The NRA Framing Mass Shootings in Press Releases

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Wilson, Mark. “The American flag flying at half-staff after the Sandy Hook elementary school shooting.” Vox.com. July 3 2018.

The NRA Framing Mass Shootings in Press Releases

By Willem Zijlstra

S2785463 Master Thesis 15 ECTS

Marc Esteve Del Valle 15 January 2019

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Abstract

The National Rifle Association (NRA) is a notorious lobby for the firearm industry, succeeding in exerting their politics into the White House through (grassroots) lobbying efforts. In fact, its press operations manage to trigger and mobilize a following of more than a million people in the heat of the gun debate. Through a qualitative discourse analysis, this thesis seeks to disclose how the NRA used framing practices in press releases following mass shootings in the US from 2009 until 2018. The research found that, over time, the NRA increasingly engages in the dissemination of political advertisement as well as political critique with the ambition to mobilize members to vote for NRA approved candidates. In contrast, the NRA remained consistent in using the Second Amendment as a guiding framework for most of its press releases. Overall, these findings further characterize the organizations’ politicization.

Keywords: National Rifle Association, framing, discourse, press releases, mass shootings, gun debate

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1. Introduction

This Master’s thesis aims to examine the National Rifle Association’s (NRA) press releases, the frames used in these press releases, how the NRA uses these framing practices to position itself within the gun debate and its accompanying political landscape. This thesis also examines the usage of language, rhetoric, and discursive strategies, such as mobilization techniques, in the press releases of the NRA. This helps in determining which frames the NRA uses to mobilize their followers for political action and to, perhaps, identify a mutation of the framing used. There are several reasons as to why this research is relevant. First, there has been little to no research on the NRA, the framing in their press releases over an extended period, and mobilization in response to the gun debate. Second, the gun debate is increasingly apparent in news media in the aftermath of school shootings and mass shootings in the past ten years. Under this constant pressure of mainstream media’s criticism and scrutiny, the NRA defends, advocates, and campaigns for gun rights in their press communications in times when gun rights are under threat. For instance, when calls for gun control legislation gain momentum and are close to being implemented in the US. In addition, the NRA supports political figures and candidates who advocate for similar interests such as gun rights, the preservation of hunting traditions, and the marketing of shooting sports. The NRA has to carefully consider what their press releases convey. In addition, the NRA constantly strategizes how they construct and disseminate press messages. A major reason for this is that the NRA needs to maintain a favorable image among supporters of gun rights. Especially at times when gun control gains support, in the aftermath of shootings for instance, it is important for the NRA to remain popular among gun rights proponents. Press releases can aid the NRA in disseminating their stance on these issues. Therefore this thesis is: To what extent has the National Rifle Association employed framing practices in press releases over the past ten years following mass shootings. In addition, has there been a mutation of these framing practices over time?

The research question consists of three sub questions: First, is the NRA using framing practices through their press releases? Second, if the NRA is framing, what frames do they use and how do they use these frames? Third, is there a noticeable mutation of framing and the frames used over the past ten years?

American gun culture and the Second Amendment have always been topics that garner a significant amount of media attention and mediatized discussion. One actor, or group perhaps, that often recurs in these discussions and news stories is the National Rifle

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Association (NRA). According to the NRA, the organization is the “foremost defender of Second Amendment rights” and the organization describes itself as the “premier firearms education organization in the world” (A brief history of the NRA 2018). In the news, the NRA is often dubbed as a lobby for the firearm industry or a group advocating for special interests, such as gun rights and firearm competence and firearm safety. However, terms such as “powerful gun lobby and most feared lobby” are also commonplace in news media as definitions for the organization (Downs 55). Indeed, the NRA is very often the subject of news, or at least a significant part of news stories regarding firearm legislation, firearm debates, and gun violence. A major reason for this is the NRA’s political power as a lobbying group for firearm legislation and for the firearm industry. As a lobbying group, the NRA is also very active within the American media landscape. The NRA firmly believes and fervently propagates that United States citizens have a constitutional right in owning and lawfully operating a firearm when considered necessary. This belief is much bigger than merely lobbying for gun rights and against gun control (Carlson 2009). NRA’s firm stance in propagating their own beliefs has led the organization to start and manage several types of media, which the NRA uses to disseminate these beliefs. Aside from the NRA’s general information outlets and operations focusing on gun rights, gun safety, marksmanship, and shooting competitions, the organization controls several websites and social media channels. The organization uses these channels to disseminate their own news content such as press releases.

The NRA has been an outspoken defendant and advocate of the Second Amendment in their communication towards the press as well as in their own press releases, specifically so in recent years (Steidley and Colen 2017). The NRA’s press releases are often strongly worded and appear confident of its own legitimacy. This means that the NRA is explicitly critical whenever they oppose a certain type of legislation and laudatory praising whenever they support a certain candidate or a certain type of legislation. A major reason for this is the NRA’s obvious political nature and its political ambition. With a membership total nearing five million people, the NRA has a significant amount of support from American gun rights enthusiasts (A brief history of the NRA 2018). Aside from these members, the NRA has ties with dozens of politicians, congress members, political and media organizations, and ties within the firearm and hunting industry (A brief history of the NRA 2018).

Past research examining the NRA’s press and communication operations identifies similarities between the NRA and social movement organizations (SMO), as the organization clearly voices particular social and political incentives in attempts to attract members while

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also exerting political power through its lobbying branch (Melzer 2009; Leddy 1987; Patrick 2003; Steidley and Colen 2017). However, the NRA is not a typical SMO; the NRA is a well-established and longstanding organization with a rich and professional history as a lobbying organization and as a gun rights advocate. SMOs are, at times, more temporary organizations or movements and less structurally organized and funded. The specific strategies SMOs use like mobilization techniques are, however, applicable to organizations like the NRA.

Nowadays, the NRA is almost a guaranteed political actor in the United States that exerts authority over firearms in political and legislative contexts. When it comes to news, however, firearms and the NRA itself are usually the subject of news accompanied by negative connotations. Specifically, news media thrive on violent events, conflicts, and the accompanying news and imagery. In other words, “If it bleeds, it leads” (Maguire et al. 465). In the case of gun violence, such severe events continuously reignite a fervent and polarized debate over gun control and firearm legislation in the United States (Callaghan and Schnell 2001). From 2015 until 2018, there have been 84 school shootings in the US, for example. There have been at least seven mass shootings accounting for over two hundred deaths and almost a thousand people injured in that same period. The American public and the American media often respond to this serious issue with the intent to prevent future shootings by calling for new or stricter regulations concerning firearms, albeit with little to no avail. In fact, for decades, a majority of the American people has voted for more gun control and the implementation of new regulations (Hemenway 2010). The failure to pass meaningful gun control legislation is mostly the result of an American consumer obsession with firearms and poor political incentive (Fraser 2016). To clarify, the latter means that politicians do not take the risk to advocate gun control legislation in fear of losing voters. Another factor that contributes is the powerful firearm industry with political and economic power through lobbying branches (Fraser 2016). Notable gun rights advocate groups, including the NRA, have responded to these calls with fierce opposing political incentives. In other words, these groups oppose most, if not any, forms of alteration to the Second Amendment. These groups have continued to propagate and defend gun rights through their own media and communication channels. This has made the issue of gun violence a more apparent and more widely discussed phenomenon in news media around the world.

The NRA, being a prominent figure in the media, has a certain duty in releasing press statements in response to tragic events, such as school shootings. This is simply part of their operations as a trustworthy and transparent political organization. This also means that the NRA has to construct their press releases in a manner that adheres to their own political ideas,

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as well as to the ideas of their members and partners. Specifically, gun rights enthusiasts and NRA members might expect the NRA to remain adamant in protecting gun rights. In fact, in times where gun ownership is under threat, these expectations might include the NRA still lauding the Second Amendment as an individual liberty and focus on other factors in the debate.

In contrast, gun control proponents hope in light of such severe events that gun control groups propose, campaign for, and pass stricter reform policies for firearm legislation. Similarly, gun control advocates might hope that the NRA calls for reform in solidarity with gun control advocates. Yet, it is highly unlikely that the organization shows any support for gun control advocates’ initiatives nor for politicians whom propose gun control acts. In fact, the NRA usually becomes even more adamant in their stance on the protection and propagation of the Second Amendment. One example that illustrates the NRA’s fervency as a supporter of gun rights is their response to the school shooting in Parkland Florida in February 2018 (killing 18). Instead of communicating their respect for the victims and their families of the shooting, the NRA chose to spread their presence on the internet. They did so by increasing the amount of ads of the organization of various social media, to argue that gun control is not the answer to gun violence (Morris 2018).

This is not the first time the biggest gun rights organization in the US acted in such a controversial manner in response to a school shooting. In 2002, after a school shooting occurred in Germany, NRA’s president at that time, Charlton Heston, made the international news by reiterating that “guns don’t kill people, people kill people” (Melzer 3). Ten years later, NRA’s executive vice president, Wayne LaPierre, responded to the Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting (in 2012) by stating, “the only thing that stops a bad guy with a gun is a good guy with a gun” (The Telegraph 2012). LaPierre prompted that the NRA would support and establish a National School Shield Emergency Response Program in attempts to place armed guards in American schools (Carlson 2009). Subsequently, news media picked up LaPierre’s statement and widely covered his comments in the aftermath of the Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting. The extensive and repeated coverage of the NRA’s press conference and LaPierre’s striking statement meant that both sides of the gun debate knew exactly what the NRA’s stance was on school shootings in the United States (Steidley and Colen 2017). The NRA uses the aforementioned statements, in past and contemporary press releases, as guiding frames in renouncing calls for stronger legislation for gun control.

Such tragic events and their consequent responses by political actors (as well as the NRA) generally affect the political and public debate and the political landscape in the United

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States. For instance, after the Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting, both the support for gun control grew and gun sales rose simultaneously. In addition, politicians in Washington are expected to form new (stricter) gun laws and regulations (Briggs 2017; Lytton 2006). To a certain extent, this example is indicative of an intensification of party affiliation as supporters and proponents mobilized and acted upon these events in a political fashion. Gun control supporters felt triggered to voice their concerns more explicitly and actively. In addition, more people joined this movement in solidarity with gun control and the victims of gun violence. On the other hand, Second Amendment supporters felt triggered to buy more guns. In other words, these supporters bought guns out of fear for oncoming restrictive legislations. This also showed support for the NRA. This particular event showed LaPierre and the NRA’s competence to stir up the international media’s agenda and the political debate regarding the Second Amendment. Although, mass shootings are also responsible for this mobilization, it also shows the NRA’s capability to capitalize on the momentum of this political debate. This mobilization on political issues is a phenomenon, which the NRA is very familiar with as it is part of their political ambition.

LaPierre’s response to the Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting defined the NRA’s stance on school shootings, as well as their beliefs on possible solutions, or lack thereof, for this mostly American problem. Consequently, this standpoint would apply to the NRA’s position in the firearm debate since 2012 until now. The NRA is very capable in shaping their press releases in ways that receive a lot of media attention and political responses. In other words, the NRA uses specific framing to achieve these outcomes, triggering a great amount of news coverage and media attention (Steidley and Colen 2017). The NRA uses framing practices to their advantage and these altered news messages happen to attract more attention. In turn, this benefits the NRA, as framing is a particular tool used by social movement organizations (SMO), and other political organizations, and necessary for a movement’s mobilization (Benford and Snow 2000; Gamson and Modigliani 1989; Lipsky 1968). In other words, the communication through press conferences and press releases are ways in which the NRA can speak to its members and followers. Through these press releases, the NRA can also stimulate their members to act on the NRA’s political incentives (Gamson and Modigliani 1989). Theories on social movements and theories on mobilization strategies are applicable to the NRA as the NRA employs similar techniques. This will be further discussed in the next section of this thesis, which is the theoretical framework.

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2. Theoretical Framework

2.1: The National Rifle Association: a debated but prominent figure in the media Formerly an organization most focused on promoting marksmanship and shooting as a sport, the NRA changed direction in the late 1970s. In 1976, the NRA founded its own political action committee (also known as PAC) to lobby and influence politics in the elections of 1976 (Wilcox and Bruce 1998). A year later, during a yearly meeting, NRA members replaced officials in its own administration to emphasize the organization’s role in politics even more strongly (Knox 2009). This event was later dubbed “The Cincinnati Revolution (Knox 2009). Under the leadership of the new president, Harlon Carter, the NRA’s administration became more politically charged and devoted to advocate gun rights and to combat gun control legislation in the United States (Davidson 1998). Consequently, Carter led the NRA to become and act as a social movement organization (Leddy 1987; Patrick 2003). Carter has played upon the role of the NRA’s members and succeeded in having these members vote or campaign along the lines of NRA’s political ambitions. Simultaneously, the NRA became more and more popular, achieving a membership total of more than three million people. As followed, the NRA started to further emphasize its political position and incentive through its lobbying branch, the Institute for Legislative Action (ILA or NRA-ILA) (Achenbach et al. 2013; Davidson 1998; O’Neill 2007; Utter 2015). Under Harlon Carter’s leadership, the NRA’s “annual budget multiplied several fold, to $66 million. The organization’s influence with officials also soared, to the dismay of gun control advocates” (Lambert 1991).

From Carter’s NRA presidency until the 1990s, the NRA continued to engage in lobbying efforts. Consequently, this period has defined the NRA’s notoriety as an influential group (Cook and Goss 2014; Reich and Barth 2017). The organization’s legislative branch successfully managed to lobby Congress, passing the Firearms Owners Protection Act (FOPA) in 1986. The FOPA revised some provisions of the Gun Control Act of 1968, which meant to enforce stricter regulations for holders of a Federal Firearms License (Knox 2009). In the years following FOPA, the NRA was incredibly successful in helping conservatives defend laws protecting gun rights (Cook and Goss 2014). The NRA also works alongside the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC). ALEC shapes legislation impeding further implementation of gun control and firearm safety laws. ALEC is a right wing and conservative organization who draft and share model state-level legislation, usually in the interests of big corporations (Van Wormer and Link 2015). NRA’s wealth and powerful

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position among legislators as a lobbying group in the firearm debate helps sustain their strong position as opposed to gun control groups (Van Wormer and Link 2015).

Part of the NRA’s strength is their amount of followers and their financial support in the firearm industry. Firearms sell well and gun rights enthusiasts do a good job in keeping the firearm industry commercially viable and profitable. Secondly, these same enthusiasts help sustain the NRA’s powerful position through mass donations and membership fees. On a yearly basis, the NRA receives around a hundred million dollars from members, of which a third (in 2014) was spent on the organization’s political incentives (Fraser 2016). However, it is easy to forget that not just the NRA has the ability to lobby and influence political policy as the firearm industry itself has enough clout of itself (Fraser 2016). That same firearm industry is a fervent supporter of the NRA. Aside from instating former executives from the firearm industry in the NRA administration, dozens of firearm manufacturers donated large sums of money in the past decade, with some donations exceeding in the millions of dollars (Ellis and Hicken 2015; Fraser 2016; Hickey 2013).

At the same time, the NRA also enjoys support from organizations within the firearm industry and American gun culture groups to the extent of controlling who is and who is not an acceptable member of this group. When gun rights advocates speak out against certain types of firearms, the NRA distances themselves from these people. The NRA might publicly call out this person on their actions. In the gun media, there is the well-known Zumbo incident. Jim Zumbo, a prominent hunting expert, opined in 2007: “Maybe I’m a traditionalist, but I see no place for these weapons among our hunting fraternity” (Utter 2015). Zumbo spoke about his disapproval of the use of semi-automatic rifles for hunting. As followed, the NRA suspended ties with Jim Zumbo, stating: “Comments expressed by outdoor writer Jim Zumbo reflect neither the opinions of the National Rifle Association and America’s gun owners, nor are they an accurate portrayal of facts in regard to semi-automatic firearms lawfully owned by millions of citizens” (NRA-ILA 2007). His employer Outdoor Life fired Zumbo and his ties with firearm manufacturer Remington and outdoor brand Mossy Oak were suspended in the following days (Anderson 2007). The aforementioned excerpt also shows how the NRA puts Zumbo’s statement in a bigger context, stating how America’s gun owners as an entire group must have felt about Zumbo’s statement. This is part of the organization’s framing strategies. In other words, the NRA was not employing scare tactics; simply showing the rest of the firearm industry and culture in the US that some beliefs about firearms do not fit in the beliefs set the NRA adheres to and propagates to its audience.

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NRA’s position in the media: prominence and criticism

The NRA has always been a prominent figure in American news media. At the same time, the organization has also been the subject of severe criticism from the media. Past research has shown that a great deal of American news media report on gun issues with a lack of objectivity, sometimes even leaning towards anti-gun propaganda (Patrick 2002). Specifically, in these colored messages, media write about groups or people with a specific stance in favor of gun rights. One such group is, of course, the NRA. To illustrate, the New York Times has, in the past, referred to “NRA’s executive director as ‘wild-eyed’ for his ‘mendacious, delusional, almost deranged rant” (Patrick 8). This type of language is quite confrontational and perhaps even upsetting coming from a quality and legacy news organization. Irrespective of the nature of the NRA’s politics, one would not expect such language from a supposed neutral journalistic organization. Quite clearly, the NRA’s press releases draw out firm responses from media, such as the New York Times. Still, in the aftermath of the Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting, news messages seemingly showing support of background checks (before buying a firearm) appeared to be overtly based on facts, not opinions (McGinty et al. 2016). In contrast, media disseminating messages opposing such background checks were often based on American (civil) rights, most prominently drawing from the Second Amendment (McGinty et al. 2016).

News media’s messages on gun violence can have a significant aftermath in terms of their political effects on the American public. For instance, the Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting and its accompanied news media coverage raised questions to what extent the American government implemented sufficient policies and lawful responses to gun rights and gun violence in America (McGinty et al. 2013). Consequently, the political effect was significant. Support for gun control grew while sales of gun control rose, and even negative attitudes towards people with mental health problems grew (Briggs 2017; Lytton 2006; McGinty et al. 2013). This example demonstrates how one tragic event and its subsequent media coverage, as well as sharing and opining through social media channels, challenge how the public perceives government.

In the past, news media also reported on stories involving the gun debate, and, in many cases, such stories often reported on the debate with a bias against proponents of the Second Amendment (Callaghan and Schnell 2001). However, these stories were not meant to propagate the opinion or bias of the news media organization. Neither were these stories part of anti-gun rights propaganda. Rather, these stories encompassed frames that did significantly better with audiences than ideals of journalistic integrity and objectivity (Callaghan and

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Schnell 2001). Nowadays, it is quite clear such news stories reach the NRA and draw out responses from the very top of the organization’s media department. Aside from its regular press releases, which the NRA disseminates online, the NRA also has its own media channel which focuses on television. On NRATV, media personalities and the NRA’s spokesperson often lash out at the NRA’s opponents. To exemplify, NRA’s spokesperson, Dana Loesch, recently claimed “mainstream media are the rat-bastards of the earth” [2:03]. Such rhetorical attacks are an illustration of one of the manners in which the NRA reacts to criticism of mainstream media and reflect an almost populist sentiment.

2.2: The NRA, its mobilization instruments and collective actions

Social movement organizations and group identity

As discussed in the introduction, research has examined the NRA’s mobilization strategies and their political intent as resembling strategies, which share similarities with social movement organizations’ strategies. In this thesis, theories on social movement organization strategies will also be applied to the NRA. Although by definition the NRA is a structured organization and not an SMO, it does employ mobilization instruments and collective actions, which are apparent among SMOs. Since there is an abundance of literature on these specific mobilization techniques, it is useful to apply this framework to an organization like the NRA. Furthermore, grassroots lobbying efforts and collective action frames will be discussed later on, as part of these strategies and as part of the NRA’s strategies.

An SMO is often a social actor, which has particular political ideas and incentives it is willing to implement and for which it usually requires a following or group of citizens supporting them (Esteve Del Valle 2015; McCarthy and Zald 1977). The social movement, in this case, is the general idea, belief, or ideology which the group or organization hopes to implement or realize (Morris and Staggenborg 2004). Consequently, this implementation is also the primary activity of an SMO, as well as mobilizing a following of people that share these ideas (Morris and Staggenborg 2004). For instance, Black Lives Matter, Occupy Wall Street, and People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA), are social movement organizations, to a certain extent. To clarify, one of the goals of PETA is to advocate veganism, as part of their belief in ethical treatment of animals (Maurer 2002). These ideas and their subsequent call for implementation qualify as the movement. However, one could argue, there are plenty of groups, which advocate for veganism or for animal rights (Maurer

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2002). PETA is a social movement organization, because they strategically organize and mobilize a group of people to advocate and demonstrate for these beliefs.

According to Taylor and Whittier, “all social movements, to varying degrees, produce culture” (163). To illustrate, social movements create a certain type of shared identity for a group of individuals. These individuals all share, to a certain degree, similar sets of beliefs and ideas. When it comes to the NRA, it is quite clear that its members are all supportive of the Second Amendment. There may be several other reasons for these members to follow and support the NRA and its politics, but the main collective binding element is the support for gun rights. Notably, a supporter of the Second Amendment does not have to be a member of the NRA. However, the members of the NRA have decided to be a member to supplement the gun rights industry with more than merely buying firearms and voting accordingly. Instead, these individuals have joined the NRA to emphasize their support of gun rights in a collective manner. This support is illustrative of a collective identity, as the members of the NRA share similar ideas and consistently reinforce these ideas upon each other (Taylor and Whittier 1995).

SMOs can also be understood as social actors, which use certain strategies to mobilize support through media. This can be media, which the organizations use themselves, or media as in external media outlets. Specifically, some SMOs need media attention to spread their message. In these media strategies, or tactics, there is a distinction between insider and outsider tactics (Andrews and Caren 2010). Outsider tactics include protests, marches, and sit-ins, for example, as a strategy for gaining media attention and mobilizing followers. Think of the Occupy movement, its name is even a direct reference to an outsider tactic. Meaning, the Occupy movement had followers do sit-ins and set up camps in cities. Another example of an SMO employing outsider tactics is Greenpeace. Protests, marches, and actual confrontations with the very people whose beliefs Greenpeace is a proponent of are very illustrative of outsider tactics. The key tactic here is often disruptive. In contrast, insider tactics fit within institutional guidelines and routines. Examples include, lobbying, press conferences, and press releases. Such tactics prove to be superior in attracting media attention than the more disruptive outsider tactics (Andrews and Caren 2010). Insider tactics are constitutional and organizations or SMOs employing insider tactics are usually closer in their relationship with the press (Andrews and Caren 2010). The NRA employs insider tactics as they use structured and organizational press communications, often in cooperation or in presence of mainstream media.

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A close relationship with media outlets is essential for a social movement. Albeit important for SMOs to have the ability to disseminate information on their own, the role of external media is just as important for information dissemination. An SMO thrives on media attention as SMOs succeed in framing through media channels (Gamson and Meyer 1996). Without such channels and without any form of media attention, the politics an SMO attempts to propagate are not brought to its intended audience. Therefore, SMO’s followers or members are not reached, which can negatively impact an SMO’s reputation (Gamson and Meyer 1996; Koopmans 2005). As outlined in the introduction, the NRA is often the subject of news in stories regarding firearm legislation. The fact that the NRA is so present in the media is important for the NRA itself, because it validates the organization’s position in the debate. In other words, as long as the organization is covered and its statements are incorporated in media reports, the public will assume the organization’s validity as an actor within the debate. Secondly, the presence of the NRA in the media also validates the organization’s position in the political situation. Opponents and proponents alike will accept the NRA’s position as long as the organization is prevalent enough. The NRA’s position in the political debate is further reinforced by media attention, because media attention translates to reaching an audience who can be motivated to act in accordance with political messages. In other words, SMOs and organizations alike need media attention to validate its position and to remain in that position by the followers they attract and reach through that same media attention (Gamson and Meyer 1996).

Can we apply social movement organization concepts to the NRA?

Gun rights organizations such as the NRA need and use media coverage to propagate their own legitimacy. Media coverage establishes the NRA’s position in the firearm debate and voices its incentives for an intended audience (Steidley and Colen 2017). Groups like the NRA, to a certain extent, have a very well strategized approach to reach an audience susceptible to the NRA’s strongest cultural and political beliefs. The media coverage the NRA attracts is not limited to coverage by news organizations like CNN or FOX News. Very often, it is the NRA using the media to spread its presence and its message. Horowitz and Anderson illustrate this extensively in Guns, Democracy, and the Insurrectionist Idea. They state:

Through various forms of mass media, such as television, radio, and billboards, [the NRA] reach sympathetic fellow travelers. . . Every two years (and especially in presidential election years), the roads and airwaves of rural and small-town America

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are filled with pleas to “Vote Freedom First” by supporting candidates backed by gun rights groups. (4)

Such attempts may be invisible to a mainstream public, as this example demonstrates how the NRA does not use specifically traditional mainstream media to reach voters. Instead, the NRA capitalizes on mobilizing voters and gaining members in the rural parts of the United States. In these the so-called flyover states, the NRA’s communications and media operations can change the outcome of elections. Consequently, it is also in these states where gun ownership is significantly higher than on the West Coast or in the North Eastern cities and states (Gun Ownership by State 2018). It is also in these states where the NRA enjoys more support than in other states where gun ownership is less apparent.

The NRA succeeds in pressuring and mobilizing its members and followers to vote accordingly, regardless of party affiliation (Cole 2016). This is interesting because it means the organization carefully plans its communication and press strategies to influence and affect elections. This effort to mobilize members is also known as grassroots lobbying. In other words, grassroots lobbying means that members of a certain group will contact legislators and government officials in attempts to affect decision-making processes. The NRA’s ability to mobilize such networks of individuals and groups of people can be essential in swinging groups of voters (Horowitz and Anderson 2009). And winning over these small groups of voters can make the difference during presidential elections (Horowitz and Anderson 2009). This is especially effective in the aforementioned fly-over states, where mainstream media has less of an impact. Notably, the Republican Party enjoys efforts by the NRA to support candidates that are pro-gun rights, whom are usually Republican candidates. The NRA’s lobbying branch and its ties in Washington further demonstrate this. Grassroots lobbying is, however, significantly different from the lobbying efforts of the NRA directly in the politics of Washington.

Notably, the NRA’s lobbying arm, the Institute for Legislative Action (NRA-ILA), has successfully exerted their political power to reach within the White House and even the Supreme Court. For instance, George W. Bush enjoyed fervent NRA support during his first term as President (Cole 2016). This support was rewarded by Bush’s subsequent appointment of justices John Roberts Jr. and Samuel Alito in 2005. Although justices of the Supreme Court are not supposed to voice a particular political affiliation, both justices were perceived as supportive of the NRA and not necessarily advocates for gun control (Cole 2016). Having justices in the Supreme Court who support your organization’s key beliefs is crucial in mobilizing followers and in, the long term, exerting political power in Washington. Given that

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justices are appointed for a lifetime tenure, the NRA further solidified the strong position of the Second Amendment with the appointment of justices Roberts Jr. and Alito.

To secure political influence in Washington, the NRA spends a lot of money. The NRA differs from other advocacy groups in that it used to be a significant soft money donor. According to James Chen, Director of Trading & Investing Content at Investopedia, “Soft money is money that is donated to political parties where the purpose is not to promote a specific candidate. Soft money is largely unregulated, and there is no cap on it” (2018). During George W. Bush’s election run, the NRA used adverts, donations, PAC contributions, and several other financial means worth an approximate of twenty million dollars, to support Bush (Boatright 2011). Clearly, the NRA showed their capability and ambition to influence election outcomes, even if it meant going in to debt (Boatright 2011). In 2002, despite having no particular stance on the act, George W. Bush signed the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act into law in attempts to curb the financing of political campaigns through external corporations. The NRA answered and launched a radio station to “qualify as a media organization and [to] present programming during the election season” (Boatright 142). These events have not been able to limit the NRA’s resources nor their capability to use them correctly. The NRA still receives and raises a significant budget each year to engage in political sponsorship and lobbying. According to a Mother Jones article, the NRA “set a fundraising record in 2016, taking in a staggering $366 million . . . [participating] in political campaigns, [the NRA] spent $412 million in 2016” (Kroll and Choma 2018). These figures exclude the income and expenditures of the NRA’s political action committee (PAC) (Kroll and Choma 2018). The wealth of the NRA is one of the organization’s most powerful assets, allowing the organization to execute its political activities. In other words, the NRA can affect political processes simply because the organization has a lot of money and is able to properly use the money for lobbying and campaigning activities.

The defining role of a social movement organization’s leader

Much of a social movement organization’s public image and cultural identity is in the hands of a social movement’s leader (Morris and Staggenborg 2004). A social movement leader is mostly the face of a social movement’s campaigns and one of the most prominent members of said social movement. In the case of the NRA, leaders such as Harlon Carter and Wayne LaPierre have made a significant impact on the organization’s image as well as the organization’s politics, ability to attract and mobilize followers, and relationship with the media. In press releases, annual meetings, and press conferences, social movement leaders

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have a key position to determine and convey frames, which are in line with the organization’s social or political incentive (Morris and Staggenborg 2004). In other words, social movement leaders greatly affect the actual performance of the social movement’s information dissemination. As previously stated, press releases are an example of this performance. This is also why an SMO’s leader will often lead a press conference, a speech, or have his or her name signed at the bottom of a press release. Because then it seems as if the SMO’s leader wrote the press release and it makes the message appear more personal, from leader to member.

Quite often, the NRA employs language meant to provoke and cause controversy, to draw public attention. However, the NRA’s harsh and provocative language has not always caused positive results for the organization. For instance, in 1996, George Bush Sr. resigned his membership of the NRA. He did this after the NRA’s executive vice president, Wayne LaPierre, had referred to American federal law enforcement agents as “jack-booted thugs” in a statement made in response to the Waco siege (The New York Times 1995). This example illustrates how one comment in a press release can trigger a very serious and negative response. In other words, the NRA’s comments on the Waco siege lost them the support of Bush, a powerful political ally.

The Waco-incident caused the NRA to receive a lot of negative publicity and in response, the NRA wanted to improve their public image. Part of this new direction was a new president, as elected by members, which prompted a movement towards focusing on the Second Amendment’s role in everyday life instead of tough political talk and action (Elsbach 2003). This campaign included advertisements featuring prominent and well-known NRA members such as former president Charlton Heston and actor Tom Selleck (Elsbach 2003). The NRA became less disruptive and confrontational in its approach. Instead, the organization focused on creating an image, which their followers would support, respect, and be proud of. The Waco-incident illustrates the effect the choice of language or frames can have on an SMO’s following, especially when such a statement comes from the most prominent member of said SMO.

2.3: The National Rifle Association, press releases, and framing

Framing, packages, and meaning construction

As discussed earlier, the NRA employs similar strategies that are common among social movements in disseminating their politics through press releases. For the NRA, the content of

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press releases ranges from political endorsements to information or advocacy on safety measures when handling a firearm (Steidley and Colen 2017). While each press release might have a different topic, the NRA can still frame their messages to convey their politics. In other words, the NRA packages the politics or discourse with the press release (Benford and Snow 2000; Gamson and Modigliani 1989). A significant part of media discourse consists of different sets of packages. These are also called media packages. The function of these packages is to help give meaning to relevant actualities, events, or certain issues (Gamson and Modigliani 1989). Consequently, this giving of meaning can be altered to an extent that is called framing. Each package conveys a core idea, also known as a frame, and contributes to the construction of meaning or reality (Gamson and Modigliani 1989). Framing is also a means for SMOs to shape and share meaning of issues, which might be too complex for followers to grasp. This also helps SMOs followers to understand their place within the problem and its distinction with the public (Johnston and Noakes 2005). Besides framing processes’ function of meaning construction, framing processes also play a role in constructing the identity of a social movement itself (Snow 2004). In other words, if certain frames occur more often than others do, it is likely that the organization’s identity is more closely linked to the more often-recurring frames than to the frames that appear less.

SMOs tend to discuss issues from a different perspective in order to stress certain issues as more important than others. In other words, SMOs use discourse and framing practices to put issues in a different light. SMOs do this to serve and achieve their political incentives. To exemplify, the NRA looks at legislative issues and focuses on the implications for the Second Amendment (Steidley and Colen 2017). If a certain bill aims to implement gun control, the NRA will stress how this legislation aims to ban guns. The NRA will not discuss how this legislation aims to curb gun violence, because they do not agree with these arguments. In other words, the NRA frames issues with the protection of the Second Amendment in mind. According to Steidley and Colen, the NRA uses a Second Amendment package repeatedly in press releases to frame topics about firearms (2017). Simply put, when the NRA discusses these topics, the Second Amendment is discussed in a positive sense and gun control is discussed in a negative sense.

Organizations that support certain press packages on a professional, commercial, or political level are defined as sponsors (Gamson and Modigliani 1989). In general, a sponsor is a professional organization, which takes interest in propagating a specific message or incentive (Gamson and Modigliani 1989). This incentive can be political, for example. Such sponsors usually target groups of people, rather than individuals. SMOs, in this case the NRA,

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is thus the sponsor of specific packages related to firearms legislation (Earl 2004). Consequently, the movement’s sponsorship of certain specific packages can affect a public’s opinion on the issues these packages report on (Earl 2004). The term sponsorship also refers to the sponsor’s ability to mobilize a following and to affect meaning construction through framing, which, in part, is possible for sponsors because of their political ties and/or wealth.

Framing as a form of meaning construction is a type of press strategy that is a necessary tool for organizations like the NRA to build group identity. In other words, the press releases can help the NRA in disseminating their beliefs and politics, which resonate with a group of people, which then makes this group of people feel a stronger connection with their fellow members (Benford and Snow 2000; Taylor and Whittier 1995). Simply put, framing processes can bring likeminded individuals together and suggest that such individuals share a group identity (Laraña et al. 1994). For the NRA, supporters come together at the NRA’s annual meetings. Here, the supporters can talk and discuss their shared beliefs as well as enjoy speeches and workshops by notable partners and members of the organization. For individuals with specific ideas and beliefs, it is important to have their worldview acknowledged by likeminded individuals. For the SMOs that sponsor these ideas, it is important to group these individuals together, so that these groups of people can further spread the SMO’s incentives. In order to achieve these outcomes, SMO’s need to employ frames which construct meaning, build group identity, and act upon political incentives as a collective.

Master frames and collective action frames

Master frames are frames, which appear consistently in communications made by SMOs (Snow and Benford 1992). To a certain extent, master frames cluster the rhetoric of a social movement organization. For the NRA, a master frame can be constitutional rights, as the NRA strongly supports gun rights, which are derived from the United States Constitution. In other words, the gun rights frame relies on a constitutional rights master frame. SMOs employ packages (as discussed earlier), which SMOs generally derive from master frames (Steidley and Colen 2017). Meaning, press packages contain a core idea or frame, which belongs to a master frame. For instance, if the NRA disseminates press releases, which employ an ‘advocacy of safety and law’ package, then that package is part of a master frame of law. Specifically, such a package and the master frame itself are illustrative of the SMO’s character or identity. In a study by Steidley and Colen on the media coverage of the NRA’s press releases, the NRA employed “master frames of rights, law, and safety” and adjusted

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their press packages to these master frames (617). When master frames are tied to political incentives or lobbying efforts, as is often the case for SMOs, then these frames become collective action frames.

Collective action frames are a specific type of framing process in which an SMO attempts to mobilize and employ a collective of people to create social or political change (Benford and Snow 2000). According to Snow, collective action frames “focus attention by punctuating or specifying what in our sensual field is relevant and what is irrelevant, what is in frame and what is out of frame” (384). These frames need to resonate with this group of people to make an impact and to cause this group of people to act on said frame (Benford and Snow 2000; Morris and Staggenborg 2004; Ryan 1991). Consequently, a collective action frame needs to move past this resonance and actually achieve some sense of prominence within the culture or target group (Williams 2004). In other words, the SMO needs to convey a sense of urgency to mobilize this following. As discussed in chapter 2, this type of mobilization because of framing demonstrates grassroots lobbying. In the case of the NRA, grassroots lobbying can be the consequence of the NRA telling its members that they have to vote in order to prevent gun control legislation from passing. Simply put, grassroots lobbying is the NRA’s members voting for the candidates the NRA tell the members to vote for. In order for this to happen, the NRA’s members need to feel complied to vote for an NRA supporter. To a certain extent, these members need to feel a sense of urgency. If the NRA succeeds in mobilizing their members to vote for a specific candidate, the NRA succeeds in grassroots lobbying. Furthermore, the NRA might reach other people, who are not members of the NRA, and convince them to vote for candidates that support the NRA. This is even more positive for the organization and results in even more influence in elections.

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3. Research Design

Data

The NRA and its lobbying branch, NRA-ILA, upload their press releases to nraila.org. The NRA has uploaded most press releases from 1999 onwards to this website and they are freely accessible. The data for this research will be collected from this website. Not all shootings trigger a mediated response by the NRA. Instead, there is often a period of silence, followed by a press release responding to possible gun control regulations. In other words, the data consists of press releases that mention the shooting that happened, but the data also consists of press releases that discuss completely different topics. These press releases are included because they also contain discourse and they might contain framing processes. This allows for an analysis of both press releases that directly refer to shootings and an analysis of press releases that do not refer to shootings.

Sampling

The sample for this research has been selected in line with the research question and focuses on a hundred different press releases following mass shootings in the United States in the last ten years. There is no fixed definition of a mass shooting (in the US). However, a common definition is noted by the Congressional Research Service and states a mass shooting to be “a multiple homicide incident in which four or more victims are murdered with firearms, within one event, and in one or more locations in close proximity" (Krouse and Richardson 2015: 2). This definition will be used whenever mass shootings are referred to in this research. Subsequently, this definition forms the basis for this sample. Meaning, no shootings will be taken into account that do not apply to this specific definition and number of casualties.

The data for this research has not been chosen at random. Instead, the sample is purposive. This research and specifically the research question, aims to answer if the NRA is framing, how they are framing, and third, if there has been a mutation of these framing practices in the past ten years. The analysis includes a specific sample of a hundred press releases to remain concise enough so each press release can be analyzed carefully and closely. Consequently, a purposive sample allows for a structured approach in the analysis, which helps in shaping the discussion and answering the research question (Bryman 2016). In addition, purposive samples often consist of a variety of data through both period and context (Bryman 2016). Specifically, for this research, the eleven deadliest mass shootings in the past

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ten years (by casualties and injuries) are analyzed. Consequently, the timeframe is 2009 until 2018.

These periods have been chosen because they are significant indicators for reigniting debates and political discourse surrounding gun rights in the US (Briggs 2017; Callaghan and Schnell 2001; Lytton 2006). Simultaneously, as demonstrated in the theoretical framework, these moments usually trigger a response by the NRA, in which the organization speaks to its followers and employs political strategies. The NRA pulls support from moments when gun rights are threatened most severely. Through alarmist rhetoric, which is part of the NRA’s political mobilization strategies, the NRA speaks to its members and followers. As a consequence, gun rights enthusiasts massively purchase guns and ammunition in fear of missing out or in fear of a gun ban, which, in return, boosts NRA support (Reich and Barth 2017; Spitzer 2015). These incidents, as discussed earlier, usually happen in light of mass shootings or school shootings in the United States.

In order for the sample to remain a hundred press releases, a couple of shootings were not considered for this analysis. These are the Umpqua Community College shooting, the Geneva County Massacre, the Thousand Oaks shooting and the Pittsburgh synagogue shooting. Either these shootings happened during the writing of this thesis or they were left out because they were less severe than others were. Finally, in 2014, 2011, and 2010 there were no mass shootings in the US.

Method

For this research, I will employ a discourse analysis. This type of method is a qualitative approach and helps in analyzing the press releases to an extensive and in-depth level. One of the major reasons for choosing discourse analysis is because this method focuses on the representations presented in texts or, in this case, press releases. Meaning, the results will indicate what frames the NRA include in press releases and how these frames are selected in response to events like mass shootings. In addition, this method is also useful in examining how the NRA identifies and constructs reality and relations of power between the organization and its members. In contrast with quantitative methods, qualitative approaches to research are more suited in examining a constructed reality; the frames within the texts (or press releases) are part of this. The press releases are thus seen as part of the NRA’s discourse or instruments, which carry and convey political ideas. The language within the press releases is, when employing discourse analysis, seen and approached as an instrument in which specific patterns, preferences, and interests are used deliberately.

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Discourse analysis can also be fruitful in giving indications on “the intentions of the author of a text or utterance, politically dominant ideologies, or the potential impact . . . on a certain audience” (Carvalho 2000: 3). Consequently, in analyzing the NRA’s press releases, applying a discourse analysis might find and “identify significant debates, controversies, and silences” (Carvalho 2008: 166). In other words, discourse analysis looks at texts and the language used within them as intentionally crafted messages, where the author(s) decide what is written and what is left out (Fowler 1991).

For the analysis of the press releases, I will employ Carvalho’s framework as outlined in Media(ted) discourse and society: Rethinking the framework of Critical Discourse Analysis. There are several reasons for doing so. First, the textual analysis of Carvalho’s framework offers a structured approach to the construction of meaning (and framing) in a text. Second, the contextual analysis allows for the analysis of context beyond the text itself. Given that this thesis does not look at other sources or coverage of the shootings by other news outlets, the contextual analysis in this paper will slightly deviate from the framework outlined in Carvalho’s paper. Because Carvalho’s contextual analysis focuses on the number of texts dedicated to one specific event, outside of the texts that are analyzed (Carvalho 2008). Since this thesis focuses on press releases, there will be no analysis of other news articles or texts concerning the shootings. Instead, it will be sufficient to examine to what extent (in length of each press release, for example) each shooting is covered by the NRA in their press releases. In addition, the contextual analysis will still be useful in examining the change (or lack thereof) in the press releases over time. For instance, the contextual analysis will help identify differences or similarities in the ten years of press releases that are analyzed.

Carvalho’s framework is also suitable for this research because discourse analysis and the mutation or evolvement of discourse over time is captured in focusing on continuity and discontinuity (Carvalho 2008). In other words, it is very manageable to analyze how the NRA frames specific legislative issues or issues about gun politics and whether there has been a change in framing over time through Carvalho’s framework and its textual analysis. Furthermore, discourse analysis looks at continuity; which frames are apparent over time and what the NRA selectively leaves out of press releases. Through discourse analysis, patterns are more easily identified (Carvalho 2008). The analysis is also meant to be very thorough and in-depth, which justifies a slightly smaller and manageable sample than in quantitative content analyses.

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4. Results

The research question consists of three sub questions: First, is the NRA using framing practices through their press releases? Second, if the NRA is framing, what frames do they use and how do they use these frames? Third, is there a noticeable mutation of framing and the frames used over the past ten years? Consequently, the ten press releases that followed a mass shooting were analyzed. In some cases, there was an overlap between shootings. This meant that within the ten press releases following one shooting, another shooting occurred. Still, the amount of press releases analyzed remained a total of hundred. The three sub questions of the research question are answered respectively in the following section.

4.1: Framing in the NRA’s press releases

As for the first sub question, it is quite clear that the NRA employs frames in their press releases. This finding was already suggested in the theoretical framework and in previous studies on the NRA’s press operations. This research discovered the same finding. The NRA approaches political and societal issues with a preconceived political standpoint and bias. In addition, the NRA also uses the press releases to inform their members on certain topics and encompasses political consequences of certain events and how the NRA perceives these events and issues. Consequently, the public that reads these press releases might perceive the same issues in a similar fashion, as they might trust the NRA as a credible organization. Objectively, the NRA’s messages in press releases all differ in terms of content. Some press releases paid attention to a bill regarding firearm ownership. Others paid attention to hunting or wildlife preservation. Most of these press releases featured some form of discourse or rhetoric, which were observable as recurring in patterns. These patterns are highlighted and noted in the Appendix and show in systematic fashion how the NRA approaches actors and objects (themes) with regard to news events and issues within their press releases. In addition, discursive strategies were examined and outlined. These discursive strategies identified positioning and legitimation as part of the NRA’s framing practices.

4.2: Press packages, frames, and their characteristics

As for the second sub question, the analysis helped identify the frames as part of press packages the NRA used. This research identified seven specific packages in the NRA’s press releases. Some of the packages overlapped or were used in the same press release. However, there was still a noticeable distinction for the following seven press packages:

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▪ Safety and legislation ▪ Response to gun violence

▪ Political endorsement and political advertisement ▪ Political condemning and political critique ▪ Announcement or statement

To clarify, the NRA employs frames to tell their public what is happening and in what manner it is relevant or whether it is not. Framing is part of shaping reality or in shaping the meaning of issues to a specific audience. Packages consist of multiple themes or ideas, which relate to a frame and structurally “negotiate an issue’s meaning over time” (Rohlinger 480). The seven packages that were identified during this research are discussed, within context, below.

These findings share similarities with the aforementioned study of Steidley and Colen, which identified and named press packages used by the NRA and the Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence and the news coverage of these packages by the New York Times (Steidley and Colen 2017). This research identified multiple packages, which share the same definition and characteristics as in the Steidley and Colen research. However, this research differs in that it analyzes the press releases and their corresponding packages more extensively, for its content, its language and rhetoric, as well as the discursive strategies and the mutation of the usage of these packages over time. Still, the Steidley and Colen study identified some of the packages discussed below earlier and thus the definition of this research sometimes overlaps slightly.

Second Amendment rights and freedoms:

One of the most often-recurring package of frames is Second Amendment rights and freedoms. This package consists of multiple themes including firearm ownership, the firearm industry, trade, firearm use, and talk of the Second Amendment in legislative and lawful contexts. To illustrate, in a press release about the NRA’s support of pro-Second Amendment bills in Iowa, the NRA responds to the issue on the grounds of the Second Amendment’s principles:

Like Americans everywhere, the people of Iowa know the government cannot always protect them and they want the ability to defend themselves and their families. These

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bills [will] make it easier for law-abiding Iowans to exercise their constitutional right to self-protection. Our members and supporters are politically savvy and they vote. (February 24, 2016)

The aforementioned example illustrates how the NRA prioritizes the Second Amendment as a guiding legislative framework for rights and liberties and how they portray gun rights as essential for self-defense: this is the main idea or frame. The “rights” part of this press package refers to the NRA propagating the constitutional right of American citizens to keep and bear arms. Any adaptation of the Second Amendment is, according to the NRA, an infringement of an individual’s rights. The “freedoms” refer to the liberty American citizens should have, according to the NRA, to exercise their Second Amendment as they please, within the law. Whether that is hunting with a rifle or owning a specific type of magazine that carries more than twenty rounds of ammo, the NRA will defend a great deal of actions with regard to gun ownership or gun use within the law. To illustrate, this press release referencing a San Francisco ordinance making it mandatory for gun owners to store their weapons in a locker, it becomes clear how the NRA views these measures:

The San Francisco ordinance infringes on the right to keep and bear arms by forcing residents, no matter what their personal circumstances, to store their handguns in a way that makes it impossible to immediately access a functional handgun for self-defense or to defend one's family . . . “Law-abiding Americans should have the freedom to choose how to protect themselves, based on their personal situation,” concluded Cox. “No local, state or federal government should dictate this decision.” (May 20, 2009)

An interesting manner of framing the ordinance is the focus on self-defense, people’s personal situation, and the role of government. The NRA poses the right to have guns as something that is essential for self-defense, and the San Francisco ordinance is neglecting the importance of this right by restricting the free usage and carriage of firearms. With this statement, the NRA identifies the ordinance as a threat.

American heritage and traditions:

This package of frames captures the American people and their relation with firearms and its cultural tradition. For instance, themes such as hunting and shooting sports are important

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activities for the NRA. Long before the NRA began advocating gun rights on a political and nationwide scale, the organization focused on marksmanship and shooting sports. To the NRA, cultural traditions are part of an American heritage that must be preserved and that is protected under the Second Amendment. The press releases mention hunting in particular as a family affair, which must be passed on to future generations. One example that illustrates the importance of hunting to the NRA is a press release, which touches upon hunter recruitment and the declining number of American hunters:

Hunting is a cherished American pastime that must be preserved and encouraged. This legislation ensures future generations of hunters will have the opportunity to safely learn about, and participate in, our hunting heritage . . . Hunter recruitment is critical to the long-term preservation of America’s hunting heritage, as hunter numbers are declining. (June 1, 2009)

Other themes include NRA activism and membership initiatives as the ideal representatives of the NRA’s core beliefs. The NRA owes a significant amount of their credibility as a lobbying organization to its members and their grassroots activity, which have helped to pass pro-gun laws in the past. A press release referencing members’ activity demonstrates the NRA’s beneficial relationship with their members:

NRA-ILA Executive Director Chris W. Cox presented Riley with the Youth Leadership Award at the NRA’s January 2018 board meeting. “Riley is the future of gun rights in America,” said Glen Caroline, NRA-ILA Grassroots Programs & Campaign Field Operations Director. “Riley played a critical role in turning out the pro-Second Amendment vote in southern Virginia. Now, more than ever, we need to honor our young activists such as Riley because they will be leading our fight for freedom in the coming years.” (January 17, 2018)

This excerpt, along with the aforementioned press release on hunting, also shows that the NRA wants to emphasize its appeal to American families and not just to individual gun owners. In other words, the NRA emphasizes its appeal to families and to younger generations in the hope that their incentives are passed on. Specifically, in this excerpt, the NRA notes Riley to be a fighter for freedom. This puts the emphasis on how the NRA’s membership is activism for the preservation of the Second Amendment as an all-American

The NRA Framing Mass Shootings in Press Releases