3. These themes are derived from connecting articles that discussed similar issues. For example, one theme is ‘The consequences of forced migration of Germans living in Poland (WWII) & Polish reparation money for forced labor during WWII’. The reason for defining this theme is that there were many articles that discussed the increasing tensions between Poland and Germany due to competing demands for reparation money or regaining property. The German expellees demanded the return of their properties in Poland, while Poles who had been forced laborers during WWII wanted money from the German state. Since it happened that in one article both issues were discussed, I decided to combine both issues in one theme.

52

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23 Table 2.3 Comparison of the themes.53

According to DA, it is necessary to focus on themes that have been discussed in printed media over a course of time, in order to examine whether a positive change in the German perception of the Poles occurred.54 From the database, the themes that are frequently discussed in Der Spiegel are depicted in Table 2.3. Furthermore, Table 2.3 demonstrates which themes were discussed in the 1990’s and which were discussed after 2000 (until 2004). By focusing on (a) the amount of articles regarding one of the themes and (b) the themes that were in the news in the 1990’s and after 2000 (2000-2004), three main themes can be picked. These themes are: (1) ‘The consequences of forced migration of Germans living in Poland (WWII) & Polish reparation money for forced labor during WWII’, (2) ‘EU membership – is Poland ready or not?’ and (3) ‘the German opinion about Polish leadership’.

53

The information from Table 2.3 is derived from the database, see appendix. 54

Siegfried Jager and Florentine Maier, “Theoretical and Methodological Aspects of Foucauldian Critical Discourse Analysis and Dispositive Analysis,” 54.

Nr: Theme: Number of articles in total: Number of articles 90’s: Number of articles after 2000: 1 German-Polish borders 12 10 2 2 P.O. surveys 6 5 1 3 Stereotyping 15 13 2

4 The consequences of forced migration of Germans living in Poland (WWII) & Polish

reparation money for forced labor during WWII

18 11 7

5 German Political & Economic interests in Poland

12 11 1

6 Common Past? 12 5 7

7 EU membership – Poland ready or not?

16 5 11

8 Nato membership – Poland ready or not?

3 3 0

9 The perception of the other 9 7 2

10 Polish (economic) aspirations in Germany

8 3 5

11 German opinion about Polish leadership

16 10 6

12 No theme 19 16 3

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24 2.3 A Detailed Analysis of Typical Articles within a Theme

As explained in the literary review, this thesis will use a combination of DA and SA for the analysis. First, DA will focus more on the structures (characteristics) of an article, such as the illustrations, the context and rhetoric, so that the aim of the article will become clearer.55 Second, SA will emphasize the language use in the article, such as positive and negative connotations and collective symbols, in order to identify the more general view of the newspaper instead of the view of the author.

More concretely, this means that per theme about three articles are analyzed. However, it is necessary to analyze more articles per theme in order to analyze whether a change occurs. Based on DA, the analysis will be divided in four parts, namely (1) the context, (2) the surface of the text, (3) the rhetorical means, (4) the content, ideological statements and the overall message of the article. The context is used to make sure the article is relevant for this research. By analysing the surface of the text, the structure of the article in general can be analysed. This can be seen as the observing part of the analysis, which then forms the basis for analysing the rhetorical means.

The concept of rhetorical means can be defined in different ways. Therefore, the concept will be discussed here briefly. Every writer wants to communicate with its readers and wants to reach them. Therefore, a writer gives his/her text certain structural properties. For example, a writer of schoolbooks divides a book into chapters, and includes tables, examples and short summaries. These chapters, tables, examples and summaries are rhetorical means to communicate and reach the readers.56 However, rhetorical means can also be used to manipulate your audience, for example, by responding to the prejudice of your readers. 57 By analysing the rhetorical methods the aim of the writer can become clearer.

The content and ideological statements are used in a more general way to identify the presupposed view of the writer (journalist). For example, when a writer is making a distinction between men and women, he/she may emphasize a different understanding of identity than when he discusses the distinction between Germans and Poles (territorial

55

Siegfried Jager and Florentine Maier, “Theoretical and Methodological Aspects of Foucauldian Critical Discourse Analysis and Dispositive Analysis,” 54.

56 Cursus Argumentatietheorie, Deel 2, “het begrip retorica,” Instituut voor Filosofie,

http://www.hypothesis.nl/argumentatietheorie/retorica.htm (accessed on 23 December, 2011) 57

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25 identity). Finally, the overall message of the article will be included. This can be helpful in order to examine the extent to which a change in perception occurred.

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26 Table 2.5 list of questions for the analysis of typical articles.58

58

Siegfried Jager and Florentine Maier, “Theoretical and Methodological Aspects of Foucauldian Critical Discourse Analysis and Dispositive Analysis,” 55.

The detailed analysis of typical articles (per theme) should cover the following aspects: 1. Context:

 Why was this article selected? Why is this article typical?

 What was the occasion for the article?

 In which section of the newspaper does the article appear? 2. Surface of the text:

 What is the layout like? What kinds of pictures or graphs accompany the text?

 Does the layout include any stereotypes, connotations or clichés?

 How is the article structured into units of meaning? 3. Rhetorical means:

 What kind and form of argumentation does the article follow? (descriptive, persuasive etc.)

 Does the argumentation includes any stereotypes, connotations or clichés?

 What logic underlies the composition of the article?

 What actors are mentioned, and how are they portrayed (persons, institutions, etc.) 4. Content, ideological statements and overall message of the article:

 What concept of society and/or identity does the article presuppose?

 What perspective regarding the future does the article give?

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27 3. Data Analysis and Discussion

As emphasized in Chapter 2, this section will focus on the analysis of specific articles of der

Spiegel. The criteria for picking these articles were that the articles had to be from a different

year (somewhere between 1989 and 2004) and should (at least) seem to persuade the reader to agree with a certain image of Poland and/or the Poles. Firstly, by theme around three articles from different time periods will be analyzed. Second, the analysis of the specific articles will be compared by theme in order to come to some conclusions about the whole period from 1989 until 2004.

3.1 The Consequences of Forced Migration of Germans Living in Poland (WWII) & Polish Reparation Money for Forced Labor During WWII

3.1.1 Analyses of der Spiegel Articles

1989 – 1990 – 1991 – 1992 -1993 -1994 – 1995 – 1996 – 1997 – 1998 – 1999 – 2000 – 2001 – 2002 – 2003 – 2004

Article 1: ‘Dreck aus dem Kamin’, der Spiegel vol. 45 nr. 19 (1991) 24-26.

1. Context

This article is selected because the author discusses different perceptions within Germany regarding the proposals for the Good Neighbours Treaty that will include rights for the German minority in Poland (and Polish people in Germany).59 The occasion for this article was the negotiation regarding the German-Polish Good Neighbours Treaty and the minority rights included in this treaty. Further, the article can be found in the section ‘Deutschland’ (domestic news), and sub-section ‘diplomacy’. From this it can be assumed that news about the German minority in Poland is understood as domestic news.

2. Surface of the Text

Regarding the layout the following can be claimed: there are 2 pictures, the title is large and in a thick font, the introduction is in thick font and there are no (sub) headings. In the layout, the attention is drawn to a paragraph that is written in a different font (a paragraph from the concept Treaty on minority rights) and on two bullet point that emphasize the two things that Poland can gain from this treaty. In the first picture the contracting parties (the Polish

59

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28 Skubiszewski and the German Genscher) are visible. In the second picture the Polish Premier is visible and he is holding a document that could be the concept treaty, because the text underneath the picture says “Wichtige Garantien” (important guarantees).

How is the article structured into units of meaning? The author starts with informing the reader about the last developments regarding the negotiations on the Treaty. Secondly, the author depicts the opinion of the German Minister of Foreign Affairs (Hans-Dietrich Genscher), of the CDU/CSU-political fraction, and of the president of the ‘Bundesverband

der Vertriebenen’ (BdV, the Federation of Expellees) Herbert Czaja. Thirdly, the inclusion of

rights for the German minority in Poland in the treaty is discussed, followed by the gains Poland will receive with this treaty.

3. Rhetorical Means

I think the goal of the author is to portray his article as ‘objective’. Since he is rather descriptive, and includes different German perspectives, does not overtly chose sides, and makes no obvious conclusions on his own behalf. However, this does not mean that the author actually is objective. To show this, some of the main actors (persons) that are mentioned in the article will be discussed.

Helmut Kohl, chancellor of the Germany, is portrayed in a quite negative way, as illustrated in the following excerpt: “die Polen vertrauen weiter auf Kohls noch immer uneigelöste ‘Prüfungszusage’ fur die Entschädigung polnischer Zwangsarbeiter im Zweiten Weltkrieg.” (Emphasis added) It is not just what the author writes, but also the way it is

written. This can be emphasized through translation: “the Poles still trust Kohl his still redeemed promise to start examining the damage done to Polish forced labourers during WWII.” There is what can be read as a more denigrating tone towards the Poles , since the Poles still believe in this redeemed promise that probably will not be kept by Kohl.

The next phrase also demonstrates the not-so-positive image of Kohl: “dafür ließ Kohl

die Notbremse ziehen, als er von einem anderen Vorhaben Wind bekam: Ausgerechnet am Annaberg, dem Symbol deutscher Kraftmeierei in Schlesien, haben deutsche Freundschaftskreise zu einem , Pfingsttreffen’ eingeladen. Selbst Vertriebenen-Sekretar Koschyk halt angesichts der ‘sensiblen Lage’ die Idee fur ‘nicht angebracht.” This could be

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29 states that the idea is not appropriate.” Words such as, “ausgerechnet” and “Selbst” suggest the subjectiveness of the author.

In order to analyze whether this is only the case with Chancellor Helmut Kohl, the analyiss of this article also includes the way Dietrich Genscher is portrayed. Hans-Dietrich Genscher, Minister of Foreign Affairs, is used quite a lot for quotations and seems to be portrayed in a more positive light. However, his quotes are portrayed as a bit idealistic. This is emphasized by the next excerpt: “für Genschers Polen-Fachleute ist mit dem Vertrag ,

der Dreck ause dem Kamin’ – dus über Jahrzehnte belastete Verhältnis zwischen zwei schwierigen Nachbarn habe gute Chancen, ‘endlich normal zu werden. (…) eine klare Mehrheit (…) warnte dennoch, ‘diese Entwickelung nicht durch unrealistische Forderungen und gewalttätige Aktivitäten einiger rechtsradikaler Kräfte zu beeintrachtigen’.”This can be

translated as follows: “For Genscher’s Polish experts the Treaty got ‘the dirt out of the chimney’ – that after decades of loaded relations between two substantial neighbours, there is at last a good chance the relations will become normal. (…) A clear majority (…) warned, however, that ‘this development (the Treaty) would not impair unrealistic demands and violent activities of some right-wing forces'.” By writing the two sentences in the excerpt after each other, Genscher’s quote seems more unrealistic and therefore more idealistic. So, although Genscher is portrayed in a positive way, indirectly his quotes and arguments are depicted as unrealistic. It seems that the author uses quotes from Genscher to emphasize the different opinions regarding this topic. However, his/her own more subjective opinion also becomes visible: in order for the German-Polish relations to become normal, there is a long way to go.

4. Content, Ideological Statements and Overall Message of the Article

The German and Polish societies are both depicted as ‘zwei schwierigen Nachbarn’ (two substantial neighbors). Further, Germany andPoland are seen as two collectives. No distinction is made between West and East Germany, but a distinction is made between Germany and the German minority in Poland. This is mainly done in order to make a clear distinction between the German government and stakeholders who negotiated the Treaty, and the German minority in Poland that should get the right to express their German heritage, culture, language, and other traditions.

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30 demands (paying reparation money to Poles who were forced labourers during WWII) can easily impair the German-Polish relationship. Based on this, it can be stated that the perception of the Poles depicted in this article, is rather negative. However, a more positive perception could be possible in the future. In other words there is hope.

1989 – 1990 – 1991 – 1992 -1993 -1994 – 1995 – 1996 – 1997 – 1998 – 1999 – 2000 – 2001 – 2002 – 2003 – 2004

Article 2: ‘Zwangsarbeiter: Entschadigung gefordert’, der Spiegel nr.7 (1998) 18.

1. Context

This article is selected because it describes new developments regarding the demand for reparation money by the Polish government. Given the tensions regarding this issue between the two states, it is interesting to analyse how these tensions are described. Further, the article can be found in the German (domestic) news review, where short news is presented.

2. Surface of the Text

‘Zwangsarbeiter’ is the heading (main topic) with the subheading (the title) of the article

underneath in larger letters and thick font. There is one picture which illustrates forced labourers in the Warsaw ghetto during WWII. This is emphasized with a heading beneath the picture stating: ‘Zwangsarbeiter im Warschauer Ghetto (1941)’

How is the article structured into units of meaning? The article is divided in two parts (paragraphs). The first paragraph informs the reader about the Polish claim for reparation money as compensation for the damage done to Poles who were forced to do labour for the Nazi regime during WWII. Further, it emphasizes by who and when this claim was made. The second paragraph discusses earlier developments (Germany paid 500 million marks on reparation/compensation) and that Poland expects more from Germany.

3. Rhetorical Means

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31 The Polish President Jerzy Buzek is mentioned in the article. Although the author seems to be rather descriptive with no intention to persuade its reader, some words give a sense of a negative perception regarding this President: “dieses Thema wurde am

vergangenen Dienstag vom neuen polnischen Ministerpräsidenten Jerzy Buzek beim Bonner Antrittsbesuch überraschend im Vier-Augen-Gespräch mit Bundeskanzler Helmut Kohl angesprochen.” The previous sentence uses the word ‘surprising’(überraschend) to

emphasize that it is a bit odd or even not appropriate to discuss this theme during a first meeting to get acquainted. The last sentence, “Nach den Vorstellungen Buzeks sollte Bonn mit

einer kräftigen Aufstockung des Stiftungsfonds jetzt vor allem die Zwangsarbeiter entschädigen,” emphasizes that Buzek demands that the German government (Bonn) shall

increase the amount of money that is made available for the fund for victims of WWII, and that all forced laborers should receive compensation.

The German government (Bonn) is portrayed in a more positive way: “Für die Opfer

nationalsozialistischer Unterdrückung hatte Bonn 1991 bereits 500 Millionen Mark bereitgestellt, die der Stiftung zur deutsch-polnischen Aussöhnung zuflossen,” illustrates that

Bonn already did something. Bonn already gave 500 million marks, which could also be understood as meaning Germany has already done enough. From the way this article portrays the Polish president and the German government, I assume that the author wants to emphasize that Poland (or at least the Polish president) is rather rude and that Germany had already made efforts to meet Poland’s demands for reparation money.

4. Content, Ideological Atatements and Overall Message of the Article

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32 1989 – 1990 – 1991 – 1992 -1993 -1994 – 1995 – 1996 – 1997 – 1998 – 1999 – 2000 – 2001 – 2002 – 2003 – 2004

Article 3: ‘Vertriebene: Gift und Eiter’, der Spiegel nr. 2 (1999) 44-47.

1. Context

This article is selected because it is the first article of der Spiegel that discusses the issue of ‘Enschädigungsfrage der Vertriebenen’ (compensation for the German expellees) since 1989. It explains the forced movement of Germans from Poland shortly after WWII, the claims for reganing property or obtaining compensation/reparation money, and the Federation of Expellees. The article gives a broad explanation of this issue, and therefore it is interesting to analyse whether the German perception of Poles is visible. Further, the article can be found in the section ‘Deutschland’ (domestic news).

2. Surface of the Text

The layout is as follows: ‘Vertriebene’ (‘Expellees’) is the heading (main topic), and under this is the subheading of the article in bigger letters and a thick font, which can be seen as the title of the article. There are three pictures. The first picture illustrates a big old house with an old lady in front of it. The heading of the pictures states “Mieterin Zielinska (vor Wohnhaus in

Danzig): Deutsche noch hereinlassen?” Translated in English this means, “Mieterin Zielinska

[the name of a Polish woman] (in front of a house in Danzig): ‘Letting Germans inside?’” In the second picture the expellee Dieter Sperling is visible with pictures of his parents’ former house in his hand. The heading states “Die lassen alles verkommen” (“Everything Gets Depraved”). In the last picture Erica Steinbach and two gentlemen are portrayed during a meeting of some sort. The heading of the picture states “Begangenes Unrecht heilen” (“Healing the Committed Injustices”).

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33 the Polish government on this issue. In the conclusion there is a short discussion on whether all the trust issues between Germans and Poles that stem from these developments is worth the return of properties that have fallen to pieces or in some instances are not even there anymore.

3. Rhetorical Means

Although the article seems to focus on giving an objective overview of all the developments regarding the issue, it is quite persuasive. On the one hand, the author is discussing the issue from different angles: individual German expellees, Polish people that could lose their house to German expellees, the German and Polish government, a Polish lawyer, the Federation of Expellees, groups that support this Federation, and Erica Steinbach.

On the other hand, it is visible in the way it is written that the author is rather critical about these German claims. After the main topic of this article is introduced with an example of a German expellee (Dieter Sperling) the author claims that even after EU accession claims like that of Dieter Sperling would not succeed. The following phrases underline this assumption: “Anläßlich der Verhandlungen über den geplanten EU-Beitritt Polens sehen viele

Vertriebene einen neuen Hebel, längst verloren geglaubten Besitz zurückzubekommen. Das wird kaum gelingen, doch die massiv vorgebrachten Ansprüche belasten das Verhältnis zwischen beiden Ländern erheblich.” Translated into English, this means the following: “On the occasion of the negotiations regarding the planned EU accession of Poland many expellees see a new leverage in regaining their long lost possessions. That will hardly succeed, but the massive claims put forward worsen the relationship between the two countries significantly.” In other words the logic that underlies the composition of the article seems to be that the massive claims put forward by German expellees have little chance of succeeding and only worsen the relationship between the two countries.

In order to analyze whether this is really the main statement the author wants to make, also the way main actors are portrayed will be discussed. There are many persons and institutions mentioned in this article. Since the thesis focusses on the (general) German perception of Poles, I focus on the more general perceptions of the German government and the Federation of Expellees (including their support groups).

One main actor is the German government and this also includes public figures like Gerhard Schröder and Joschka Fischer. Regarding the German government the following argument was used to describe their point of view: “Da beruhigt nur mäßig, daß

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34 Vertriebenen zur Bedingung von Polens EU-Beitritt zu machen, und sein grüner Außenminister Joschka Fischer in Warschau die Forderungen der Vertriebenen als ‘anachronistisch und absurd’bezeichnet.” Translatws in English this means: “It is not really

reassuring that Chancellor Gerhard Schröder wants nothing to do with making the compensation for German expellees a precondition for Poland’s accession to the EU, and that his green minister of Foreign Affairs, Joschka Fischer, labeled the claims of expellees (in Warsaw) as ‘anachronistic and absurd’.” At first, this looks like a negative way of describing the government’s point of view, but in the paragraphs that follow the author adds arguments that strengthen the opinion of the state. Thereby, der Spiegel presents the opinion of the government in a positive light.

The actions and opinion of the Federation of Expellees are described in a more negative way: “Die Frankfurter CDU-Bundestagsabgeordnete ist eine Freundin drastischer Formulierungen. Sie spricht von einem ‘Eiterherd’, der die Beziehungen zwischen Polen und Deutschland ‘vergiften’ werde, wenn der östliche Nachbar die Forderungen der Vertriebenen nicht erfülle:’Polen und Tschechien müssen vor einem EU-Beitritt das an den deutschen Vertriebenen begangene Unrecht heilen, sich entschuldigen und ihnen ein Recht auf Rückkehr in Würde einräumen’.” In English, this means: “The CDU member of Parliament (Erica

Steinbach) is a woman of drastic (harsh) formulations. She speaks of an ‘abscess’ that poisons the relations between Poland and Germany if the eastern neighbour does not satisfy the claims of German expellees: ‘Before EU accession, Poland and the Czech Republic must undo the harm they caused German expellees, apologize and conceive these expellees with dignity the right to return’.” By emphasizing that this woman (the President of the Federation of Expellees) is “a woman of drastic formulations” the author seems to assume that this opinion forms some kind of exception. In other words, this is not the general feeling of all Germans.

4. Content, Ideological Statements and Overall Message of the Article

This article shows the diversity in perception regarding this issue within German society. Therefore, society in this context could be interpreted as one collective group with different voices. Further, a clear distinction is made between the German and Polish peoples. Thus, the concept of identity is here defined in terms of territorial identity. The perspective regarding the future can be based on the last phrase of the article: “vielleicht fült sich keiner

angesprochen. Die Häuser gibt es schon lange nicht mehr.” (“Maybe nobody feels

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