1
Negotiating the Female Identity and Bargaining with Nationalistic
Politics:
Propagated Apolitical and Political Extensions of the Female Identity in the
“Youth” Magazine of the 4
thof August Dictatorship (1936-1941)
Master’s Thesis
Panagiota Christidou
17/11/2020
Supervised by Prof. Eric Storm
Leiden University
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Abstract
The present thesis places under analysis the propaganda of the Greek interwar dictatorship (1936-1941), instigated by Ioannis Metaxas in the youth magazine Neolaia, in order to recognize the gender narrative that was deployed for the reconstruction of the new female identity under the nationalistic regime. The study poses the “How did the Greek 4th of August dictatorship’s youth magazine construct the elements of a new nationalist female identity for its readers?” and it is divided into three chapters. The chapters explore the connection of the nationalistic regime with the means of mass communication, the youth and women, in addition to extensively analyzing the disseminated messages to the female readers for their adoption of a simultaneously apolitical and political stance toward the state and within society. The thesis highlights the absence of uniform and standardized gender roles and relations defined during the rule of Metaxas. Still, rather multifaceted and continuously renegotiated female ideals were constructed and projected in the column “Girl’s Page” or “Girls’ Pages” that cannot be categorized as progressive or regressive, as the limited historiographical research so far has attempted to conclude. The study showcases that the different sides and criteria of the female identities were bargained and presented from the top-down, depending on the political imperatives of the Greek nationalistic system, as both politics and gender were constantly evolving concepts and tightly interconnected. However, the study argues that the new gender ideology of the New Greek State, as represented by the propagandists of Neolaia, produced adverse results and dissident voices that led to a continuous antithesis between controlling the forces of traditionalism and modernism. Finally, the present thesis identifies three periods of state-mandated gender discourse, and it suggests the categorization of them in the patterns of “glorification of female inferiority”, “conditional mobilization”, and “state-imposed opposition”.
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Table of Contents
Introduction ... 4
Chapter 1: Commandeering the Propaganda Mediums ... 14
The Chronicles of the Dictatorship ... 14
Mobilizing the Youth ... 19
Neolaia: The Ideological Instrument ... 21
Chapter 2: Continuity of Traditionalistic Gender Ideals ... 28
The Command of Maternalism ... 30
Apotheosis and Derogation ... 32
“Misspellings” of Society ... 37
Chapter 3: Progressing and Retrogressing Political Beings ... 43
Women as Political Beings ... 44
Work as Bad Luck ... 48
Soldier! (of the home front) ... 53
Conclusion ... 61 Bibliography ... 66 Primary Sources ... 66 Secondary Sources ... 68 Appendices ... 72 Appendix I ... 72 Appendix II ... 73 Appendix III ... 74 Appendix IV... 75 Appendix V ... 76 Appendix VI... 77 Appendix VII ... 78 Appendix VIII ... 79 Appendix IX... 80 Appendix X ... 81 Appendix XI... 82
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Introduction
On the 4th of August 1936, a dictatorship led by Ioannis Metaxas was established in Greece, suggested to have erupted as a symptom of the malfunctions of the Greek parliamentary democracy during the interwar era.1 The 4th of August regime preached the vision of creating the “Third Hellenic
Civilization”, harmonically combining the ideals of the ancient Greek civilization along with the strict observance of the orthodox Christian dogma of the Eastern Roman Empire of the Middle Ages.2 The
nationalistic triptych ‘Homeland, Religion, Family”3 was the ideological dogma vividly projected by
the regime. The utter dismantling of the dictatorship occurred due to the German invasion of Greece on the 6th of April 1941, approximately five months after the outbreak of the Greco-Italian war.
The present thesis approaches the nationalistic regime with the scope of gender in order to examine the bargaining processes of construction and redefinition of women’s roles in the New Greek State of 1936-1941, as these emanate from the state-published youth magazine Neolaia or “Youth” (1938-1941). The main question that it poses is: “How did the Greek 4th of August dictatorship’s youth magazine construct the elements of a new nationalist female identity for its readers?”
The Metaxas dictatorship has overwhelmingly achieved centrality in Greek historiography. The predominant cause of its attraction and extensive analysis by scholars has been the ongoing debate over the ambiguity of the regime’s identity. Namely, whether it can be assessed to fall into the category of a fascist regime or not. More specifically, the Greek dictatorship has been continuously labeled by historians as fascist due to common elements exhibited, such as propaganda techniques and narratives, the mobilization of the youth population, the shared symbols and gestures, an emphasis on the nation, the race, and the family nucleus.4 Increasingly, this interpretation has been opposed by a series of other
studies that make a powerful case for the opposite. According to these, the regime of Metaxas can more appropriately be described as authoritarian-totalitarian since it never succeeded in creating a mass
1 Ploumídis, Spyrídon G. 2016. To Kathestós tou Ioánni Metaxá (1936-1941). Athens: Estía, pp. 18-19
2 Andreiōmenos, Giōrgos. 2012. Hē Nea Genia Hypo kathodēgēsē: to Paradeigma Tou Periodikou "Hē Neolaia": analytikē parousiasē periechomenōn Kai heuretērio. Athens: Hidryma Kōsta kai Helenēs Ouranē, p. 18-20 3 Kallis, Aristotle. 2010. "Neither Fascist nor Authoritarian: The 4th of August Regime in Greece (1936-1941) and the Dynamics of Fascistisation in 1930s Europe." East Central Europe 37 (2-3): 303-330, p. 12
4 Anastasakis, Othon Evangelos. 1992. Authoritarianism in 20th century Greece: Ideology and education under the dictatorships of 1936 and 1967. PhD Diss., London: London School of Economics and Political Science, p. 13
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fascist party base, additionally to maintaining a large number of conservative elements, sustaining the constitutional monarchy, and enjoying the endorsement of the King. Even though the characterization of the Metaxas regime does not constitute the topic of this paper, for the purposes of this research, it should be stated that the arguments posed by Aristotle Kallis, in Neither Fascist nor Authoritarian: The
4th of August Regime in Greece (1936-1941) and the Dynamics of Fascistisation in 1930s Europe,
published in 2010, appear the most holistic, sober and convincing. In brief, Kallis claims that the Greek dictatorship, as an amalgam of traditional and radical elements, falls into the heuristic paradox of “hybrid fascism”.5 The lack of a concrete political identity of the regime, the preservation of
conservative Greek institutions, the fascination for the political experiments carried out in Germany, Italy, and Portugal,6 and the adoption of fascist rhetoric and mechanisms support this view.7 Even
though it lacked the elements to be considered genuinely fascist in essence, its appearance and branding were indeed fascist-like. The ambivalence and vacillation8 of the 4th of August dictatorship in adopting
a form and stance in Greek national matters are of high importance for this paper.
The core tenets of the Greek regime that shaped its ideologies and policies were liberalism, anti-parliamentarism, anti-secularism, and anti-communism with a strong emphasis on the nation.9 The
centrality of the nation in the political narrative of the increasingly and more strictly totalitarian regimes of interwar Europe was interpreted and expressed in a different manner in each individual case. Nationalism in Greece never adopted the extreme manifestations of ethnic-biological proclamations and racial policies of Nazi Germany nor the imperialistic exclamations of Fascist Italy.10 In contrast, the
nationalistic narrative was focused on the principle of “National Regeneration” for the accomplishment of domestic stability and unity, which required a pacifist stance towards international developments and an introverted attitude of self-sufficiency,11 similarly to the case of Salazar’s Portugal. In this context,
Greek nationalism called for the negation of individualistic tendencies and beliefs and, in opposition, professed its confidence on collectivism.12 The Ethnos was elevated into the highest symbol of respect13
and was viewed as one single, living organism, whose survival and prosperity were deemed as the most sacred and critical goals of the state.14
5 Kallis, 2010, p. 21 6 Anastasakis, 1992, p. 97 7 Ibid., 1992, p. 64 8 Kallis, 2010, p. 16
9 Sarantis, Konstantinos. 2009. "I Ideología kai o Politikós Charaktíras tou Kathestótos Metaxá." In O Metaxás kai i Epochí tou, by Thanos Veremis, 45-71. Athens: Eurasia, pp.47-48
10 Anastasakis, 1992, pp. 94-99 11 Ploumídis, 2016, pp. 64-65 12 Anastasakis, 1992, pp. 97-98
13 Machaíra, Eléni. 1987. I Neolaía tis 4is Avgoústou :Fotografés. Athens: Genikí Grammateía Néas Geniás, p. 27 14 Anastasakis, 1992, pp. 97-98
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Nationalistic forces intensified the attempt for the definition of and interventionism into the private life of the individual and the family,15 which in extension led to the imperative need for the construction of
a new gender discourse. Nationalistic political systems called for the critical elevation of all daily matters, of social and cultural nature, to political ones.16 The re-definition of gender roles for national
needs and purposes from the dictatorship could be deemed unavoidable, taking into consideration the tight interconnection of nationalism to the identities of the male and female, as well as their power relationship between each other.17 However, the dichotomic bias, in the writing of history, of associating
the political with the public and therefore the masculine, and the cultural, with the private and the feminine, have caused a short-sided analytical barrier for the understanding of gender roles in high politics and political identities.18 This has led to the study of political history through the lens of the
male population, presumably representing the dynamic driving force behind it, and the writing of women’s record as a marginal history or history of substitution,19 where the two categories fail at
conjunction and intertwining. As a result, they do not lead to the production of a more accurate, collective political history of the genders. In further observation, in certain of the best cases where women’s roles in nationalistic states are placed under scholarly investigation, the deductions produced, support that the gender construction of nationalism mainly resulted in the exclusion of women from its political processes.20
Gender history has been a relatively recent addition to the historiographical debate and a rapidly evolving one. The early stages of women’s inclusion in the historical narrative produced by feminist historians follow the pattern of the portrayal of women as “objects” of victimization.21 Though this
approach carries its merits as the instigator of attempting to write the history of women and raising the issue of their complete absence from research, it presents several flaws as well. First, women are painted in a manner that strips them from any ability or possibility of personal agency and, in extension, are denied even the identification of an active subject. Second, women are recognized as a unified whole, lacking any differentiation and variation amongst the group under examination. Third, the
15 Bock, Gisela. 1991. "Challenging Dichotomies: Perspectives on Women's History." In Writing Women's History, by Karen Offen, Ruth Roach Pierson and Jane Rendall, 1-23. London: Palgrave Macmillan, p. 4 16 Vlossak, Elisabeth. 2019. "Gender Approaches to the History of Nationalism." In Writing the History of Nationalism, by Stefan Berger and Eric Storm. London: Bloomsbury Academic, p. 14
17 Walby, Sylvia. 1992. "Woman and Nation." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 33 (1-2): 81-100, p. 89
18 Voldman, Daniel. 1997. "Politismós kai Exousía ton Gynaikón: Dokímio Istoriografías." In Siopirés Istoríes: Gynaíkes kai Fýlo stin Istorikí Afígisi, by Éfi Ávdela and Angelikí Psarrá, 329-370. Athens: Ekdóseis Alexándreia, p. 360
19 Kelly, Joan. 1997. "I Koinonikí Schési ton Fýlon: Methodologikés Epiptóseis tis Istorías ton Gynaikón." In Siopirés Istoríes: Gynaíkes kai Fýlo stin Istorikí Afígisi, by Éfi Ávdela and Angelikí Psarrá, 121-147. Athens: Ekdóseis Alexándreia, p. 124
20 Scott, Joan Wallach. 2018. Gender and the Politics of History. New York: Columbia University Press., p. 6 21 Sharman, Fiona. 2014. "How Has the Historical Representation of Women in Nazi Germany Changed Since 1933?" History Initiates II (2): 47-57, p. 47
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representation of women as passive victims of a solidified, suppressive patriarchy leads to the notion of a monolithic and fixed perception of gender roles and relationships, heavily influenced by the public/private binary.22 Progressively, and especially during the 1980s, the field began adopting
multiple interpretative trajectories where, on the one hand, additional analytical tools, such as race, class, religion, were incorporated into the academic approaches23 and, on the other hand, the concept of
gender itself was acknowledged as not a given construction, but a socio-cultural one. Joan Scott, one of the leading theoreticians of the field of gender history, in Gender: A Useful Analytical Category of
Historical Analysis, defends that despite the stability that gender exemplifies, it should be
acknowledged and understood that it is “constantly doubted and fluid”.24 The concept of gender is
repetitively in multiple processes of re-invention and re-definition, and the consecutive male and female roles that are produced from them should not be considered as a given when placed under academic examination. Still, they should have their conception, justification, and assessment understood in connection to political power.
The historiography on the female status and experience under nationalistic regimes, such as the dictatorship of Metaxas, follows a similar motive. According to extensive research, nationalism during the European interwar period projected a distinct national female ideal, with the elements of motherhood and domesticity being firmly embedded in it. As a result, the attention, control, and limitations placed on the female population increased, as women were not only perceived as merely safety valves of the status quo in a period of uncertainties and frustrations, but also as carriers of ethnicity.25 As scholars,
Anthias and Yuval-Davis have convincingly argued and helped shape in many forms, the approach of gender studies on the topic of nationalism, women, and ethnic processes are intimately intertwined. Not only were they the biological reproducers of racial, ethnic, and national lines, but also, through that, they were transmitters of the culture that formed the boundaries between states and distinguished the differences between ethnic lines and categories. Last, nationalistic regimes considered women plausible participants in national efforts, either relating to politics, the economy, or the military.26
Therefore, upon surpassing the tendency of denying any active participation of women in a nationalistic society, described as overwhelmingly immersed in assertive masculinity,27 scholars started delving
22 Vlossak, 2019, p. 8
23 Ávdela, Éfi, and Angelikí Psarrá. 1997. "Xanagráfontas to Parelthón: Sýnchrones Diadromés tis Istorías ton Gynaikón." In Siopirés Istoríes: Gynaíkes kai Fýlo stin Istorikí Afígisi, by Éfi Ávdela and Angelikí Psarrá, 15-119. Athens: Ekdóseis Alexándreia, p. 76
24 Scott, 2018, p. 319
25 Kandiyoti, Deniz. 1991. "Identity and Its Discontents: Women and the Nation." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 20 (3): 429-443, p. 432-433
26 Anthias, Floya, and Nira Yuval-Davis. 1989. "Introduction." In Woman-Nation-State, by Nira Yuval-Davis, Floya Anthis and Jo Campling, 1-15. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, p. 7
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deeper into the female tolerance, acceptance, participation, or even complicity to nationalistic regimes. Two primary, well-rounded examples of such work are Claudia Koonz’s Mothers in the Fatherland:
Women, the Family, and Nazi politics and Victoria De Grazia’s How Fascism Ruled Women: Italy, 1922-1945. The first showcases the inherent values that German women recognized about Hitler and
offered their participation voluntarily, developing into Nazi facilitators and perpetrators, despite the discrepancies discovered between promised rhetoric and lived reality for their group.28 The second
presents the incompatible clash between traditionalism and modernism that Italian women under fascist rule were subjected to by gender portrayals and practices due to the regime’s competing imperatives for the role of women in society.29 According to Elisabeth Vlossak’s chapter “Gender Approaches to the
History of Nationalism”, the simultaneous analysis of both nationalism and gender is imperative, as the former is based on a gender discourse. At the same time, the latter’s meaning also gains political stature through renegotiation of the term.30 Evidently, nationalism and the female gender share a close,
interactive bond, as nationalism, either purposefully or unconsciously, defined and divided all issues according to gender constructions for its concerns and purposes. Women emerged, one way or the other, as seemingly equals into political matters of the state since the significance of all top-down calls towards them were raised to the status of national political importance.
The evolution of gender theory and the progress of studies infusing it into the analysis of nationalistic systems has been impressive. However, the approach and the topic have barely attracted the attention of scholars for their application in the study of Greek nationalism during the interwar era. In general, during the late twentieth century, the limited interest in the status of Greek women in history correspondingly did not ignite academic concern.31 Gender or social studies had been widely considered
the product of focus in the private domain, one presumably perceived as evolving at a slow, non-significant pace of no historically big proportions of change.32 Therefore, either the stories of Greek
women have been written as amputated from the grand historical narrative, as side-history or as a footnote of political history writing.
In more detail, the first study that partly touched upon the topic of the status of Greek women under the rule of Metaxas belongs to the Greek scholar Eleni Machaira in her research I Neolaía tis 4is Avgoústou:
Fotografés (“The Youth of the 4th of August: Photographs”) of 1987. Machaira focused on the analysis 28 Koonz, Claudia. 2014. Mothers in the Fatherland: Women, the Family, and Nazi Politics. London: Routledge, pp. 4-7
29 De Grazia, Victoria. 1992. How Fascism Ruled Women: Italy, 1922-1945. Berkeley: University of California Press, p. 2
30 Vlossak, 2019, p. 8
31 Avdela, Efi. 1991. "The ‘History of Women’ in Greece." In Writing Women’s History, by Karen Offen, Ruth Roach Pierson and Jane Rendall, 423–427. London: Palgrave Macmillan., pp. 424-425
32 Pomáta, Tzána. 1997. "I istoría ton gynaikón: Éna Zítima Oríon." In Siopirés Istoríes: Gynaíkes kai Fýlo stin Istorikí Afígisi, by Éfi Ávdela and Angelikí Psarrá, 149-230. Athens: Ekdóseis Alexándreia., p. 155
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of the symbols and depictions that the dictatorship used as means of propaganda in its youth magazine
Neolaia (“Youth”), an ideological instrument of the EON organization. Additionally, she researched
the sex-segregated and gender-appropriating education that male and female members received in the organization. The conclusion she drew from her research was the overwhelmingly negative effect that the regime had on women.33 The hyped maternalism of the state and the calling for the prioritization of
motherhood as a service to the nation indicated to the scholar the embedded philosophy of inferiority and submissiveness of the female gender. Despite constituting a staple for the myths and propaganda that were utilized by Metaxas, her extensive and detailed work, did not take into consideration the pivotal role of motherhood for a nationalistic state from a gender perspective, which can also signify the elevation of women in society and the feeling of inclusiveness.34 One point to keep in mind is that
regardless of the top-down imperatives that were inflicted on women, it definitely should not lead to the conclusion that those were passively received and accepted or that they can depict an actual societal regression. An interpretation as this one would be a narrowly-viewed, false assumption that first, suggests that politics and state decisions are the predominant and defining driving force of history and second, paints women, or an individual of any group, as feckless pawns that do not process, assess, agree or disagree with the structures of its time.
Additionally, scholars Jill Vickers and Athanasia Vouloukos, in their article “Changing Gender/Nation Relations: Women’s Roles in Making and Re-constructing the Greek Nation-State" of 2007, described the relationship between gender and national systems in Greece since the beginnings of the modern Greek state in 1830 and for the whole duration of the twentieth century. Their goal was to evaluate how engaging each political system was towards women, whether they were incorporated in society on an individual and a collective level, and it includes interesting insights into the era of Metaxas. According to them, Greek women’s relation to the nation differs characteristically from the similar models of other European states. Based on their thesis, Greek women were more actively involved and included in the nation-building processes from the initial foundations of the modern Greek state. The reason behind the argument rests on the concept that Greece’s model of nation revolved around a predominantly ethnocultural basis and not a civic-liberal one, meaning in extension that equality was not based or highlighted by issues, such as citizenship and formal political involvement. On the contrary, the female population of Greece was actively engaged in the national processes of “becoming” due to the critical weight of the cultural and ethnic factors.35 Therefore, women were called
to be educated, publicly involved and to foster a sense of national identity, as carriers and barriers of the principles and ideals of their nation, while not strictly confined to the sphere of the private, already from
33 Machaíra, 1987, pp. 69-70 34 Vlossak, 2019, p. 8
35 Vickers, Jill, and Athanasia Vouloukos. 2007. "Changing Gender/Nation Relations: Women’s Roles in Making and Restructuring the Greek Nation-State." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 13 (4): 501-538, p. 509
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an era when nationalism, in its interwar form, had not overshadowed political thinking. The regime of Metaxas is presented as an extremely exclusionary ethnic model that did not incorporate women into the public realm as the ideologies and the processes of the state were not welcoming to women’s aims. This is based on the argument of the abolishment of civil rights36, which, however, was a reality of both
genders under the Metaxas regime; hence the exclusion was not blatantly targeted toward women.37 It
should also be stated that their inclusion into the public sphere could not necessarily indicate the curtailment of gender inequality and a favorable experience, as the participation of women could simultaneously provide a degree of emancipation, in addition to the imposition of more responsibilities, that could entail further codes that would reaffirm the appropriate female status and conduct.38
In contrast, Margaret Poulos argues in her research Arms and the Woman: Just Warriors and the Greek
Feminist Identity, published in 2014, that the worship of motherhood by the regime offered more to
women than its prior liberal counterparts and released them from the confinement of the private sphere. Focusing on the welfare institutions that were established for prenatal and infant care and the grandiose and idealistic narrative that young girls were exposed to in their state-mandated education, she considers that the cultural status of women was amplified.39 The latter scholar, who analyzes both nationalistic
rhetoric and practice, on the one hand, provides a more sober approach on the topic but, on the other hand, she still focuses exclusively on the subject of motherhood, as the defining factor, whose treatment determines the positive or negative effects on women. The identity of women was not monolithic, nor was the role of a mother and wife the only one that women performed in society. Whereas Poulos’ arguments can be partly accepted, to describe the reality of women with children, it should still be noted that they were also female students and workers of various age groups and backgrounds or girls belonging in the EON organization that fit different criteria. Motherhood did not consist of the sole domain that connected women to the political or public sphere and using it as the predominant criterion to evaluate the status of women constitutes a methodological approach based on the gender bias that the female identity is defined by her biological reproductive abilities. The present thesis aims at enriching the historical narrative by not fixating exclusively on motherhood as an analytical category to evaluate the status of women under the regime of Metaxas.
However, the category of women has appeared in historiography, mainly, in studies that examined more closely the Ethniki Organosi Neolaias (EON: National Youth Organization) or the youth press that the regime instigated, spaces where boys and girls co-existed, ergo the reference to women was almost
36 Vickers and Vouloukos, 2007, p. 522
37 Poulos, Margaret. 2014. Arms and the Woman: Just Warriors and Greek Feminist Identity. New York: Columbia University Press, p. 144
38 Walby, 1992, p. 89 39 Poulos, 2014, p. 145
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inevitable. Some notable examples are Giati Chairetai Ho Kosmos Kai Chamogelaei, Patera-- ":
Mathēmata Ethnikēs Agōgēs Kai Neolaiistikē Propaganda Sta Chronia tēs Metaxikēs Diktatorias
(“Why is the World Happy and Smiling, Father?: Lessons of National Education and Youth Propaganda in the Years of Metaxas’ Dictatorship”) of 2006, by Angeles Vangelis40 and The Metaxas Myth:
Dictatorship and Propaganda in Greece published in 2011 by Marina Petrakis.41 Both analyze the
characteristics of the propagandistic narrative deployed by the 4th of August regime, in addition to the
means of mass communication that were subjected under strict state control, while only the former focuses directly on the discourse addressed to the young generation of Greeks. Despite the merits of both studies, providing valuable information on the types of education of the EON organization for its male and female members and the establishment of the interaction achieved between the two genders, they do not focus on gender relations, nor examining propaganda by using gender as a useful analytical category to assess the commonalities or differences between the treatment of men and women during the dictatorship of 1936. Furthermore, the presentation of the Neolaia material is fragmented, despite the core importance of the publication for the youth organization. The study that counterbalances this omission is, Hē Nea Genia Hypo Kathodēgēsē: to Paradeigma Tou Periodikou "Hē Neolaia": Analytikē
Parousiasē Periechomenōn Kai Heuretērio (“The New Generation Under Guidance: The Example of
the Magazine ‘The Youth’: Analytical Presentation of its Content and Index”) by Giorgos Andreiomenos, published in 2012.42 Andreiomenos exhaustively researches all the topics that were
chosen for the Neolaia magazine and provides a detailed index to present them. The scholar helps to establish the link between the government of Metaxas and the editors of the magazine. Still, he does not provide comprehensive information on the reasons and purposes for the choice of the propagandistic themes.
The objective of the present thesis is to contribute to the narrowing of the historiographical gap, namely the limited academic interest in that status of women during the end of the interwar era, in general, and the restriction of analysis of the female identity to the domain of the family and the home. Instead of aiming at establishing a pattern of progression or regression of the female condition under the Metaxas regime, as a definitive answer, based on an isolated topic, the thesis approaches multiple ideological compartments that were projected to the Greek women, and that include national callings for the adoption of both an apolitical and a political stance in society, a synchronous passive and active role, respectively, as those were emanated in the youth magazine, Neolaia. The dictatorship established by Metaxas is not viewed through an isolated lens from the historical narrative as a sharp turning point of Greek history. It approaches the commonalities of the era of Metaxas and the pre-dictatorship years as
40 Angelēs, Vangelēs. 2006. Giati Chairetai Ho Kosmos Kai Chamogelaei, Patera-- ": mathēmata ethnikēs agōgēs Kai neolaiistikē Propaganda Sta Chronia tēs metaxikēs Diktatorias. Athens: Vivliorama
41 Petrakis, Marina. 2011. The Metaxas Myth: Dictatorship and Propaganda in Greece. London: I.B. Tauris. 42 Andreiōmenos, 2012
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continuity and not as the absence of notable historical change.43 Additionally, there is no intention of
presenting a uniform image or concrete gender narrative that was deployed by the regime, as that perspective has been proved limited and leading to narrow or overgeneralized conclusions. It would suggest the lack of evolution of the political system or the monolithic ideological and political character of the regime. In contrast, the thesis argues that even the state-run medium of Neolaia, which constituted one of the many platforms and compartments of the regime, exhibited multiple levels and patterns of bargaining regarding gender roles, whose meanings and substances were under constant renegotiation and reinvention. Due to the ambivalent identity of the regime, being in the process of “becoming” itself, and the need for solidification and justification in combination with the turbulent times that incubated its existence, the thesis aims to prove that gender tailoring of the Greek society and ideology, played a crucial role in defining a political system itself and constructing and maintaining a national identity. The research is not confined to the female ideals that Neolaia attempted to disseminate and promote. In juxtaposition, it also focuses on the messages that the youth magazine’s contributors were in an effort to devaluate and reject. By analyzing their appearance, but also their extent and frequency, the thesis also aspires to gain insight on the societal forces that the propagandists were trying to mitigate, but at the same time could help reflect the real experience and attitudes of women and could acknowledge their active agency in historical processes. In this manner, the research focalizes on the top-down political narrative and the bottom-up influence of gender and the continuous relationship and interaction between them.
The primary material selected for this research is the state-run youth magazine, with the titular name
Neolaia or “Youth”, that circulated from October of 1938 until April of 1941. Mainly, the attention is
placed on the analysis of the textual and visual materials that involved or were addressed to women and girls. A large part of the sources consists of the column “Girl’s’ Page” or “Girls’ Pages” (“Selis tou Koritsiou/Selides ton Koritsion”), depending on its size. Briefly, it should be stated that Neolaia and the “Girls’ Pages” constituted the primary medium of the 4th of August dictatorship to ideologically
indoctrinate the younger generation of Greeks in an effort to create a mass following and a cult base. They form an organized material platform where the researcher is given the opportunity to assess the stimuli that women were receiving by the regime’s propagandists and to formulate what the state-appointed ideologues desired women to believe, to think, and to embody. This result is only plausible if the female-targeted contents of the magazine are evaluated as a whole, instead of focusing on articles of one isolated topic to support an academic argument, which has been the dominating approach in recent historiography.
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The thesis adopts a qualitative approach and places the state-published material under discourse analysis while framing it appropriately into the synchronous historical developments. Additionally, it provides commentary on the photographic depictions of women, which are collected in the Appendix section of the present paper. It uses the topic of nationalism to examine the concept of gender and, in parallel, it deploys meanings and definitions of gender as a methodological tool of analysis to dissect the Greek nationalism wave of the interwar period. It adopts the convincing theories of Joan Scott and Elisabeth Vlossak as central axes of its research, hence focusing on the fluidity of gender and the inherently political role of women in nationalistic states. The order that is followed is thematic so as to deconstruct all categories of topics in-depth and in their individual chronological evolution.
The structure of the paper is based on a three-chapter division. The first chapter offers an introduction to the rule of the 4th of August dictatorship and its connection to the press, the youth, and the female
population. Apart from that, it extensively covers essential elements of the Neolaia magazine, such as its publication activity and its team of contributors, as well as reviews the primary sources’ content and structure. The second chapter analyzes the regime’s calls to young Greek women to adopt an “apolitical” stance. The term “apolitical” is two-fold. It includes female roles and duties that the women were summoned to uphold and materialize that either, first, the dictatorship did not associate with the political arena or, second, they are not typically treated by the historiographical narrative as political history. The third chapter investigates the Neolaia’s invocation to women for adopting an active and alert attitude towards national matters. Also, it presents a puzzle of the dictatorship’s medium’s ambiguities, retractions, and contradictions on the female gender identity when the elements of traditionalism and modernism combined or clashed.
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Chapter 1
Commandeering the Propaganda Mediums
It is imperative in order to gain better insight and understanding into the primary sources under analysis and their significance to delve deeper into first, the historical context in which the 4th of August
dictatorship of 1936 originated and second, its character, institutions, and structures.
The Chronicles of the Dictatorship
The interwar era in Greece can be characterized as an extensively turbulent period during which political institutions have been described as in a state of crisis, whose roots can initially be detected in the period of 1915-1917 or the so-called “National Schism” period.44 The rival opinions between the liberal elected
government and the King in regard to the questioned participation or neutrality of Greece in World War I, that defined this period, even led to the temporary dichotomy of the country into two separates states and governments in October of 1916 until the ouster of the King, Constantine, in June 1917. This event temporarily reunited the Kingdom of Greece, but on the level of political ideology and allegiance divided Greeks even further. The two political poles of Greece, the Venizelists, and the Monarchists, representing the Liberal and the People’s Party respectively, were in a state of hostile antagonism for their legitimization in Greek political matters and the implementation of their contrasting governmental system imperatives. The tension between the two irreconcilable camps resulted in major political consequences. The Liberal Party and its leader, Eleftherios Venizelos, lost their power when the party of the pro-monarchists won the election of 1920, restoring the King, after a rigged plebiscite. However, the rivalry between the main political parties only intensified more after the defeat in Asia Minor in September of 1922.45
The polarization of the period from 1922 until 1935 led to two major state changes, first, establishing the short-lived Second Hellenic Republic of 1924-1935 and then restoring the constitutional monarchy again, after the military intervention of the anti-venizelist National Radical Party, headed by Georgios
44 Kallis, 2010, p. 1
45 Chatzivasileíou, Evánthis. 2010. "I Ptósi tou Dimokratikoú Politévmatos." In I Diktatoría tou Ioánni Metaxá, by Evánthis Chatzivasileíou, 17-34. Athens: Dimosiografikós Organismós Lampráki A.E., pp. 19-21
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Kondylis in 1935 and another fraudulent referendum.46 These years were also defined by continuous
military interventions and conspiracies, the one-year military dictatorship of the non-partisan, General Theodoros Pangalos, seven parliamentary elections which were shifting the power between the two major political parties repetitively, and the establishment of an ecumenical government in 1926, led by the independent leader, Alexandros Zaimis, that lasted until July of 1928.47 The anomalies of the
political climate spiraled in March 1933. The relatively stronger position of the Liberal Party in electoral matters, that additionally maintained dynamic control and influence on the military, in comparison to its monarchist equivalent, dissolved in the elections, when the People’s party won the parliamentary majority. A failed, abortive military coup by Colonel Nikolaos Plastiras on the aftermath of the election for the restoration of Eleftherios Venizelos as Prime Minister provided the opportunity and justification to the royalist faction to purge the military echelons of Venizelist sympathizers and ideologues. Evidently, the “National Schism” was exacerbated between the two political camps, also forcing Venizelos into exile, following another attempted coup by the leader’s military supporters in March of 1935. Finally, in January of 1936, the gaining momentum of the Communist Party in the Greek Parliament created a new, considerable threat to the ruling party.48
During these national tribulations, Ioannis Metaxas evolved from a military officer to a pro-monarchist, but, eventually, an independent political figure. Coming from an aristocratic family of the Ionian islands of Greece, Metaxas started pursuing a military career from the early stages of his life.49 After his
participation in the Greco-Turkish war of 1987, and through his support from the heir to the throne, Constantine,50 he attended the War Academy in Berlin, where he grew respect and admiration for the
German way of thought.51 His ideological opposition to the participation of Greece in World War I at
the side of the Entente powers led Metaxas to resign from his military post under the government of the Liberal Party and to politically identify with the People’s Party. However, the expansionist ambitions of the royalists and the subsequent loss of Greece’s “New Lands” in Asia Minor in 1922 alienated Metaxas, who was endorsing non-irredentist policies and the value of national autarky. Hence, Metaxas disassociated himself from this political camp by founding his own “Free Thinkers” party, condemning the extreme manifestations of the political party frictions and showcasing an attitude of relative collaborationism for the preservation of democratic procedures and parliamentary institutions. However, his ideological views radicalized after the elections of 1933, when he rejected
46 Chatzivasileíou, 2010, p. 22 47 Anastasakis, 1992, pp. 66-67 48 Chatzivasileíou, 2010, pp. 27-29
49 Close, D.H. 2009. "Ta Ereísmata tis Diktatorías tou Metaxá." In O Metaxás kai i Epochí tou, by Thanos Veremis, 23-44. Athens : Eurasia, p. 29
50 Anastasakis, 1992, p. 82
51 Koliópoulos, S. Ioánnis. 2009. "O Metaxás kai oi Exoterikés Schéseis tis Elládas (1936-1941)." In O Metaxás kai i Epochí tou, by Thanos Veremis, 191-213. Athens: Eurasia, p. 196
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parliamentarism as a viable solution for Greece’s political strife and supported the intervention of a stronger executive force, the restoration of the King, and a “National State” that would fill the ideological void, after the failure of Greece’s expansionist ideas in Asia Minor and would create a barrack against the growing communist influence.52
The political deadlock produced after the election of January of 1936, when neither of the two major political wings achieved a parliamentary majority, was followed by the attempt of the political leaders across the party spectrum to conspire with the communist members of parliament in order to establish executive control. Konstantinos Demertzis, a political representative of the Free Thinkers’ Party, was established as the caretaker of the government, considered a neutral option, until a winner would crystallize. However, the threats of disobedience and denial of support for any government affiliated with the communists made by the military leaders to King George II compelled him to appoint on the 5th of March 1936 the prominent anti-communist Ioannis Metaxas as minister of War and vice-president
of the temporary, compromise government. On the 13th of April 1936, Metaxas was appointed as Prime
Minister, following the death of his predecessor.53 However, in the preceding months, Ioannis Metaxas
took advantage of the threatening labor unrest episodes and mobilizations that were framed as a symptom of the increasing communist influences on the masses and the death of major political figures that left the political parties headless of a significant and powerful leader that would inspire trust and popular support.54 As a result, on the 4th of August 1936, the King, in an effort to maintain control over
a political system that was entrenched in instability and rivalry, was convinced to endorse Metaxas, dissolved the Greek parliament, and signed for the suspension of constitutional articles relating to civil liberties for the establishment of a monarchical dictatorship.55
The King and Metaxas, as the “National Governor”, both exercised political power in the New Greek State, either by heading separate spheres of responsibilities or by jointly participating in decision-making.56 The dictator was depended on the endorsement of the crown to secure and retain his power,
so he had symbolically accepted the supremacy of George II.57 However, by 1938, Metaxas noticeably
limited the King’s jurisdiction and input without completely or officially eliminating the structure of dual governance.58 The two men preserved their relationship, which proved antagonistic due to the
critically contrasting notions regarding the character of the dictatorial solution. The imposition of dictatorial rule was considered by the King as a temporary solution, and it was described as a “technical
52 Anastasakis, 1992, pp. 82-86 53 Chatzivasileíou, 2010, p. 29-30 54 Ibid., 2010, pp. 30-31 55 Ploumídis, 2016, p. 27 56 Ibid., 2016, pp. 37-38 57 Anastasakis, 1992, p. 77 58 Ploumídis, 2016, p. 38
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illegality”, while Metaxas was explicit on the permanent character he aspired for his regime.59 The
leader, Ioannis Metaxas, imposed totalitarian rule and centralized extraordinary powers under his own control,60 which was portrayed as his ‘charismatic leadership”.61 The dictator wished to disseminate the
regime’s ideologies and policies and considered that all functions of the state and society should succumb and actively support the government. The Greek leader applied direct supervision to the ministers he was appointing personally. On some occasions, when Metaxas felt unsatisfied by the ministers’ performance and the manner they were implementing his vision, he even proceeded to removing them and placing the ministries under his direct control.62 Furthermore, in September of 1938,
he subordinated the Greek Orthodox Church, and through unlawful procedures, he ensured the appointment of trusted men in key religious positions.63 The role of religion still constituted an integral
tenet,64 as the dictator was a deeply pious man himself, and he considered religion as an inextricable
part of Greek society and culture. However, Metaxas had little regard for the actual institutions of the Church, and, much like the family nucleus, they were of crucial, but secondary importance in comparison to the core ideal of the Nation.65 For this reason, the influence and guidance of the Greek
Church were not entirely halted but tailored to complement the mechanisms and intentions of the regime.66
The legacy of Metaxas continues to be commemorated as a national holiday to the present day in Greece, as, despite his totalitarian rule and association with fascist ideologies and practices, he constitutes the national leader that heroically opposed the aggressive Italian ultimatum in October of 1940.67 The physiognomic commonalities between the Greek regime and the most powerful fascist
states of Europe could have inferred that Metaxas was strategically oriented towards Germany and Italy. However, the dictator, that had a leading stand in foreign policy matters opted for an approach based on realism68 and focused on geography.69 Therefore, he was diplomatically aligned with Britain,70 which
maintained a naval presence in the Mediterranean and insisted on Greece’s neutrality71 and Balkan
peace by reinforcing the Balkan Pact of 1934. Despite this, Greece and Germany preserved strong trade and industry ties.72 During the initial years of his rule, the main preoccupation defining Greece’s defense 59 Ploumídis, 2016, pp. 21-22 60 Petrakis, 2011, pp. 3-4 61 Kallis, 2010, p. 18-19 62 Close, 2009, p. 24 63 Ploumídis, 2016, pp. 49-50 64 Kallis, 2010, p. 12 65 Sarantis, 2009, pp. 62-63 66 Angelēs, 2006, pp. 184-185 67 Anastasakis, 1992, p. 81 68 Ibid., 1992, pp. 78-79 69 Koliópoulos, 2009, p. 198 70 Kallis, 2010, p. 20 71 Ploumídis, 2010, p. 147-148 72 Ibid., 2010, pp. 158-159
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policy and military preparedness was the single concern of Bulgarian revisionism, which could lead to an attack for territorial expansion on the contented north regions of Greece.73 The Balkan states held
another conference in February of 1940 in order to renew the conditions and promises of the Balkan Pact. The final agreement reached in Belgrade among the governments of Greece, Turkey, Romania, and Yugoslavia rested mainly on the acknowledgment of the preservation of the territorial status quo,74
its primary purpose, though being to establish a united neutrality block amongst the self-serving Balkan states.75
The state of Metaxas eventually came under the threat of Italy. To elaborate further, in April of 1939, the Italian invasion of Albania was an aggressive step towards establishing the danger of Italy’s imperialism plans.76 For Greece, this signified the creation of two separate fronts from which it would
need to protect itself, while the later eruption of World War II, in September 1939, exacerbated the national anxieties for the preservation of neutrality and avoidance of war. At that time, the Foreign Office had discouraged Greece from the renewal of the Greco-Italian agreement for neutrality so that Greece would have freedom of movement in the event of a future military confrontation between Britain and Italy.77 Moreover, the Greco-British lease agreements of January 1940 for 60 Greek ships officially
placed Greece on the side of the Allies, while the Greek government continued providing assurances to the Axis in order to preserve a level of neutrality and not become actively engaged in the war.78
Notwithstanding, even entering 1940, Greece had still not been offered any substantiated assurances for protection by a Great Power in the case it was under attack.79 Finally, Metaxas’ rejection of permitting
the crossing of Italian forces through Greek lands led to the Italian invasion and the Greco-Italian War in October of 1940 and, despite the country’s unfavorable strength and position, led to the tactical defeat of the Italian forces.80 Despite this, Greece did not possess the necessary means to defend itself from a
dual northern front after the German attack in April of 1941, which resulted in the occupation of Greece by the forces of the Axis. The 4th of August dictatorship fell, two months after the death of Metaxas.81
73 Ploumídis, 2010, pp. 149-150 74 Patrikiádou, 2015, p. 103 75 Ibid., 2015, p. 105 76 Ploumidis, 2010, pp. 151 77 Ibid., 2010, p. 156 78 Ibid., 2010, pp. 157-158
79 Drakópoulos, Evángelos N. 2010. "Pólemos, 1940-1941." In I Diktatoría tou Ioánni Metaxá, 1936-1941, by Evánthis Chatzivasileíou, by Evánthis Chatzivasileíou, 161-187. Athens: Dimosiografikós Organismós Lampráki A.E., p. 163
80 Anastasakis, 1992, p. 81 81 Drakópoulos, 2010, pp. 179-181
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Mobilizing the Youth
Apart from the fact that Metaxas is commemorated for his foreign policy decisions, another fundamental element and unexampled introduction of the dictator that has marked the historical memory of the dictatorship was the establishment of the Ethnikí Orgánosi Neolaías (EON: National Organization of Youth) on the 7th of November 1936 under the Emergency Law 334.82 The purpose of
the organization was no other than the ideological indoctrination and mass collectivization of the Greek youth, which was exceptionally vital for the goals of the regime. The reasons for this were, on the one hand, the malleable and suggestible character of the youth, a fertile ground for the engineering of active and loyal supporters, and on the other hand, the lack of a solid political party base. Therefore, the creation and targeted investment in EON was deemed as a necessary deposit for the survival and empowerment of the 4th of August dictatorship.83 To ensure this, the Ministry of Education proceeded
to declaring in a bulletin of 1938 that all children attending school would be automatically enrolled as members of the youth organization.84 Furthermore, in June of 1939, Metaxas dismantled all other youth
organizations, including the scouts,85 and had technically converted the membership to the organization
from voluntary to compulsory.86
The EON organization also represented an institution to ideologically and physically “breed” women, and it was modeled after similar youth organizations in Europe during the interwar period, like the
Opera Nazionale Balilla of Fascist Italy, the Hitler-Jugend and the Bund Deutscher Arbeiterjugend of
Nazi Germany. The main break from gender norms that EON signified was the participation, and in extension, co-existence of both boys and girls in the organization. For the first time, girls, who until that historical point were mainly confined in their homes, had the opportunity to socially interact and engage with the opposite sex.87 Vangelis Aggelis cites the quantitative data of female membership in the
organization according to official EON documents. According to his primary sources, by the early 1940s, the regime claimed that 306.000 girls of various age groups and backgrounds88 had joined the
movement of a total membership of 1.030.314, as recorded in March of 1940.89 The female members
were separated into two sections depending on their age. All girls from ages of 8 to14 belonged to the “skapanisses” (pioneers), while the younger women aged 14 to 25 were in the rank of “phalangitisses” (phalangists).90 82 Petrakis, 2011, p. 20 83 Angelēs, 2006, p. 17 84 Ploumídis, 2016, p. 45 85 Ibid, 2016, p. 46-47 86 Petrakis, 2011, p. 20 87 Machaíra, 1987, p. 108 88 Angelēs, 2006, pp. 82-83 89 Anastasakis, 1992, p. 126 90 Angelēs, 2006, pp. 82-83
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The activities of the Greek youth organization were multifaceted. Unlike Mussolini’s youth, they were less centralized around militaristic preparedness and the development of an aggressive masculine national identity.91 On the contrary, they mostly revolved around collective entertainment activities,
attractive to the youth, such as theatrical plays, tree planting excursions, athletic demonstrations, and segregated symbolic festivals and parades to promote uniformity, obedience, and the systemic cultivation of nationalistic feelings amongst the youth base.92 However, the element of such a level of
co-existence between the two sexes that was unprecedented for Greek social standards, in addition to the attraction of children, most crucially girls, outside the nucleus of the family, created a backlash of dissatisfaction and dispraise for the regime. The adoption of kids and their welfare by the state, in addition to the elevation and symbolism of the state as a superior, grand family, reportedly led to the negative stance of many Greek parents, who felt undermined in their role and control over their children.93 It can also be observed that the nationalistic introductions in Greek society had an ambivalent
and contrasting result in theory and practice. On the one hand, the nationalistic regime imported a youth organization scheme that presented unprecedented opportunities for girls to distance themselves from the isolating realm of the home and mobilized them as social beings. On the other hand, the implementation of this type of sex-integrated incorporation contradicted the dogma of Metaxas on the core importance of the family as a foundational factor of national stability and flourishment. Despite stressing the need for the return to traditional values of the family and the adoption of distinct gender roles that facilitate its nuclear strength,94 the EON organization and what it stood for acculturated girls
in a seemingly liberated and modern gender structure, which did not compliment the conservative gender discourse of motherhood and housekeeping.
Regarding the structures of the youth organization, it was directly linked to the Ministry of Education, whose area of responsibility was to oversee all educational institutions, produce educational books and means, as well as supervise all establishments that were connected to the Greek youth.95 The central
aim of the ministry’s pursuits was to appropriately formulate and propagate the regime’s ideological campaigns and messages to the young population, and its control extended to all school and out-of-school associated tasks and activities. The dictator subjected the ministry under his direct rule in 1938, after firing his predecessor, Konstantinos Georgakopoulos, with whose performance he was unsatisfied,96 as he was considered more loyal to the King.97 Additionally, Metaxas fostered a feeling
91 Ploumidis, 2016, p. 42 92 Andreiōmenos, 2012, pp. 48-49 93 Ibid, 2012, p. 21 94 Machaíra, 1987, pp. 106-107 95 Sarantis, 2009, p. 61 96 Angelēs, 2006, p. 74 97 Ploumídis, 2016, p. 49
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of a unique connection existing between him and the young members of the EON organization98 that
he addressed as his “Golden Children”99 and cultivated the notion that he was their patron and “Father
of the Nation”100 Hence, it could also have been the leader’s desire to supervise the youth personally.
Although typically, in charge of EON was Prince Paul, in essence, it was Metaxas, with the role of the General Inspector and his representative, Alexandros Kanellopoulos, acting as the Governmental Commissioner, the two officials that possessed central control of the organization.101 Aside from the
main heads of the organization, the core components of EON’s administration were the Offices (I-IV). Office I was in charge of all internal procedures, Office II’s main domain was the education that EON members were subjected to, while Office IV, also known as the “anticommunist agency”, was responsible for internal spying, as well as the observation of the propaganda that was utilized by foreign governments.102 However, the most vital office of EON was Office III or Propaganda Office. The
Propaganda Office was in charge of the creation and dissemination of political rhetoric and the organization of all propagating channels that reached the youth, such as the radio. The Political Indoctrination Section or Section B’ that was a branch of the office became the Press Office (“Grafeion Typou”), which contributed to the aims of the organization by distributing state-produced articles, praising to the government’s ideology and policies. Also, the Press Office was the one that was heading the publication and dissemination of all propagating press materials, including the weekly magazine
Neolaia or “Youth”,103 whose female-targeted content will be placed under analysis.
Neolaia: The Ideological Instrument
A core requirement for the totalitarian imposition of the government’s ideals and incentives was their extensive dissemination through the control of all means of mass communication and the manipulation of public opinion. To these purposes, Metaxas, immediately, on the 27th of August 1936, established
the Sub-ministry of Press and Tourism, commonly named amongst scholars as the Ministry of Propaganda and Indoctrination, that describes its essence and aims more precisely. Theologos Nikoloudis was appointed as the head and under-secretary of the Sub-ministry.104 According to Marina
Petrakis, Nikoloudis was not just an old member of the “Free Thinkers” Party, but also a newspaper publisher, while he had cultivated strong friendship ties with the dictator.105 Moreover, so as to
completely transform the press and means of communications into the regime’s propagandistic medium,
98 Ploumídis, 2016, p. 61 99 Petrakis, 2011, p. 4 100 Machaíra, 1987, p. 192 101 Andreiōmenos, 2012, p. 39 102 Ibid., 2012, p. 40 103 Petrakis, 2011, pp. 21-22 104 Ibid., 2011, p. 4 105 Ibid., 2011, p. 9
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Metaxas adopted additional drastic measures. First, he established the Censorship Committee that strictly evaluated all publications and ensured that all opinions expressed were not in contradiction to the government’s ideals.106 Second, Metaxas obliged the press to unquestionably publish entries
generated by the regime itself.107 Third, the powerful police force was employed in order to carry out
the task of seizure or burning of all books published prior to 1936 that did not serve as a useful propagandistic tool to the dictatorship and were considered to carry ideas of liberalism or Marxism.108
Fourth, the government proceeded to pass the Emergency Decree, which declared that all press materials serving national, religious, and social purposes should be distributed for free to the population or with significantly reduced prices.109 In this manner, the regime simultaneously forced private press
incentives to reach financial stagnation and designed the conditions for its publications to gain an even broader edge compared to the few private publications that continued existing while being gagged by the state. The measures mentioned above ensured that the dictatorship’s propaganda had succeeded in monopolizing all means of mass communication that shaped and controlled Greek public opinion.
Neolaia was introduced as “a medium of spiritual, religious, social and political indoctrination”. The
publication was launched on the 14th of January 1938, in the form of a newspaper and counted 20 issues until the halt of its circulation on the 27th of May 1938. Giorgos Andreiomenos, in his analytic study suggests that, due to several reasons, such as the large size, the limited circulation, the underwhelming response of the young readers, as well as the lack of quality content creators, served as some of the factors for the paper’s initial failure.110 On the 15th of October 1938, Neolaia was rebranded and
re-circulated in the form of a magazine, which continued being published until the complete collapse of the dictatorship and Greece’s submission to German occupation, producing its final, 133rd (excluding the initial 20) issue on 26th of April 1941. The first published version of Neolaia is not part of the primary material examined in this paper, as it was unfeasible to be recovered. The magazine was divided into three periods: A (A’), B (B’), and C (Γ’), in each of which, the issues were being renumbered from the beginning. First, Period A or “Volume 1”, from the date of release until the 30th of September 1939, numbers a total of 51 issues. Second, Period B or “Volume 2”, from the 7th of October 1939, with one more issue, ended on the 28th of September 1940. As stated at the back of the cover of the first issue of the second period, after a full year of circulation, the regime evaluated its performance and felt very satisfied by the quality of the content it offered to its readers. However, it is claimed that the second period aims at producing “something humanly perfect” and it is stated that the “magazine completely believes that even during the new year that is beginning, it will appear worthy of the Leader, of EON
106 Petrakis, 2011, p. 4 107 Angelēs, 2006, p. 42 108 Ibid., 2006, pp. 43-44 109 Angelēs, 2006, p. 43 110 Andreiōmenos, 2012, p. 56
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and of its readers”.111 Last, Period C or “Volume 3”, with 30 issues, signified the third year of circulation
of the magazine and was being published from the 5th of October 1940, until the cease of the dictatorship.
The magazine, as an integral part of EON, was edited by the Press Directorate of its General Secretariat112 and published in the city of Athens. The complete supervision and control of the
directorship of the publication, as well as the body responsible for it, laid in the power of the Supreme Administrative Council headed by the dictator himself and his official representative, Alexandros Kanellopoulos, the Governmental Commissioner of EON,113 who overviewed the practices of all
branches of the organization. The government’s objectives, which were defining the central funds for publishing Neolaia, were the widespread circulation and diffusion of the magazine,114 as well as the
necessary financial profits from its purchase.115 Based on the internal archives of the EON organization,
the tirage of the issues had already reached 40.000-50.000 by the beginning of 1939, a number still unsatisfactory for the targets of the regime that was aiming at doubling its production rate by June of 1940.116 In 1940, the tirage reached its highest numbers, with a total of 70.000 copies produced by the
organization.117 In order to ensure its successful distribution, all EON members, schools, as well as
public institutions and organizations were subjected to heavy pressure in order to promote the magazine to its targeted audience.118 Finally, despite the initial low and affordable price of each issue, after the
elimination of competition by private publications, the regime proceeded to increase the pricing and subscription costs of the magazine, which, to a degree, some readers were forced to purchase.119
The magazine was established by the regime in an effort to create a mass following amongst the younger generation of Greeks, and it served as the predominant instrument of propagandistic literature particularly aimed at them. Its 32-page, weekly content consisted of ideologically-charged political messages, decorating pieces for the regime’s and its leader’s vision, religious texts, moral lectures, news about the activities and the accomplishments of the EON organization’s formations, didactic short
111Anonymous, Mia Sýntomi Matiá sto Étos pou Kleísame (A Quick Look at the Year We Passed), Neolaia 1 (October 1939). https://photos.app.goo.gl/bYMVReXBxFBNySsT8
112 Kontou, Georgia. 2013. I Politikí kai Koinonikí Ideología tis 4is Avgoústou kai o Trópos me ton opoío aftí Epiréase tin Ekpaídefsi kai ti Neolaía (E.O.N.). PhD Diss., Ioannina: University of Ioannina.
http://hdl.handle.net/10442/hedi/38790, p. 729 113 Andreiōmenos, 2012, p. 57
114 Mpalta, Athanasia. 1986. "To Periodikó tis E.O.N. «Í Noelaía»: Skopoí." In Istorikótita tis Paidikís Ilikías kai tis Neótitas :Praktiká tou Diethnoús Symposíou, Athens, 1-5 October 1984, 631-639. Athens: Istorikó Archeío Ellinikís Neolaías. Genikí Grammateía Néas Geniás., p. 636
115 Andreiōmenos, 2012, p. 58 116 Mpalta, 1986, p. 636 117 Angelēs, 2006, p. 106 118 Andreiōmenos, 2012, p. 59 119 Ibid, 2012, p. 58
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literature pieces, articles for the glorification of Greek history, entertainment pages with puzzles and anecdotes, as well as, pages dedicated to the female-targeted audience, named the “Girl’s Page” or the “Girls’ Pages”. It is essential to highlight that with the exception of the “Girls’ Pages”, the rest of the content of the magazine was never particularly tailored or branded for the opposite sex. It could be hypothesized that the whole magazine was addressed to both genders with specific attention to issues that the editor’s considered to interest the girl readers or that the regime automatically excluded girls from all the other topics of the publication and therefore created the “Girls’ Pages” as the only space that was appropriately designed for them. Alternatively, and more convincingly, it could be argued that as members of EON themselves, girls were targeted along with boys in the same manner by the editors of the magazine, as the propagated messages of the issues were of equal interest to both genders. However, girls had to be addressed by the regime differently and separately, as the new components of the female model and their role in the New State had to be communicated clearly to its target audience. The importance of the dedicated “Girls’ Pages” to the regime is evident from their placement in the magazine’s pages. They did not constitute extracts of minor significance, but, on the contrary, they were mainly placed in the middle of the magazine, close to the central two pages that hosted the main photographic material of EON members.
In more detail, the “Girls’ Page”, first appeared in the 2nd issue of the magazine, on the 22nd of October 1938, as a one-page article. However, it did not constitute a regular column amongst the rest of the magazine’s content. Initially, the content addressed to or concerned with girls appeared periodically, in different forms, either in the dedicated column or in randomly placed articles throughout the magazine’s pages. Gradually, the “Girl’s Page” started to normalize its frequent presence in the magazine throughout Period A, until it doubled in length and upgraded into the “Girls’ Pages” in the last two issues of the first volume. During the second period, the column remained more or less consistent in the frequency of appearance, it gained regular contributors, and it started adopting a more stable and defined format and content. However, it can be observed that it constituted one of the columns that were usually omitted in special editions of the publication, where space had to be created for long celebratory articles, as, for the religious or national holidays anniversary issues. During Period C, the column reduced again to one page, with few exceptions, but it was still included on a regular basis, despite the fact that progressively the magazine suffered from mitigation. Due to the eruption of the Greek-Italian War and resources being scarce, the pages of the magazine were reduced from 32 to 24 and finally to 16.120
However, the “Girl’s Page” remained present on the last issue.
In terms of structure and content, a regular format can be identified. Consistently, one full page or half a page (depending on whether the “Girl’s Page or “Girls’ Pages were published respectively) was
