Willem Speelman 10431705
Universiteit van Amsterdam
Approaching the next generation
Content
Introduction
Chapter 1: Union decline
1.1 Changes in the nature of work and workers
1.2 Political atmosphere
Theoretical framework
Chapter 2: Young people: a difficult group to engage with?
2.1 Disadvantaged on the labour market: a reason to join?
2.2 Anti-union attitudes
2.3 Non-standard workers: clustering of unfavorable conditions
2.4 ‘Never seriously thought about it’
Chapter 3: Union approaches towards Young People
3.1 Union identity
3.2 Business unionism: a market approach
3.3 Political unionism
3.4 Confessional unionism
3.5 Oppositional identities
3.6 Dutch union landscape
3.7 Engaging with young people
3.8 Practical questions
3.9 Framing
3.10 Activating elements
3.11 Frame alignment
3.12 Overcoming the free-rider problem
Methodology
Chapter 4: Research methods
4.1 Research question
4.2 Case description
4.3 Operationalization of concepts
4.4 Data
4.5 Analysis
4.6 Reflecting comments
Analysis
Chapter 5: Young & United: ‘half wage, full work’
5.1 Practical questions
5.2 Frame: half wage for full work
5.3 Overcoming the free-riders problem
5.4 Other expressions of union identity
5.5 Evaluation
5.6 Concluding remarks
Chapter 6: Try the union ‘your partner for income and work’
6.1 Practical questions
6.2 Frame: rights and duties of employees
6.3 Overcoming the free-riders problem
6.4 Other expressions of union identity
6.5 Evaluation/results
6.6 Concluding remarks
Overview of comparison between projects
Conclusion
Discussion and reflection
Literature used
Annex
Overview of data
Topic list interviews
Abstract
This qualitative research compares case studies of two projects organized by unions to engage with young people within the Netherlands. One is a public campaign and the other a recruitment effort at vocational schools. I explain how the frames that are used to mobilize adherents create and reflect union identities. The public campaign is an expression of an organizing identity, a reformulation of political unionism. The union functions as a social movement and subscribes to political unionism. Injustice is directed at the legislation combined with an activist stance.The campaign attracts young people on the basis of collective identity and collective benefits, while resisting recruitment on the basis of individual benefits. An active version of membership is proposed which tries to emancipate young people by making them activists. The recruitment effort expresses mostly an identity of business unionism with a focus on the labour market. Using an economic perspective, costs for joining are presented as low while the mainly individual benefits are presented as high. The membership proposed is passive in nature. The recruitment effort in vocational schools has more success in member gains, the public campaign might produce members that are more committed to their union.
Introduction
Union power in Western Europe is dwindling. Contrary to the organization of workers in the past a workers’ disorganization is occurring. (Western, 1995). As a result of a steady declining and aging membership, the existence of unions is at stake, thereby changing the structure of labour
representation within western societies. The role that unions can play in the 21st century depends on their success in engaging with future generations to rejuvenate the ranks of membership. This research will focus on one of the groups that seems hard to engage with: young people. I will qualitatively analyze two projects aimed at approaching young people set up by the two biggest union confederations in the Netherlands. When unions interact with an audience of young people, they will most likely present themselves in a certain way by using interpretations of reality, which I will call frames. That means that they will put forward their perspective on the role of unions in society, young people in relation to unions, the meaning of membership and reasons for joining. These frames used by unions will relate to union identity in two ways. Firstly, they can reflect existing union identities. Secondly, they have the ability to create certain ideas in the minds of their audience. Such ideas, of what a union is and what a union should do, are likely to create future union identity. My research question is: How are union identities expressed in frames unions use to engage with young people?
The question is relevant for three reasons. First, it gives insight in the frames that are used to approach young people. Such an understanding is meaningful as the success or failure of approaching this demographic group is crucial to union survival. Secondly, it shows what kind of union is presented to the target audience of young people. The case study gives an example of how union identities are currently expressed while unions recruit new members. Thirdly, the question relates to future interpretative orientations of unions. The young people of now will be the union member base of tomorrow. Hence, the union identity that is expressed to them now has an effect on future union identities.
Before I come back to my research questions and my main concepts I will outline the context of my theme. First I will write about union decline in general, with specific attention to young people. Secondly I will map out my theoretical framework. The framework includes a description of distinctive union identities. After this, I will deal with practical questions of approaching young people, framing and ways of overcoming the free rider problem.. In my analysis I will show how the two approaches expresses distinctive union identities. The scientific relevance of this research is an inquiry in the ways unions fight for their survival by engaging with future generations. The way in
which this is done both reflects and creates identities and shapes the both the quantity and quality of union members of the future.
1. Union decline
Trade unions are an important aspect of industrial relations: they represent workers within capitalist systems as they struggle for wages, working conditions or political change. Historically, the labour movement has had influence on economic development and the growth of welfare states. A union consists of members who pay a fee for their membership. Unions represent their members in wage negotiations. Members, then, can strike to put pressure on negotiations or act as activists during demonstrations. Writing about membership, the basis for unions, there are mainly two indicators for union size: union density and absolute membership. The former refers to membership relative to the total labour force, indicating union size as a percentage. The second one describes membership in absolute numbers (Bryson, Ebbinghaus & Visser, 2011; Western, 1995). In an expanding labour market a union could have an increase in absolute membership, if retention and recruitment is higher than membership loss, while at the same time experiencing a decrease in union density. Throughout Europe, union membership is falling. Starting in the 1980’s and continuing today, union density levels and absolute membership levels have declined. ‘Although membership losses were concentrated in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and in (East) Germany, after 2000 union density rates fell in all 27 EU member states, with the possible exception of Belgium.’ (Bryson, Ebbinghaus & Visser, 2011; p. 98). The Netherlands falls in this pattern of union decline. In a report of the Dutch Central Bureau for Statistics, with the revealing title Who is still member of a union?, the union density rate (more or less stable in the period 2012-2016) is an average of 19,3% (CBS,2018). This used to be around 35% in 1979, dropped until 1987 to around 24% after which it stabilized and slightly recovered in the 1990’s. In the 2000’s the downward trend continued, it is highly likely that union density will drop lower in the years to come. (Ter Steege et al., 2012)
Having established a general downward trend of union density in Western-Europe and the
Netherlands specifically, it is important to go deeper into the relationship between membership and unions. Why is membership so fundamental for unions?
The relationship between membership and union power can sometimes become obscured. As unions have become established (as in the Netherlands), they have gained a position as a social institution at the collective bargaining table. Despite the downward trend in union density, three out of four employees in the Netherlands still fall under a collective labour agreement negotiated by one of the Dutch Unions (De Beer, 2018). One could be tempted to think that the high level of collective bargaining shows that unions can still function quite well despite lower union density. It would be a mistake to think so. In unions’ role as social movements and social institutions, members are a
prerequisite for union power. There are three important elements in membership as a source of union vitality: mobilization, representation and finances.
Firstly, the potential for mobilization is what gives unions weight within collective bargaining. Collective agreements are reached in the context of unions having a possibility to strike as a show of force and to damage employers economically (De Witte, 2000). The same goes for influencing government policy: union density levels indicate possibilities for mobilization and putting on pressure to protect workers’ rights (Bryson, Ebbinghaus & Visser, 2011). Related to mobilization is the idea of representation. In bargaining with employers, the legitimacy of union negotiators is based on which segment of the factor ‘labour’ they represent. Unions representing a majority of workers in a sector are likely to have more legitimacy than a union representing a mere 10%. Low representation undermines the legitimacy of the union, not only in the eyes of an employer but also from a governmental perspective because the union can claim less representation of workers. Together with a lower potential for mobilization, this significantly weakens the unions’ negotiation position. Furthermore, unions depend financially on membership fees for their resources. Less members means less resources to mobilize, organize, recruit or give services to members. If unions are already small they have less resources to sustain their organizations and become even more vulnerable to union decline. It is thus not surprising that the smallest losses within the 18 OECD countries occurred in countries where the labour unions were already the biggest (Western, 1995, p. 182)
Organization of workers (starting at the end of the 19th century) has resulted in a bigger potential for the labour force to influence the development of capitalist societies in the domains of economy and politics. The decrease in union density indicates disorganization of workers. The potential for labour to influence capitalist development is undermined. (Western, 1995). In the Dutch context De Beer (2018) names a few consequences of the weakening of Dutch union power. Examples are: a lack of wage increases, more flexible work, dodging of collective bargaining deals by employers and risks being unevenly distributed towards employees. Work, salary and working conditions are central to many people’s lives. Union decline reshapes the possibilities to influence these conditions as a worker. What are some of the causes of union decline?
1.1 Changes in the nature of work and workers
The rise of unions is situated in an era of industrialization and expansion of the welfare state, a time when the class of ‘the worker’ emerged. The ‘traditional’ union member is mainly speaking, a white
industry and public sector, the sectors which were growing in time of union expansion. From the 80’s onward, a structural shift in the job market occurred. A more integrated world economy based on free trade has increased international dependence, causing fluctuations in supply and demand. Economic crises can cause rising unemployment which undermines union power. If the supply of labour is far bigger than the demand, unions have a weaker negotiating position. This goes both for bargaining and the political sphere. Moreover, manufacturing jobs started to move to lower wage countries while at the same me the the poorly unionized private service sector grew. Fluctuating economies called for more flexible types of labour. A consequence is an increased demand for flexibility (Western, 1995; De Beer, 2018). Non-standard employment contracts started to appear as previously excluded demographic groups entered the labour market such as women and people with an immigrant background. Unions, adapted to the manufacturing jobs in large companies or
government institutions, seem less able to recruit members in smaller service based firms. The ‘non-standard’ worker is hard to reach (Bryson, Ebbingshaus & Visser, 2011). As a result of not being able to establish themselves among the ‘non-standard’ workers, union density and absolute membership levels dropped. Currently, women, young people, flexible workers, commercial service sector workers and migrants are underrepresented in union ranks. (CBS, 2018; De Beer, 2018, p. 3,)
1.2 Political atmosphere
A political shift that happened is also seen as a cause. The rise of neoliberal thinking in the 1980s was accompanied by a shift to the right in politics. Right wing parties took over parliamentary
representation from social democratic parties. Western (1995) argues that social democratic (and other left-wing) parties give space to the political influence of unions. When right-wing parties form governments unions lose political influence. The 1980’s also witnessed austerity policies, cuts in welfare benefits and public employment (a sector associated with unions). ‘In sum, where prolabour parties lost power, unions’ organizing capacity weakened’ (Western, 1995; p. 188). In certain
countries this was accompanied with a decentralization of collective bargaining, further undermining the position of unions (Western, 1995). As I am focused on the Netherlands, which still has a
tradition of collective bargaining I will limit my scope and not focus on decentralization. It however might have also played a role here.
Besides political representation, a neoliberal way of thinking undermines collective organization in the sense that problems, like unemployment and low wage, are more and more individualized. That means that individual shortcomings are seen as causes of problems instead of collective problems. When problems are not collectively defined they are also less likely to be collectively solved.
Combined with the rise of employment in smaller, non-unionized work sectors, it makes the union membership less of an internalized logic. Workers seem to be less convinced that it is in their interest to join a union, especially if the immediate benefits are not always visible (De Beer, 2018). Collective identity, as I will argue later, is an important basis for attracting members.
Theoretical framework
2. Young people: a difficult group to engage with?
I now zoom into a specific group that I see as crucial for the future of unions, young people. Whether unions will succeed in attracting young people will determine their role in the 21st century.
Furthermore, the question of how young people are being approached is crucial as this will
determine the interpretative orientations of the future union member base. Young people I define as people from 15 until 24 (sometimes the definition 15-29 is used). A part of this group is active on the labour market while some are still following education. Since they form the future of the workforce, it is crucial for unions to attract them. How are unions succeeding is this?
Within the Netherlands there were 117.200 trade union members aged 15-24 in 1999; in 2011 this number was 61.000. The union density rate among young people decreased from 15% to 6% in the same period. For the age group 25-44 the rate went from 27% to 16%. (CBS, 2013 in Keune 2015). The average union density rate of people in the age group 15-24 was 5,5% in the period 2012-2016 (CBS, 2018). This all indicates that unions seem to be failing in their approach towards young people. A density rate of 5,5% is low compared to the average of 19,3% for all workers, even considering that part of the young people might join later in life. ‘’Young workers seem to be almost invariably the most problematic group to organize’’ (Pedersini, 2010, p. 13). What makes this group so difficult to recruit?
2.1 Disadvantaged on the labour market: a reason to join?
From a ‘rational choice’ perspective there are reasons why young people would (or should) become member of a union. Workers who choose to join unions, in this line of reasoning, base their choice on wanting something from a union that they cannot secure themselves. This can be wage increase, job protection, support in disputes with employers, etc. Union membership is thereby based on a ‘demand’ for certain goods and services that a union can provide him/her with. (Visser, 2006).
Research points out that young workers are structurally disadvantaged on the labour market. When comparing the Dutch age group 15-29 with the age group 30-64 we can see these disadvantages. In 2013, the unemployment rate for young workers was 9,5% compared to 5,7% for others. In terms of temporary employment, the difference was bigger: 41% compared to 9%. Furthermore, younger workers are increasingly hired under intern or trainee constructions, allowing lower wages. This is not just a temporary situation as young workers, especially the lower educated, run the risk of getting stuck in unstable jobs, temporary contracts and unemployment (Keune, 2015). Precarity and
vulnerability is strongly associated with this group. Stronger unions have the ability to improve these conditions. From a rational choice perspective, young people, especially those who work, have a clear incentive to become a union member.
2.2 Anti- union attitudes
Whether a worker sees a union fulfilling his/her demand depends on (perceived) union
performance, but also on the attitudes someone holds in general. Anti-union attitudes can lead to workers not expecting much of unions. It can also lead to workers not wanting to join a union even if they believe it would secure them with benefits. Attitudes therefore play an important role in the decision whether or not to become a member. Could the low union density levels be a reflection of anti-union attitudes present among young people? Such anti-union attitudes could be that: unions are irrelevant, outdated or mainly organizations for ‘angry older men’ (Waddington & Kerr, 2002; Keune, 2015).
Recent research does not support this. Young people do not seem to hold negative views about trade unionism. They even seem to hold more favorable views on trade unions than most other age groups. Within the Netherlands more than 60% of workers aged 15- 24 find unions ‘’(very)
important’’, the only age group who finds them more important is the group aged 55-64, scoring 69%. In terms of satisfaction with trade unions the group aged 15-24 scores the highest (!) with satisfaction above 85% (CBS, 2018). Waddington & Kerr (2002) also do not find support for strong anti-union attitudes among young people. There some indications of identification issues. That is that it can be hard for young people to identify themselves with unions as their internal structures, communication and democracy are not always fit for needs and interests of the young (Keune, 2015, p.2) . There are also indications that unions have an image problem that consists of seeming militant, old fashioned and bureaucratic (Keune, 2015).
Despite difficulties in identification, there does not seem to be widespread an anti-union sentiment among young people. Relatively positive views of unions per se among young people gives hope for the possibilities of recruiting them into unions.
2.3 Non-standard workers: clustering of unfavorable conditions
Attitudes are insufficient to explain the enormous decrease in union density among young people. An important factor is their location in the labour market. In general, workers with full-time and open ended contracts are more often unionized than part-time, temporary (flexible) and own account workers. Unfavorable conditions to unionization cluster: young workers are often employed in a non-standard contract in private services. Young workers are structurally overrepresented in the
areas and forms of employment where unionization is low. How do these unfavorable conditions work out?
The decision whether to join a union is not made in a social vacuum. The social norm within a workplace is a crucial factor. The (perceived) values of a group of significant peers can influence the decision to join or not join a union. Such values can become a social norm if enough people uphold them. Breaking a social norm has negative consequences: it can lead to isolation and a loss of prestige within a group. The strength of a social norm depends on how many people subscribe to it in a given place (Visser, 2002). Workplaces with high union density can thereby sustain a norm of union membership. The sectors where young people are disproportionately employed (private service sector, small companies) are unlikely to uphold such a norm. The low union density in a workplace also makes the advantages of union membership less visible, lowering the demand for it. Thus, the precarious working conditions of young people on the one hand increase a demand for union services, while at the same time making them unfamiliar with unions.
In addition, the fixed-term and flexible forms of employment result in people staying for a shorter period of time at a certain workplace. Instead of the build up of a ‘stock of grievances’, which boosts unionization (Waddington & Kerr, 2002) workers are more likely to change jobs if they face issues.
From the side of the union, the low union density in the most common workplaces for young people provides a lack of ‘bridgeheads’ to recruit new members (Visser, 2002). Small unorganized
workplaces are a barrier to unionization as there are less rank and file members present who will convince younger workers to join a union (Pedersini, 2010; Vandaele, 2012). It is relatively costly to target smaller workplaces in comparison with larger workplaces for recruiting campaigns. This is because it consumes more time and money while the expected membership gains are lower. All in all, younger workers in terms of their place in the labour market deviate from the concept of the ‘standard-worker’
2.4 ‘Never seriously thought about it’
To arrive at a deeper understanding of the context of recruitment, it is relevant to look at how young workers themselves think about the issue of union membership. When non-members in the
Netherlands were asked why they did not join a union in 2010, 64% of the age group 15-24
responded ‘Never seriously thought about it’ (this was 40% for the group 25-54 and 25% for 55-64). (Huiskamp & Smulders, 2010). These findings are confirmed by Keune (2015). Young people often do not contemplate much about union membership. The possibility of joining a union seems to be outside their life world indicating a lack of familiarity or indifference. Although young people are
positive about membership in general and do not seem to find it too expensive they do not seriously consider joining.
The purpose of this chapter is to give insight into the difficulty of recruiting young members into unions. To summarize, young workers can benefit from unionization. Based on their disadvantaged position within the labour market, an individual demand for union services could be expected. Negative basic attitudes towards unions do not seem to be widespread among young workers relative to the rest of the population. However, unfavorable factors regarding work and workplace characteristics cluster around young people creating barriers to unionism. Young people seem to be unfamiliar with unions and possibly indifferent towards them. The idea of joining does not play a large role in general. The lack of familiarity and absence of strong stereotypes means that unions will have various possibilities of presenting themselves to young people. My next chapter will go into the ways unions try to recruit young people and its relationship with union identity.
3. Union approaches towards young people
At this point we can conclude that the decline of youth membership in Dutch unions is a threat to their future. Unions see their legitimacy, power resources and institutional positions weaken and have a clear need for young members to strengthen and rejuvenate their ranks (Keune, 2015, p.1). If young people will stop joining unions, these organizations will have a higher and higher average age, making it even harder for younger people to identify with them. Eventually unions will become marginalized and die out, removing any serious possibility for the factor labour to control the factor capital. When looking at the causes of membership decline, we see that young workers do not carry negative basic attitudes towards unions, although they might find it hard to identify with them. Their position in the labour market forms a barrier to unionization. Lastly there is a lack of information and awareness in relation to unions. ‘This all points towards union actions and strategies towards young workers and young people in general as key factors determining their view of unions and their inclinations to participate in their activities and join them as members’ (Keune, 2015: p.18).
This urges an investigation of union activities in engaging with young people, which is the topic of my thesis. By writing about two of such union projects, I will provide a Dutch case study of unions trying to approach future generations. My goal is to give insight into both the practical side and the content of both cases. I then want to find out how union identities are expressed in the way unions present themselves to an audience of young people. This chapter will begin with outlining three ideal types of union identity. Secondly, I will describe the practical side of engaging with young people. Lastly, the substance of approaching young people is theorized through concepts about framing and overcoming the free rider problem. This theoretical framework allows then to see how union identities are expressed within such attempts at framing and overcoming the free rider problem.
3.1 Union identity
Unions historically have distinctive identities. These identities are based on ideological orientations rooted in union history. Different orientations have led to a historical division within the union landscape in many countries. Richard Hyman (2001) has written about such ideological orientations, distinguishing three ideal types. The first type are workers’ interest organizations with primarily labour market functions. These are called business unions and who act mainly as social institutions. The second type of unions are political unions, seeking political change and worker emancipation in the struggle between labour and capital. This stems from a socialist (or social democratic) origin. Such unions often act as social movements. The third type of trade union are confessional unions, who seek social dialogue through collaboration instead of struggle (Hyman, 2001, p. 2-3). Most
unions can be traced back to one of these ideal types (Hyman, 2001). In the next paragraphs I will describe the three ideal types of Hyman further. A good understanding is important as I will research how existing union identities manifest themselves in the approaches of unions towards young people.
3.2 Business Unionism: a market approach
A union which is perceived to have as a main purpose the securing of economic benefits for its members, often through collective bargaining, is what Hyman (2001) describes as a business union. Unions counteract the individual vulnerability of workers within the market by organizing
themselves. They act primarily as an economic actor for their members, seeking the maximization of outcomes: less hours and higher wage, complemented by other improvements in working
conditions. This is done from an economical perspective: workers associate freely to collectively further their interests. As these unions act for their members this can lead to friction with other kinds of workers. For example, the direct interests of certain organized skilled workers can be in conflict with the interests of unorganized unskilled workers. Of course, business unions are sometimes forced to interact with politics as the two domains are interrelated. Pure business unionism is hard to find, that is why this is an ideal type. Business unions have characteristics of a social institution, held together by bureaucratic rules and procedures. They act as a: ‘businesslike service organization, operating a variety of agencies under a complicated system of industrial relations’ (Herberg, 1968 in Hyman, 2001, p.61). Such a social institution is static compared to a social movement; procedures and juridical thinking triumph over values or trust. How would a business union manifest itself when they engage with potential members?
Manifestations of the ideological orientation of business unionism is the priority given to furthering the interests of members. The purpose of such a union is to get more members while at the same time engage in collective bargaining and offer services to their members. Within recruitment such a priority of furthering members’ interests is likely to be put forward. Another important concept is the idea of being primarily a labour market actor seeking to maximize certain outcomes (Hyman, 2001). A business union is thereby not expected to engage much in the political domain. Rather, they put strong emphasis in their self-presentation of being in the domain of work. An economic logic using costs and benefits is a further manifestation of a business union. In recruitment this means that the benefits have to outweigh the costs in order for new members to join. This is very central: benefits have to be presented as high as possible, while costs have to be presented as low as possible. Stressing what a union can do for the potential members is important, with both collective and individual benefits coming into play. Collective benefits are the outcomes of collective
bargaining, a worker can benefit from the work of the union independent of membership. Individual benefits can take the form of members-only services, for example legal help, and are only accessible to members. At the same time the costs are important, those have to be as low as possible to convince someone to join. Business unions could offer reduced membership rates for young people in convincing them that the benefits are higher than the costs of joining. Not asking to many endeavours (like being present at meetings ors strikes) of new members are a way of presenting membership as ‘cheap’.
3.3 Political unionism
Political union has roots in a Marxist analysis of labour and differs strongly from business unionism. Where the former focuses on collective protection from market competition (but within a ‘free-market’ model) political unions started as an association with a political character (this is why I name it political unionism; Hyman talks about ‘class based unions’). By building class unity among workers, these unions mobilize them against the bourgeoisie. Contrary to business unionism the early political unionists warned against being blinded by temporary gains in wage. Lenin, for example, criticized the ‘union mentality’ as economistic thinking focused on conditions in factories alone, without considering bigger ideas of class struggle and radical political change. Temporary gains, in his view, would paralyze and distract the working classes from revolutionary goals. A union, then, becomes an instrument (as a mean for mobilization) of class struggle (Hyman, 2001; Lenin, 1902).
The political dimension and relation to class are thus very important within such trade unionism. As political unions gained membership and influence, tensions arose: ‘The paradox was that the more successful the initiatives of union activists, whatever their politics, the more they were confronted by three interlocking tensions: between socio-political transformation and pragmatic economism; between confrontation and compromise and between class solidarity and sectionalism.' (Hyman, 2001, p. 28).
Throughout time, the more dogmatic positions within political unionism have been revised and adjusted. Shifting away from revolutionary goals and gaining autonomy from the socialist political parties (although strong ties remained), unions started to focus on reforms for worker emancipation. As such unions became more established, they also engaged in collective bargaining. Class solidarity, a form of militancy and political goals remain important in this type of union, partially as a reference point for union identity. At the same time economic gains are important as well (Hyman, 2001). The ideal type of a political union acts more as a social movement than a social institution. Instead of primarily being held together by bureaucratic procedures and official rules, a social movement is
based on the acknowledging of shared interests, a common political goal and a degree of trust(Hyman, 2001). How would a political union manifest itself in approaching young people?
Whereas business unions primarily furthers the interests of their members within the labour market, a political union has a political orientation that goes beyond only members. An Important concept that in this kind of unionism is the mobilization around a collective identity of class. References to class and class unity and critique on capitalism would logically be part of a frame that is presented by a political union. A political union furthers the interests of the working class, not only of their
members. Although political unions are also labour market actors, their political character is clear. This is likely to be expressed in references to political goals (within the left-wing spectrum). A political union acts as a social movement, held together by values and shared interest, instead of a social institution based on bureaucratic procedures. Political unionism does not use the economist perspective of business unionism. Recruitment and membership are thus not based on convincing an audience that benefits are higher than the costs. The basis of recruitment are both values and shared interest. Values are states of being that are deemed important and worth to strive to (examples: equality or justice) and stand somewhat loose from benefits (Snow et al. 1986). Political unions would appeal to values in recruiting practices. The shared interest comes forward in
collective benefits, shared interest asks for collective action to receive collective benefits. This could be in the form of collective bargaining or legislative change as a political goal. Individual benefits are expected to take a less prominent role as these are neither values nor shared interests. As political unions operate less in the cost-benefit realm, they are likely to ask more of their members in terms of time and money. As values are important, members can be expected to act for more than just individual gain. This could be translated in higher expectations in terms of activism. Stressing ativism is a characteristic of a political union. Cooperation with political parties (or their youth wings) in organizing certain activities is another manifestation of political unionism (Hyman, 2001).
3.4 Confessional unionism
A third type of trade unionism, still following Hyman (2001), is confessional unionism. These unions have left deep traces in the Dutch union landscape. On the one hand in Dutch union history but even more in shaping the notion of ‘social partners’ and collaboration between government, employers and unions. I will start by going into their origins.
Confessional unions originated as counterparts to the perceived socialist threat. Instead of class struggle, class collaboration was sought. Harmony and agreement could be the basis for thriving industrial relations. Thriving in the sense that workers were subjected to their bosses who were
expected to show good will. From being permissive and not willing to counteract employers, these unions became more assertive as time passed. Instead of seeking mere harmony the need for a social economy based on solidarity was acknowledged. Unions became vehicles of social integration, in this thinking the term social partners becomes important. Instead of merely being obedient to employers and avoiding conflict the idea of social partners elevates the status of unions. Social partners are formed by workers and employers who cooperate on a basis of equality in good faith given their differences in interests (Hyman, 2001). Such cooperation can also be joined by the government, negotiating political and economic policy where everyone on the negotiating table can live with.
Emphasizing such an idea of working together is as manifestation of a confessional union, hereby the political and labour market side are important. The importance of dialogue and social partnership are important characteristics of a confessional union. Such elements can come forward while unions approach young people if dialogue rather than action is emphasized. Refraining from overly
antagonizing language towards employers or political actors is part of such an ideological
orientation as well. While there might be conflicts of interests, employers and employees have to work together in the end. Membership would be an appeal in uniting together with other workers to form the labour side of a strong social partner. Whereas the costs and benefits are concerned a confessional union does not seem to have a clear position.
3.5 Oppositional identities
Most European countries have different unions based on the different ideological orientations (Hyman, 2001). As they compete for members, unions might formulate their identity in opposition to other union identities. An identity becomes apparent when it is compared with its counterpart.I already mentioned that confessional unionism is a reaction to political unions. The identities I named can be merged but also resist and exclude each other.
Both business and confessional unions can criticize political unions. First, political unions would be associated with radicalism and left-wing political thought. The political aspirations would be framed as overstepping of the line between the labour market and politics (from a business union
perspective). Their role as a social movement based on shared interest and values could be
scrutinized as not understanding the cost and benefit calculations individual members make. Also, a confessional union could portray political unions as too militant, disturbing dialogue delicate relation between social partners.
From the viewpoint of a political union, business unions are static and lack ideals in their role as social institutions. They do not have clear values to motivate and attract members besides keeping costs low and benefits high. Individual benefits as a recruiting source would be seen as a wrong way of attracting members, since membership is not a product but participation in a movement that is dedicated to changing both labour conditions and politics. The importance of dialogue of
confessional unionism would be seen as a weak stance towards employers and state, political unionism would emphasize action rather than dialogue.
This is all viewed from the perspective of the ideal types, in reality unions will stand closer to each other and share interpretive orientations. However, in presenting themselves a choice for a certain ‘side’ has to be made. Such presentations are likely to see certain identities expressed in a dominant way.
3.6 Dutch Union landscape
Before I go into both the practical an substantive sides of approaching young people I will shortly give some context of the Dutch union landscape. Historically there has been a pillarization between a socialist NVV, a catholic NKV and protestant CNV. The catholic and socialist unions merged in 1975 (FNV, 2019) to form the FNV. This union confederation, the largest in the Netherlands, has a partly social-democratic orientation. At the same time it has a tradition of confessionalism in its orientation to social dialogue. CNV official subscribes to confessional unionism. Both unions have business unionist elements as functioning as representatives of labour within the labour market and servicing their members. Although I realize the hybrid nature of unions the question is which side of the complex identity is expressed. For example, when a union recruits either values or a cost-benefit perspective takes the main role, to do both would be contradictory. My research has to goal to look at how unions express identity within their activities towards the young.
3.7 Engaging with young people
In this paragraph I will write about how unions can engage with young people. First I want to understand the practical side of such activities, acquiring information about the organization, goals and evaluation. Once having established an understanding of this, I will investigate the content of the projects directed at young workers. What message about the union is communicated in these practices? What kind of interpretative frames are used to convince them?
As young people have very limited knowledge about what unions are, unions are likely to have to explain a lot to this audience. What are unions? What do they do? Why would you become a member? In the act of engaging with young people existing union identities will be reflected. At the
same time identities can be created. For example, if a union presents itself radical it both reflects identity but also creates a more radical future member base. In other words, the ideas that potential members receive about the role and identity of a union will have an effect on the future role and identity of a union.
3.8 Practical questions
Although unions stress the importance of outreach activities to the young, ‘the discourse is much more developed than the actual youth activities themselves’ (Keune, 2015, p.19). Recruitment is not always a priority as there are numerous other activities which demand their scarce resources. Priority can be existing members (who pay membership fees) and less with, often expensive, recruitment and ‘reaching out’ campaigns. Once a union chooses to allocate resources towards recruiting and reaching young workers there are some known ways of doing so.
1. Establishing young workers in union structures. This can either be done by integrating them into existing structures and/or by creating special sections for them. Both Dutch unions that I will investigate have developed departments or organizations for young people within their structure. This can give young people a sense of representation
2. Information at schools and universities. Vocational schools and universities are places where it is easy to reach a large number of young people who will soon enter the labour market, or who have already done so. This can be very effective. In Germany, for example, the
decreasing union density among young workers has been turned around in this way . After sharp decreases in union density among the young, with an all-time low of 9% in 2004, the density rate has doubled until 18% in 2012 (Holst et al., 2014, in Keune, 2015). Ingredients for this spectacular success are a different way of approaching young workers. Where German unions used to focus on apprentices, this method yielded less success due to the system of apprenticeship declining due to a rise in unskilled labourers and university
students. Unions then took the step towards differentiating and adjusting their strategies to groups with different needs, interests and cultures (Keune, 2015, p.22). This often goes hand in hand with reduced subscription rates for people in universities or vocational schools. In my research I will take such a campaign aimed at vocational schools as a case study. This is a campaign organized by the Dutch union CNV Vakmensen (Waddington & Kerr, 2002). 3. Public campaigns. These are often targeted at specific issues and allow unions to profile
themselves within the public debate. Keune (2015) argues that such campaigns can create the conditions for membership gains among young workers but are not likely to achieve this by themselves. Effects of such campaigns can be hard to measure. In my research, I will deal
with one public campaign against minimum wage inequality on the basis of age, organized by the Dutch union confederation FNV.
An important practical question is the actual organization of an activity. This is basic practical information about where, when and how unions approach young people. Next, I will pay attention to goals of such union approaches. Goals shape the direction and form the centre of the project. There can be a difference between internal and external goals. The former being the goals relevant to the union as an organization, the latter being the goals that are communicated to a target audience or the public at large. Goals relate to union identity because it says something about what the union stands for and what the union finds important. For example, a political goal reflects a political union identity. Related to the concept of goals is the concept of evaluation. It gives the perspective of union staff or activists on goal attainment and the project overall. It shows success and possible shortcomings. Furthermore, it relates to union identity in the sense that positive evaluation, despite potentially disappointing goal attainment, can be seen as a reflection of
commitment to a certain way of approaching young people and thereby of a certain union identity. A firm belief in the importance of certain methods can elevate them to goals in per se. A political union could for instance stress a political approach to membership gains by organizing public campaigns, even if the membership gains are limited. A business union might refrain from public campaigns, even if these are potentially successful. Holding on to methods that fit a certain identity, despite goal attainment is a reflection of the importance and firmness of such an identity.
3.9 Framing
Having written about the practical side of approaching young people, I want to turn to the content of such attempts. Central is the concept of frame. A frame is the interpretation of reality,
highlighting certain aspects while leaving others out ot scope. Frames are narratives that shape a sort of clarity to an audience, it helps an audience to interpret occurrences within their life space and the world at large. The construction and presentation of such a frame is what I will call framing. When unions approach young people they are likely to use frames as interpretive packages that are developed to mobilize potential adherents and constituents (Poletta & Jasper, 2001, p. 291 ).
Following aforementioned research about young people ‘never having thought’ about union membership (Huiskamp & Smulders, 2010) it appears that unions do not play a large role in the lifeworld of young people. Hence, unions have a good opportunity to present themselves to an audience that is not very familiar with the concept of ‘union’. Framing done by unions contains ways of describing ‘the union’ and its relation to the field of work, income, politics and employers.
Framing explains a definition of ‘we’, ‘you’ and the relationship between the two. Hence, I will analyze the ‘we’ as the role of the union in a certain frame. The ‘you’ is the target audience of young people who play a role in the frame as a group to whom the union is relevant. As approaches to engage with young people will be partly ways of recruiting, I will look at the role that membership plays within the frame. What is its meaning in the frame? Why would someone want to become member? How is it presented in terms of rights, benefits and duties? Are members required to actively participate in collective action? The role that the union, the audience and the idea of membership play within a frame expresses the interpretive orientations of a union.
3.10 Activating elements
One of the goals of the union projects that I researched is to mobilize young people (for example: join the union or take part in a campaign), in other words to put them in action. To convince people to take collective action (based on experienced grievances) a frame needs to invoke such action. This way of framing offers an interpretation of reality that creates favorable conditions for collective action. Successful collective action frames (Badigannavar & Kelly, 2005) often contain the following elements.
-A sense of injustice; there needs to be an element of injustice in order to put people in action. This can be due to a breach of agreements, rights or social values. The element of injustice separates an occurrence from being a simple misfortune to being the result of a certain action.
-An element of blame; if something is not a misfortune but an injustice there is something or somebody to blame. Who or where is the blame attributed to? Attributing blame to impersonal forces (like the economy or globalization) is more deactivating than attributing blame to a more specific agent: like a company or a certain part of the government. The attribution of blame gives a target for collective action and thereby strengthens the collective action frame.
-A (stereotypical) description of the antagonist (to whom blame is attributed). If an antagonist is clearly depicted, a collective identity can be developed in opposition to this antagonist. People are then mobilized against an element.
-A sense of agency; in order for people to act collectively there needs to be an expectation that action can make a difference. If not, there does not seem to be any sense in participating in any action.
In combining these elements a collective action frame provides a narrative about injustice which is the result of some person/agency who is seen as negative and can be countered by acting together
in a certain way(Badigannavar & Kelly, 2005; Snow, 1986).How such a collective action frame is formed expresses union identity.
3.11 Frame alignment
Lastly, the interpretation of the world by a union has to be aligned with the interpretation of their target audience. Snow et al. (1986) call this frame alignment: ‘By frame alignment we refer to the linkage of individual and social movement organizations interpretive orientations, such that some set of individual interests, values and beliefs and social movement organizations activities, goals and ideology are congruent and complementary’ (Snow et al. 1986, p. 464). Although Snow et al. (1986) write about activist movements, this is just as important for unions. Unions will make their
interpretation of the world complimentary or congruent with what they expect their audience of young people to find important. That means that the subjects within the frame are likely to be chosen as to resonate with the target audience of young people.
3.12 Overcoming the free-rider problem
To summarize, framing gives an interpretation of occurrences in the world to an audience. In this case, of a certain union to young people. These frames are likely collective action frames with certain elements for mobilization. The overall goal is to put young people in some form of action. I use the word ‘action’ as the projects can have broader goals than just recruitment. Recruitment is most likely central, however. The potential member has to be convinced to join a union which means: signing up, paying membership fees (in the long run) and possibly joining union actions. How can young people be convinced to do this?
From the perspective of the potential member, expectations of collective benefit could lead to joining a union (if one takes a purely economistic perspective) as young workers have something to gain from being organized. These gains could for example be: higher wages, job protection and a stronger voice against the employer. However, there exists a free rider-problem of collective action within unions. People have the possibility to free-ride on the efforts of others without contributing to the whole. Unions engage in collective bargaining about wages and labour conditions. The outcomes of negotiations pertain to both members and non-members. In the Dutch context, where more than 70% of the jobs have a central labor agreement (CAO) and where unions in most cases negotiate these with employers (De Beer, 2018), there is a problem of incentive for joining once unions are established. The same goes for political pressure enacted by unions, you can receive the gains of legislative change without having taken part in a campaign. Memberships fees are a financial burden, activism costs time and can be risky. Without being an (active) member, one can
benefit from unions without putting in time, effort and money. How to overcome this free rider problem?
Explaining collective benefits
The first way out of the free rider problem would be plain and simple: explaining the collective benefits that can result from collective action. Moreover, it can be explained that if nobody joins a union and engages in union action, nobody gets the benefits. I would summarize this as: ‘if not you, who?’ If everybody partakes everybody can improve their individual position. This means that a worker is asked to pay membership fees and possibly invest time, face repercussions from the employer for an end that is not directly observable. With an appeal to understanding collective action, someone could be convinced to join a union.
Individual benefits
Within the realm of rational-action perspectives, a solution out of the free-rider problem would be to give selective rewards to participants of collective action (Poletta & Jasper, 2001). In the context of young people the collective benefits related to unionism can be backed up with selective benefits for people who become members. Free legal advice, help with filling out of taxes and individual support in case of a conflict in the workplace would be examples of such benefits. Since many unions have such arrangement for their members, I am interested which role they play in convincing young people to join unions. They can, for instance, play a big role in the recruitment campaign by constantly being stressed or shown in brochures. There is also a possibility for selective benefits playing a backup role, being named complementary but not as the main reason to join. Another possibility is that they are only present in the background and barely named. Individual benefits are a clear form of business unionism.
Collective identity
Moving to a more sociological analysis I want to underline the importance of a collective identity. I will first define the concept before writing about the importance of it for unions. Using the definition of Polletta & Jasper (2001), I define ‘collective identity’ as ‘an individual’s connection with a broader community or institution. It is a perception of a shared status or relation which may be imagined rather than experienced directly. It can be constructed by outsiders or by a community or institution itself, but depends on some acceptance by those to whom it is applied. Collective identity does not imply the rational calculus for evaluating choices that ‘interest’ does.’ (Poletta & Jasper, 2001, p. 285)
Hereby collective identity leaves the realm of rational choices based on interest and is a way to overcome the free rider problem by creating a ‘we’ who share something and rally around a common goal, vision or value. Immediate benefits become less relevant as someone who shares a collective identity with a group is motivated (through connection to a collective) to participate. Collective identity can thus be a powerful basis for collective action (Tailby & Poller, 2001). Solidarity towards others can be named as a reason to join a union or take part in an action without personal benefits. Friendship networks, often established in social movements, can also encourage people to stay a member of a union. The benefits received through collective identity are feelings of belonging, pride and friendship coming from the connection with a broader community (Poletta & Jasper, 2001). Collective identity as a way of overcoming the free rider problem is associated with a union as a social movement, which relates to political unionism.
4. Research method
This chapter will describe my research method. I will set out my research question (4.1) and describe the cases I will research including my reasons for choosing them (4.2). Next, and for the sake of clarity, I will give an overview of my concepts and their operationalization (4.3). I will then give an overview of my data and describe the way of obtaining them (4.4). This will be followed by
comments about my way of analyzing (4.5). Finally I will reflect on the choices made in my research, indicating some limits (4.6).
4.1 Research Question
To quickly summarize what I have done so far. I have introduced my topic, union projects aimed at engaging young workers, and embedded it within a context of declining union density in Western-Europe and the Netherlands specifically. Engaging with young people will be vital for union survival and the future of the current system of industrial relations. Such attempts are thus worthy to investigate. With this I underlined both the societal and scientific relevance of my topic.
In addition, I have written about framing as the interpretative packages that are developed and communicated towards an audience of young people. I paid attention to elements of collective action which are likely to support such mobilization. Frame alignment, making the union frame congruent or complementary to the interpretative world of young people, for instance by tapping into topics that are seen as important to them, is also likely to happen. Furthermore, I asked the question of how the free-rider problem will be overcome in the union approaches.
The way in which unions attempt to overcome the free-rider problem and mobilize the young expresses a form union identity. Hyman (2001) identifies three historical union identities: business unionism, political unionism and confessional unionism. I will research the expression of these identities.
My overarching research question is:
How is union identity expressed in frames that unions use to approach young people?
To answer it, I will describe and analyze frames that unions use in approaching young people while also elaborating on the practical side of projects. Elements of the frames are likely to give a certain image of unions and union membership, which I will link to questions about union identity based on Hyman (2001). However, I leave room as well for elements of identity that do not fall within the ideal types of Hyman. Identities are not only reflected but also created, hence I used the word
expressed. In this manner the answering of the research question goes beyond a mere comparison with Hyman by leaving room for discovery of new elements of identity. My sub questions thus are:
A. Which frames are used to approach young people? B. How are union identities expressed in these frames?
I will use two approaches towards young people as case studies, being two projects organized by the two biggest union confederations in the Netherlands: CNV Vakmensen (part of CNV), and FNV. In order to give my research more practical value the goals and evaluation of the projects will also briefly be discussed.
4.2 Case description
I have chosen two cases to research. Both are projects that have a goal of engaging young people: ‘Try the Union’ (probeer de bond), which approaches young people at vocational schools, and ‘Young & United’, which is a public campaign. The projects are organized by the two biggest union
confederations: FNV and CNV. Although both are union confederations the CNV project falls under a specific union within the confederation: CNV Vakmensen. I will use the word ‘union’ for both for reasons of readability.
Because my research is comparative, I have decided to choose projects organized by different unions. My most important criterion was that it would relate to a specific project aimed at engaging young workers. Of course unions also recruit young workers on the work floor. However, I want to research a specific project as such a project is likely to have a more or less consistent goal, frame and way of approaching young people. Thereby the relationship with union identity can be made more convincingly. Also, the projects have specific union staff, activists and written material which I could analyze.
Availability played a big role in my choice of project. Prof. dr. De Beer, who is guiding my thesis, pointed ‘Try the Union’ out to me and helped me get to get in contact with one of the board members of CNV. He then connected me to the project leader of ‘Try the Union’. I already heard about Young & United, because of the media coverage it received, and imagined that it would be an interesting example of a public campaign. I will now give a short description of my cases.
Case I: Try the union
My first case is a project with the name Try the union’ (Probeer de Bond). This is a project of CNV Vakmensen, a Christian union within the Netherlands. CNV Vakmensen is part of the larger union confederation CNV. CNV had 262.400 members in 2017, coming down from 361.000 in 1999 (CBS,
2018). In their vision paper they write: ‘You strive towards a just society. A society that invites people instead of excludes them. You cannot stand injustice and, together with others, want to do something about it. You are part of a movement of members, who form CNV Vakmensen. A movement that serves your interests in the areas of work and income’ (CNV, 2019).
Try the union is the only project of CNV Vakmensen specifically directed at young people. Since 2010 CNV employees contact vocational schools. They host ‘guest lectures’ (often using paid guest
lecturers from their network) to give workshops. These workshops are often fit into the course ‘citizenship’ taught at vocational schools. The workshop goes sometimes hand in hand with a stand at the vocational schools. The stand is manned by CNV staff and flyers are present. During lunch breaks CNV staff also approaches students to convince them to try a free membership. This membership is a free membership of CNV for two years. After two years the new members approached by a call center with the question if they want to remain members (this time against a fee). The goal is to offer a minimum of 6000 people during one year a free membership of two years. The team coordinating the membership exists of eight people including one coordinator. This project falls into the category of recruitment and information campaigns at vocational schools (Keune, 2015).
Case II: Young and united
Young and united (an English name was chosen)is a campaign launched by the FNV confederation. It started as a campaign against the ‘youth wage’ which meant that people up to the age of 23
received an age specific wage. From 23 onwards, the standard minimum wage applied. This
campaign was highly mediatized and also supported by certain political parties. In 2016 (Young and United, 2019) they partly got what they wanted, from 1 July 2019 workers aged 22 and 21 have gotten minimum wage while workers aged 18 and 19 got an increase (Rijksoverheid, 2019). After the youth wage campaign, partly reaching their goal, Young and united started targeting so called ‘flex contracts’ in a second campaign. I will mainly focus on the first campaign but will write about the second campaign as it points out relevant aspects concerning successful framing.
4.3 Operationalization of key concepts
I will briefly operationalize key concepts for the sake of overview and clarity. In my interviews I have asked union staff about the ‘story’ or ‘message’ they present to young people, which I observed in guest lectures or in conversations.
Indications of business unionism
-Furthering the interests of members, the union only acts for its members. Not engaging beyond member base.
-Recruitment on the basis of costs and benefits. Actively seeking to lower costs while emphasizing benefits. These can be collective or individual. Low costs are low fees and low expectations of member activity.
-Acting mainly as a social institution on the basis of bureaucratic procedures, juridical aspects and formal rules.
Indications of political unionism
-An orientation beyond the labour market, engaging with politics and using political language. Cooperation with political parties in challenging politics.
-Not only furthering the interests of members, but of a class as a whole
-Recruitment on the basis of collective identity, emphasis on solidarity. Collective benefits come into play as a shared (class) interest.
-Acting as a social movement where not bureaucratic procedures but values are the most important. -Using activism and militant language.
-Antagonizing opponents
Indications of confessional unionism
-Both the labour market and political sphere are important. -Harmony and dialogue instead of militancy and antagonization -Seeing employers and employees as having interests in common.
I will look how these indicators are expressed within the following concepts.
Practical information What kind of activity?
Where and when does it take place? Who is organizing it and who are involved?
Goals
Evaluation
The perspective of the union staff/activists involved on the campaign. In this section I will also involve results.
Frame
Interpretative packages used to mobilize adherents. They present a story, a way of interpreting occurrences. Within a frame I will pay specific attention to:
-injustice: indication that something is not fair, should be different.
-blame: actor responsible for injustice, possible agitation against the actor responsible. -antagonist: antagonist can be stereotypically described.
-agency: expectation that a certain action makes a difference, this can be encouraged in a frame. -the union (we): what is the union here? how is the organization presented? what is the role of the union?
-young people (you): what is their role in the frame? what should they do? what is in their interest? -membership: how is membership presented? What are rights, benefits and duties associated with membership in the frame? What does membership mean?
Frame alignment
I mean making the interpretative orientation of the unions complementary to and congruent with the interpretative orientations of young people. How is the union doing this? In interviews I specifically asked about how to engage with young people, how to make membership or participation appealing to the audience of young people. In guest lectures and observed
conversations I paid special attention to topics coming forward and connecting to the lively world of young people.
Overcoming the free rider problem
From the side of the would be member one could receive benefits without taking action or becoming a member. How to overcome this problem? In my interviews I asked: If I am a young person you are trying to convince to join, how would you convince me? I followed this up with a question: but how would this benefit me? Why would I, specifically join? Sometimes I also said: if you accomplishing these benefits already, why would I be motivated to contribute? The answers to these questions gave me insight into the ways of overcoming the free riders problem.
Possible ways of accomplishing this:
-Explaining the collective benefits and the need for collective action, if not you who? Collective benefits are only received through collective action and thereby long term.
-Stressing individual benefits. These are members only benefits which are immediately received when joining a union.
-On the basis of Collective identity as being part of a group or movement that achieves something. Making benefit less relevant and favoring of idealism, avalue or a goal that does not relate
immediately to benefit. This can be backed up by appealing to solidarity. Friendship networks can then sustain participation.
4.4 Data
I used a qualitative approach towards my research meaning that my analysis will try to gain a deeper understanding of my data. I have used three three sources of data.
Interviews
First of all, I conducted interviews with people involved in the organization and execution of the projects. I did not limit myself to only union staff, but also interviewed activists or guest lecturers being active in the projects. In the case of Young & United, I interviewed activists who were
mobilized in the campaign. These were activists who had an active role in the campaign, one of them continued in union structures after the campaign. In the case of Try the Union I interviewed
members of the project team and a guest lecturer. The guest lecturer was appropriate as he was presenting the Try the Union frame within a lecture. I interviewed him afterwards. The interviews were done on the basis of a topic list, which I will include in my annex
Observations
As Try the union is an ongoing project I had the chance to do observations. The value of such observations is that instead of hearing about how young people were approached, I had the chance to see this myself. I went to two different vocational schools to do observations. These observations consisted of attending guest lectures for an audience of students from a vocational school. CNV Vakmensen hosts different sorts of guest lectures, the lecture titled ‘Boss over your future’ was the most common one. This guest lecture I chose to observe. Besides guest lectures union staff and lecturers engage with vocational students during breaks in the canteen. With an information stand at a central location, staff would go to students and talk to them in an effort to convince them to register for a free membership. I observed three of these conversations, they give clear view of how frames are used in recruiting young people for joining the union.
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