The Environmental Sustainability of Non-traditional Cash Crops in the Highlands of Guatemala: A Focus on a Maya-Kaqchikel community
Lorenzo Magzul
B.A. University of Victoria, 1991 B.Sc. Royal Roads University, 1998 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Masters of Science (Special Arrangement)
in the School of Environmental Studies
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L d,@Lorenzo Magzul, 2004 University of Victoria
All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopying or other means, without the permission of the author.
Abstract
This study explores the issue of the environmental sustainability in the cultivation of non- traditional export crops in the highlands of Guatemala and their impacts on the social, economic and cultural aspects of the local people. By focusing on the community of Patzun-a Maya Kaqchikel community-and using key ecological indicators, the status of some of the essential ecosystem characteristics of the region is assessed. The premise of this study is that the status of the essential agroecosystem characteristics determines the social, ecological and economic well-being of a community like Patzun. The more environmentally sustainable the crops cultivated, the healthier the status of the essential ecosystem characteristics, and therefore, the healthier the community supported by that ecosystem-socially, ecologically, economically, and culturally.
In the early 1980s as part of the economic structural adjustments and trade liberalization strategies implemented by various Latin American governments, aided by organizations such as US AID and the World Bank, a group of crops that have come to be known as "non-traditional cash crops," including snow peas, broccoli and cauliflower, were
introduced in Latin America. These crops were meant to diversify the agricultural export base of the Latin American countries, to provide higher export earnings. economic "growth," and jobs in poor rural areas.
In the highlands of Guatemala, the apparent initial economic success of growing non- traditional crops were very attractive to the small-scale producers, including the people of Patzun, because of the economic decline in other sectors of the economy and the chronic poverty prevalent in such rural areas.
The cultivation of non-traditional crops has increasingly been scrutinized and questions have been raised about its sustainability. Problems include price fluctuations, high costs of inputs and crop losses due to pests and diseases. Questions have been raised regarding the impact of the cultivation of these crops on the environment and people's health. In
the case of Patzun, the cultivation of these non-traditional crops is undermining centuries- old traditional agricultural practices (agrodiversity).
This study examines the essential agroecosystem characteristics of agrodiversity, soil quality and water quality. The status of these agroecosystem characteristics is used to assess the environmental sustainability of the cultivation of non-traditional crops.
Agricultural practices such as chenoj and cheloj are examined. Chenoj and cheloj are two traditional soil management methods employed by the Patzun farmers, with which they control weeds by cutting and burying them in mounds while at the same time provide nutrients back into the soil. The decline in the practice of chenoj and cheloj, particularly in fields cultivated with non-traditional crops, could lead to decreased soil productivity and erosion. Other indicators of agrodiversity examined include
intercropping and crop rotation. Erosion risks because of the steep slope characteristics of the Patzun area might be exacerbated with the lack of chenoj and cheloj practices in non-traditional crops. The lack of intercropping might also contribute to these risks. The cultivation of monocrops and the management of competing vegetation in non-traditional crops lead to increase soil exposure to wind and rain.
Intensification of agricultural activities, the use of agrochemicals, and the abandonment of practices such as chenoj and cheloj have direct impacts on soil characteristics. Observations and measurements conducted in this study revealed that erosion rate is higher in fields cultivated with non-traditional crops. The study also revealed that soil acidification, another indicator of soil quality, is slightly higher in non-traditional crops.
The town of Patzun drinking water sources were sampled and tested, and showed nitrates, pesticides and faecal coliform contamination. Nitrates and pesticides can be strongly linked with the cultivation of non-traditional crops. Pesticides found in the water samples are definitely linked to non-traditional crops. The Patzun farmers do not use pesticides in the cultivation of their traditional crops; they use pesticides only on non-traditional crops.
concentration levels, their consistent presence in most samples tested indicates their widespread use. In addition, metabolites of DDT found in one of the water samples suggest that this type of pesticide might still be used in spite of its prohibition.
High levels of f2ecal coliform were found in all waters samples tested. The cultivation of non-traditional export crops require high quantities of fertilizers, chemical and animal manure, which may contribute to faecal coliform contamination of the drinking water sources via soil erosion. Soil erosion rates are higher in non-traditional crops than in traditional crops.
In the long run, the environmental consequences of the cultivation of non-traditional crops by the Patzun people will decrease their ability of a sustainable livelihood. The major consequence of soil degradation because of increased erosion and acidification will result in less productivity of their lands. With less productive lands and without other alternatives for the alleviation of pervasive conditions of poverty, the Patzun people will be forced to put their immediate needs before the long-term health of their land.
The recognition and validation of sustainable agricultural practices such as the soil management techniques of chenoj and cheloj is a first step toward their preservation, the maintenance of local knowledge and empowerment of the Patzun people to use strategies for the sustainability of their ecosystems. In addition, the preservation of chenoj and cheloj acknowledges that the agricultural knowledge acquired over centuries by the Maya farmers of Patzun has been valuable to their subsistence, and equally important to their future survival and to the survival of similar communities in the Guatemalan highlands.
Abstract ... ii Examiners: ... v Table of Contents ... vi List of Tables ... ix List of Figures ... x Acknowledgements ... xi Dedication ... xi ... Chapter 1 : Introduction I 1.1 Background and Rationale ... 3
1.2 Scope and goal of the thesis ... 5
1.3. Objectives: ... 5
1.3.1 Supporting objectives: ... 6
1.4 Methodology and Implementation ... 6
1.4.1 Observations and Data Collection Design ... 7
1.4.2 Variables observed and measured ... 8
1.5 Thesis Organization ... 9
Chapter 2 The Community of Patzun ... I I ... 2.1 Patzun I I ... 2.2 Historical overview 14 2.3 Setting ... 16 ... 2.4 Physiography 17 Chapter 3: Globalization, sustainability, and traditional societies ... 19
... 3.1 Introduction 19 3.2 Does globalization lead to sustainability and improved conditions for traditional societies? ... 21
3.3 Economic forces in Latin America and Guatemala ... 25
3.4 Sustainability and agroecology ... 30
... 3.5 Conclusion 35 Chapter 4: Sustainability and choice of agroecosystem characteristics ... 37
4.1 Introduction ... 37
4.2 Environmental Sustainability and Frameworks ... 38
4.2.1 Harwell et al . (1 999) Framework of Ecosystem Report Card ... 39
4.2.2 Organizations for Economic Co-operation and Development's (OECD): 1999 Environmental Indicators for Agriculture: Concepts and ... Framework 41 4.2.3 Agrodiversity: an essential agroecoystem characteristic ... 44
4.3 Why assess agrodiversity, soil quality and water quality in Patzun? ... 48
4.3.1 Patzun environmental stresses
...
48... 4.3.2 Key issues and values in the Patzun community 49 4.4 Non-traditional crops and soils in the Guatemala highlands ... 54
... 4.4.1 Erosion 54 4.4.2 Acidification of soils ... 56
4.4.3 Physical deterioration ... 57
4.5.1 Agriculture and Agrochemicals ...
vii
... 58
4.5.2 Agriculture and Faecal coliform ... 62
4.5.3 Agrochemicals and Latin America ... 62
4.6 Conclusion ... 63
Chapter 5: Agrodiversity and Ecosystem Characteristics ... 65
5.1 Introduction ... 65
5.2 Agrodiversity and Patzun ... 67
5.3 Treats to Agrodiversity and the Mayas ... -68
5.4. Mayas, Agriculture and Traditional Ecological Knowledge ... 70
... 5.5 Agricultural System in Patzun 74 5.5.1 Soils and Soil Management-Traditional crops ... 76
5.5.2 Non-traditional crops ... 82
5.6 Conclusion ... 86
Chapter 6: Investigating Agrodiversity and Soil Quality ... 87
6.1 Introduction ... 87
6.2 Soil types in the Patzun region ... 88
6.3 Methods ... 90
6.3.1 Procedures and Methods ... 90
6.3.2 Soi! sample collection and observation ... 91
6.5 Chemical deterioration ... I 0 0 6.6 Results ... 103 6.6.1 Erosion ... 1 0 3 6.6.2 Soil Chemistry ... 107 6.7 Discussion ... 108 6.7.1 Erosion ... 108 6.7.2 Chemical deterioration ... I 1 0 ... 6.8 Conclusion I I ... Chapter 7: Water quality 114 7.1 Introduction and methods ... 114
... 7.2.1 Collection of samples for physical and chemical analysis 120 ... 7.2.2 Collection of samples for faecal coliform analysis 120
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7.2.3 Collection of samples and analyses of pesticides 121 7.3 Results and discussion ... 1227.3.1 Pesticides ... 122
7.3.2 Nitrates ... 125
7.3.3 Faecal Coliform ... 128
7.4 Conclusion ... 135
... Chapter 8: Conclusion and Recommendations 137 8.2 Environmental implications of the cultivation of non-traditional cash crops ... 137 8.2.1 Agrodiversity ... 138 8.2.2 Soil quality ... 138 8.2.3 Water quality ... 139 8.2.4 Implications ... 140 8.3 Recommendations ... 141
8.3.1 So, what can be done to stop the negative impacts of globalization in Patzun? ... 142
...
8.3.2 Who gets involved? 1 4 4
8.3.3 Specific measures ... 1 4 5
8.4 Future steps ... 147
Reference ... 148
IX
List of Tables
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Table 2.1 : Common plants in the Patzun region 18
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Table 2.2: Tree species found in the forests of Patzun 18...
Table 4.1: Agrodiversity (After Brookfield and Stocking, 1999) 49 Table 4.2: Water quality
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50 Table 4.3: Soil quality...
50 Table 4.4: Essential ecosystem characteristic and selected subcategories as they relate tothe cultivation of non-traditional export crops (After Harwell et al., 1999; and
Brookfield and Stocking, 1999)
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5 1 Table 4.5: Fertilizer and pesticide production forecast for 2020 and 2050, based on trendsobserved over the past 35 to 40 years (Tilman et al., 2001)
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58...
Table 5.1 : Soil characteristics in Patzun 77
Table 6.1 : Soil profile characteristics in Patzun, according to Simmons et al. (1959)
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89 Table 6.2: Soil profile characteristics in Patzun based on field observations andmeasurements, 2000..
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89 Table 6.3: Summary of the field characteristics observed in Patzun during 2000...
96 Table 6.4: A summary of the soil features observed and measured...
101 Table 6.5: pH and crop sustainability of soils-compared to Patzun agricultural soils(Adapted from Miller and Gardiner, 200 1).
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1 10 Table 7.1 : Average monthly precipitation from September to December, 1990-2002, atBalanya (the nearest weather station to Patzun-about 8 km), measured in mm and days. (Source: Institute Nacional de Sismologia, Vulcanologia, Metereologia e Hidrologia)
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120 Table 7.2: Concentration of pesticides in water samples from sources at highest risk ofcontamination, tested in October and December
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2000....
122 Table 7.3: Drinking Water Quality for the Town of Patzun: According to water samplescollected on Sept. 27,2000
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Inorganic constituents and faecal coliform...
128 Table 7.4: Drinking Water Quality for the Town of Patzun: According to water samplescollected cjn Oct. 22,2000 - Inorganic constituents and faecal coliform
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129 Table 7.5: Drinking Water Quality for the Town of Patzun: According to water samplescollected on Nov. 1 1,2000 - Inorganic constituents and faecal coliform
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129 Table 7.6: Contaminants found in water samples from the Patzun water sources andcompared to the maximum allowable concentrations permitted under the water quality drinking guidelines of the World Health Organization, the US Environmental Protection Agency and the Health Canada (Source: Drinking Water Guidelines by Health Canada, 2004; World Health Organization, 2003; and Environmental
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Figure 2.1 : Market day in Patzun I 2
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Figure 2.2. Making tortillas 12
Figure 2.3 : Guatemala Highlands and Patzun ... 1 3
Figure 2.4. Fields around Patzun ... 17
Figure 3.1 : The role of agroecology in satisfying social, environmental, and economic needs in rural areas (Altieri, 1995) ... 34
Figure 4.1 : Components and linkages in the analysis of sustainability in agriculture (OECD. 1999. p
.
12) ... 42Figure 5.1 : Harvesting corn-author and father ... -74
Figure 5.2. Corn intercropped with squash and beans ...
75
Figure 5.3. Chenoj-mounded soil at the base of corn plants ... 79
Figure 5.4 : Cheloj-corn leaves and cut down vegetation placed in the middle of corn rows. ready for soil to be placed on top and form mounds ... 80
Figure 5.5. : Cheloj-mounded soil in between corn rows; soil pulled away from the base of the corn plants and mounded on top of cut down vegetation
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81Figure 5.6. Young broccoli crop ... 83
Figure 5.7. Soil erosion-gullies in a non-traditional crop field ... 84
Figure 5.8. Field of broccoli seedlings-soil washed down towards road ... 85
Figure 6.1 : Soil profile parameters observed and measured ... 92
Figure 6.2. Soil observations and general locations
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93Figure 6.3. Traditional vs
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Non-traditional Crop Fields ... 97Figure 6.4: Observation and measurement of erosion on fields cultivated with traditional crops and non-traditional crops
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The depth of horizon A in the upper and lower parts of the plot were measured and compared ... 99Figure 6.5. Fields with 6-35 percent slope ... 103
Figure 6.6. Soil erosion on field with steep slope ... 104
Figure 6.7: Depth of horizon A: plots with different slope percentage. regardless of the type of croptraditional or non-traditional ... 105
Figure 6.8: Depth of Horizon A of upper and lower plots. comparing traditional crop vs
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non-traditional crop fields ... 106Figure 6.9: Difference in Horizon A thickness between upper and lower plots- traditional vs
.
non-traditional crops ... 107Figure 6.10: Comparison of soil pH in fields cultivated with traditional vs
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non-traditional crops ... 107Figure 7.1 : Water sample locations ... 1231 8 Figure 7.2. Pesticide containers left on broccoli field ... 123
Figure 7.3. Farmer applying pesticide-exposure via drift ... 124
Figure 7.4. Farmer applying pesticide ... 125
Acknowledgements
I would like to acknowledge and thank my committee members who supported me to write this thesis. Their timely comments, suggestions and encouraging words gave me strength and perseverance. Thank you to my supervisors Dr. Richard Hebda and Dr. Paul West who were always willing to make the time to provide support when I needed the most.
The people of Patzun, particularly some members of the Co-operative San Bernardino, the director of the Patzun health centre, and municipal staff, whose help and wisdom in shaping the course of my research, deserve a special acknowledgement and appreciation. This thesis hopefully reflects some of the wisdom, commitment, and resilience of the Patzun people in spite of the many hardships they face.
Thanks to Willy Knedel, at Univesidad del Valle de Guatemala, and to Francisco Javier Quifionez, at Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala, and other staff who facilitated the use of their laboratories for the analyses of water samples.
Thanks to the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) for their financial support. A CIDA award for Canadians financed the field research for this thesis. Thanks to my wonderful family. To my parents and siblings in Patzun, and to Maeve, Kieran and Manuel, and extended family here in Victoria, Canada. You give me strength and courage.
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Chapter 1: Introduction
For thousands of years, indigenous societies in what is now Latin America have survived primarily as farmers. Today in many parts of the highlands of Guatemala, some Mayan farmers continue to use a traditional, low input type of agriculture for the production of their own food such as corn (Zea mays), beans (Phaseolus vulgaris), and squash (Cucurbitapepo). In recent years the rapid increase in cultivation of non-traditional export crops such as broccoli (Brassica oleracea var. italica), snow peas (Pisum sativum), and Brussels sprouts (Brassica oleracea var. gemminfera), requiring high inputs of chemical fertilizers and pesticides have spearheaded great changes in the agricultural practices by the Maya farmers. These changes have been the subject of various studies that have explored the sustainability of non-traditional export crops (Thrupp, 1990, 1995; Murray and Hoppin, 1990, 1992; Goldin and de Tejada, 1993; AVANSCO, 1994; Diaz Visquerra, 1994; Conroy et al., 1996; Rosset and Altieri, 1997, Nicholls and Altieri, 1997; Popper et al., 1 W8;, Arbona 1998; Larson and Perez, 1999)
In the early 1980s, as part of the economic structural adjustments and trade liberalization strategies implemented by various Latin American governments, aided by organizations such as US AID and the World Bank, a group of crops that have come to be known as "non-traditional cash crops" were introduced in Latin America. The supposed objective of this economic strategy was to create economic growth, build businesses, and create jobs in poor rural areas. The main economic objective underlying the cultivation of these
crops, however, was an increase of the agricultural export base of the Latin American countries, and therefore higher export earnings. These earnings were earmarked to pay off interest and eventually amortize the large foreign debts that the Latin American countries had amassed in the 1970s and early 1980s.
This particular "development" initiative in the highlands of Guatemala involved the cultivation of non-traditional cash crops, which quickly became very attractive to the small-scale producers in the area because of the economic decline in other sectors of the economy and the chronic poverty prevalent in the rural areas.
Thus, the export value of these crops for Guatemala in 1987 was US $37.1 millions, surpassing the export value of US $34.6 million by the previous regional leader,
Dominican Republic (Murray and Hoppin, 1992). According to Thrupp et al. (1 995), the growth in the export of these crops has been dramatic. For example, the volume of snow peas exported by Guatemala increased sevenfold between 1 983 and 1 99 1, from 3.5 million pounds to 24.6 million pounds. Revenue returns from the cultivation of these crops have also been remarkably high. Studies conducted in the 1980s among
smallholders in the Guatemalan highlands revealed that the gross margins per hectare of non-traditional crops were ten times higher than those of grain crops for the local market; therefore very attractive to poor rural farmers. In addition, the geographical location of the highlands of Guatemala favoured this initial boom in the production of these crops. As Michael Conrop et al. (1 996) observe, together with low labour costs for the
production and processing of these crops, this favourable location made it possible to compete year-round in the United State's vegetable market.
The apparent initial economic success of the non-traditional crops now appears to have been short term. Murray and Hoppin (1992) observe that in the late 80s, pesticide-related problems began to reverse economic gains. For example, crop detentions by the U.S. FDA increased dramatically in the late 80s due to pesticide residues on crops. By 1993, the total economic losses from crop detentions of Guatemalan crops amounted to US $10.4 million.
For the local small producers, the increase in pest resistance to pesticides has forced them to increase the amount of pesticides they use on their crops (Conroy et al., 1996). The repercussions on the health of the local people and their ecosystems are raising great concerns. The longer these traditional societies continue to be engaged in the current production practices of these crops, the greater the risks to their own health and that of their ecosystems as a result of their increased exposure to agrochemicals.
The cultivation of non-traditional export crops at first appeared to have alleviated chronic low income and employment levels in the Guatemalan highlands. However, economic
3 losses as a result of the detention of crops by the United States Food Agency because of high levels of pesticides residues on the crops, the unpredictability and lack of control over market prices, and the decrease in productivity of the land as a result of increase disease, pests and nutrient depletion have resulted in hard-to-ignore economic challenges to the farmers (Conroy et al., 1996, and Thrupp, 1995). These challenges for the farmers are magnified because they now have to produce sufficient traditional crops for their own sustenance, as well as produce sufficient non-traditional cash crops for generating a cash income to survive and cope in an increasingly monetarized economy.
By focusing on the experiences of the Patzun people as a case study, this thesis explores the issue of the environmental sustainability of the cultivation of the non-traditional export crops in the highlands of Guatemala and its impacts on the social, economic and cultural well-being of the local people. Using key ecological indicators, the status of some of the essential ecosystem characteristics of the region is assessed. I argue in this thesis that the status of the essential ecosystem characteristics determines the social, ecological and economic well-being of the Patzun people. The more environmentally sustainable the crops cultivated, the healthier the status of the essential ecosystem characteristics, and therefore, the healthier the community-socially, ecologically, economically, and culturally.
1.1 Background and Rationale
I was born and raised in the town of Patzun, and during my youth I helped my father cultivate traditional crops for our subsistence. I have lived in Canada for the past twenty years, but during this time I have travelled frequently with my Canadian family to Patzun, where we have experienced the joys and challenges of living there. When we are there we help harvest corn and beans with my father, who in his early 70s continues to work on his small parcels of land.
When the non-traditional export crops were first introduced in Patzun, my father, like most of the Patzun farmers, grew crops such as broccoli and snow peas on his land. Subsequent unpredictable fluctuations in the price of these crops, intense labour
requirements for tending the crops, crop losses because of increased levels of pests and diseases, and concerns about his own health were factors that convinced my father to abandon their cultivation.
Over the years, during our visits to Patzun I observed changes in the ways the Patzun farmers cultivate their lands as they shift from the cultivation of traditional crops to non- traditional export crops. The intensification of agriculture, the encroachment onto marginal lands, the use of agrochemicals and the production of monocrops raised for me questions about the environmental sustainability of the non-traditional crops and the impacts on the people's health. These concerns transformed into a desire to contribute to the maintenance and support of sustainable agricultural practices so that the Patzun people can continue to subsist in these challenging times. In spite of living for many years outside of Patzun, my frequent visits and strong family ties have enabled me to continue to maintain a strong identity with the people and their surroundings. When I am back in the town of Patzun and speaking the Kaqchikel language, I feel very much a member of the community and readily participate in the daily community life.
When the opportunity arose to undertake a Masters degree here in Victoria, Canada, my deep roots into the Patzun community became a wonderful link and foundation for my thesis research question. At the same time, I hoped that my research would begin a process through which I could support sustainable agricultural in Patzun. By undertaking a field research project for my thesis in Patzun, and hopefully by carrying out subsequent projects as a result of the thesis, I hope to bridge my Canadian and Patzun worlds.
By creating this bridge, I hope to provide the means for exchanging opportunities of knowledge and skills. By doing so, I could address some of the challenges faced by the Patzun people, yet also provide opportunities for people in Canada-especially in the academic, NGOs and environmental sectors-to appreciate and learn from the strategies of survival that people such as those in Patzun develop when faced with great challenges. These survival strategies, which in the case of the Maya people of Patzun involve unique agricultural practices, have enabled them for thousand of years to produce enough food
5
for their subsistence yet, until recently, impact their ecosystems minimally. The
implementation of questionable agricultural practices as a result of the cultivation of non- traditional cash crops highlights more than ever the need to appreciate, preserve and support environmentally sustainable agricultural practices.
1.2 Scope and goal of the thesis
The goal of this thesis is to determine the environmental sustainability of the cultivation of non-traditional crops in the Guatemalan highlands. Using the Patzun community as a case study, I aim to answer the question: Is the cultivation of non-traditional crops sustainable? I aim to answer the question through the observation and assessment of the status of essential ecosystem characteristics such as soil quality, water quality and agrodiversity.
1.3. Objectives:
To understand whether the cultivation of non-traditional cash crops affects traditional ecological knowledge, biodiversity, environmentally sustainable agricultural practices, ecosystems and human health.
To determine if there are differences between traditional crops (corn, beans and squash) and non-traditional cash crops (broccoli, snow peas and others) as far as environmental impacts.
To develop and support environmentally sustainable agricultural practices in the community of Patzun.
0 To understand the forces that cause farmers to cultivate non-traditional export crops.
0 To convey the results of the analysis and to develop practical recommendations that will contribute to the development of more sustainable agricultural practices.
a To describe how globalization presents challenges for traditional indigenous
societies such as the people of Patzun, and to present a critical analysis of the market forces of a global economy.
a To provide an analysis of the external factors that were instrumental in the
introduction of non-traditional cash crops in Guatemala. 1.4 Methods and Implementation
The field research for this thesis was conducted from August 2000 to January 2001 ; at this time of the year, the different phases and management techniques of the cultivation of both the traditional crops and the non-traditional cash crops can readily be observed. In addition, dwing this time, a wide range of precipitation levels can be observed, from heavy rains in September and October to almost no precipitation in December and January. The observation of the rate of precipitation is an important factor in the
determination of the status of erosion and water quality, as runoff can transport pollutants such as pesticides and fertilizers into water bodies.
To conduct the field research, I lived in the town of Patzun-where my parents and large extended family live-interacting with community members, and participating in
agricultural activities. For days I walked or rode a bicycle to observe, take notes, collect data-at times with the help of the farmers whose fields were used for observation and as the experimental plots-and converse with the farmers while they were working on their fields of corn and beans or non-traditional export crops. Sometimes I joined in and helped the farmers in whatever activities they were engaged in, while at other times I carried on formal or informal conversations and interviews with them.
Members of the Co-operative San Bernardino-a co-op that had been founded in the early sixties and remains the only surviving agricultural cooperative association in the town-participated in bi-weekly discussions, dwing which time issues of what
"sustainability" means for them were explored. Key issues and values emerged such as their ability to produce food for the following year, having enough extra income to be
able to afford education for their children, to be able to live in good health, to be able to live in peace and participate in community events. Members of the co-op were
enthusiastic about participating and their input was important in determining what issues were of priority for them. The type of observations and data collected for this project were influenced by the key priority issues identified by the co-op members and other community participants in the study.
Other key participants in the fieldwork were municipal officials, and the director and staff of the local health centre. Except for a few instances, most conversations and interviews conducted with the community members were in Kaqchikel, the language of the Patzun people. The ability to converse with and interview farmers in Kaqchikel provided a unique opportunity to understand and convey the critical issues for the Patzun farmers, which an outsider observer (non-Kaqchikel) might not have been able to achieve.
The methodology followed an interdisciplinary approach because the objectives of the field research included the collection of objective and measurable environmental data as well as the collection of verbal stories regarding the agricultural experiences and
knowledge of the local people. As much as possible a participatory strategy was
followed to profile and learn from such experiences. Of particular interest were historical and existing agricultural practices and knowledge of Patzun farmers and how these might contribute to the maintenance of environmentally sustainable agricultural practices.
1.4.1 Observations and Data Collection Design
To assess the environmental sustainability of the cultivation of non-traditional export crops, the status of three essential agroecosystem characteristics (Hartwell et al., 1999)- water quality, soil quality and agrodiversity-was evaluated.
To evaluate the impacts of non-traditional cash crops on the three essential ecosystem characteristics, a comparison was made between the management of traditional crops and non-traditional export crops. This comparison between the two types of crops is
time that that these crops have been cultivated differs greatly; traditional crops have been cultivated for thousands of years, whereas the non-traditional cash crops have been cultivated only over the past 20 years. Local knowledge and experience in managing each crop type also varies greatly. Traditional crops and non-traditional cash crops were classified as follows:
a) Traditional crops: corn (usually intercropped with beans andlor squash), cultivated for local consumption.
b) Non-traditional cash crops: broccoli, snow peas, cauliflower, Brussels sprouts (and other temperate climate vegetables), cultivated for export, primarily to North America (US).
1.4.2 Variables observed and measured 1.4.2.1 Agrodiversity:
a) Traditional agricultural soil management practices: chenoj and cheloj b) Land tenure types (own or rent)
c) Crop rotation (Is crop rotated? How often crop is rotated?)
d) Intercropping (What other crops are cultivated with the crop in question)
1.4.2.2 Soil Quality:
a) Soil erosion (depth of horizon A, exposure of horizon B, gullies, soil accumulation)
b) Chemical changes (pH levels)
1.4.2.3 Water Quality
a) Pesticides (organochlorines and organophosphates concentration levels) b) Nitrate-nitrogen (mg/L) NO-3, Nitrite-nitrogen (mg/L) ammonia (mg/L)
NH3, and total suspended solids (mg/L)
1.5 Thesis Organization
The thesis is divided into eight chapters. Chapter One provides the background, rationale, methodology and the design of the collection of data for the thesis. Chapter Two presents an overview of the community of Patzun: location, brief history, and physiography.
In Chapter Three I discuss themes of globalization and sustainability, as they relate to the traditional agricultural societies. I provide an examination of economic forces,
manifested in globalization, and how these impact traditional societies. The integration of traditional societies like that of Patzun into a global market profoundly changes relations with their surroundings, with each other, and with the rest of the world. These profound changes often lead to the deterioration of human and environmental health, and to the abandonment of traditional sustainable resource management practices. In order to recover and maintain sustainable agricultural practices, I explore alternatives to the modernization of agriculture and argue that agroecology is one such alternative.
In Chapter Four, I develop a strategy for my study in which the concept of sustainability is placed specifically in the context of agriculture. I review two sustainability
frameworks-Harwell et al. (1999) and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) (1 999) frameworks-for ecosystems, and propose that
agrodiversity is an essential characteristic of an agroecosystem. Recognizing
agrodiversity as an essential ecosystem characteristic is vital to the recognition of the human-environment interrelation, particularly in agricultural ecosystems where humans and the environment form and transform each other. In agricultural ecosystems humans constantly manipulate (cultivate) the land for producing food and in the process transform ecosystems. The transformations directly influence ecoystem productivity (food
production) as well shape their particular characteristics. The recognition of this human- environment interrelation is vital to the sustainability of agroecosystems. Focusing on the Maya comn~unity of Patzun, I demonstrate that some traditional agricultural societies have developed particular practices based on a rich pool of acquired ecological
knowledge. These practices are manifested in the characteristics of the landscape, particular management techniques, types of plants, trees and crops, and the beliefs and values of the local community. I propose that the manifestation of these practices, all encompassed in the term agrodiversity, constitute an essential ecosystem characteristic which is as important to the sustainability of an ecosystem as are water quality and soil quality.
In Chapter Five I provide an overview of the historical and present day traditional agricultural techniques practiced by the Mayas in Patzun. I discuss soil management techniques that they practice such as chenoj and cheloj, and how these techniques are not implemented in the cultivation of non-traditional cash crops.
In Chapter Six I present the results of observations and data collection regarding the status of agrodiversity and soil quality in Patzun. Specifically, I include observations of the practice of chenol and cheloj, erosion, and soil acidity.
Chapter Seven focuses on the quality of water. I present the results of various tests performed and discuss the implications of the contamination of the various drinking water sources. High concentrations of nitrates, the presence of pesticides, and extreme high levels of faecal coliform in most water samples provide an indication of the risks involved in the cultivation of non-traditional cash crops because of the high requirement of inputs such as fertilizers and pesticides.
Chapter 2 The Community of Patzun 2.1 Patzun Geography
The town of Patzun is located about 84 kilometres West of Guatemala City (Figure 2.1). Patzun is a typical community in the rural highlands of Guatemala, with a large Maya population that has retained a distinct identity and speaks the Mayan language Kaqchikel. Several community members still follow traditional rituals and practices. According to the Guatemalan Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Nutrition (2003), -MAGA, by its Spanish initials-the etymology of Patzun may have derived from the Kaqchikel terms pa sum, which translate to: "the place of the wild sunflowers." Indeed, the wild
sunflower (Helianthus annuus) is a predominant feature of the region.
Farming is the main economic activity, but in recent years there has been an increase in other activities including small trades, such as the production of traditional textile crafts.
Patzun's proximity to the capital city, its population growth, and a steady integration of its economy into the global market have forced its people to increase commercial activities. They travel to the city and engage in small trades, as wage labourers, and as professionals in various fields. However, the greatest economic change over the last 20 years has been the cultivation of non-traditional cash crops for markets in North America, primarily, and Europe.
The municipality of Patzun contains the town of Patzun, 10 aldeas (villages) and 3 1 caserios (smaller villages). The total population in 2000 was estimated to be just over 44,000 (Instituto Nacional de Estadisticas-INE, 2000). Ninety-four percent of the population is Kaqchikel and 6 percent is ladino (people of mixed European and indigenous ancestry -known in other countries know as mestizos); in the town, the population is composed of 91 percent Kaqchikel and 9 percent Ladino.
According to the Solola Memoirs - Annals of the ~aqchikels' (Chonay and Recinos, 1 BO), the first inhabitants of the town of Patzun came from the dispersed Kakchiquel population following the fall of Iximche, the Kakchiquel city state in the early 1600s, to the Spanish conquerors. With the help of Catholic priests, the Spaniards founded the towns of Tzolola, Patzun, Patzicia, Comalapa and others (Chonay and Recinos, 1980).
During the colonial era, the town emerged as an important trading centre for the Guatemalan highlands. The central location of the town in relation to highlands, the capital city and the coastal region enabled the residents to trade with towns nearby, and other important centres on the Guatemalan coasts (Pacific and Caribbean). This provided the local people the opportunity to trade and obtain products such as cacao, bananas and cotton (Chonay and Recinos, 1980).
From its inception the popu!&icr, of Patzar, has predomimrdy Seen Kakchiquel. By 1689 there were 30 resident Spaniards, compared to over 1600 Mayas (Gall, 1981). However, from early on the few resident Spaniards enjoyed the economic and political power by owning large estates and relying on the Kakchiquels for the cultivation of their lands, and by controlling the Municipal government -the first Kakchiquel mayor was not elected until the late 1960s. The Patzun Spaniards for the most part used their estates for the production of agricultural products such as legumes and grains. Wheat was the only crop introduced by the Spaniards that was subsequently cultivated by the Kakchiquels who used it as a trading crop, i.e. they used the income from the sale -locally and nationally-for buying other goods (Gall, 198 1).
During the colcnial period, the Kakchiquels of Patzun continued to cultivate a
polyculture of corn (Zea mays), beans (Phaseolus vulgaris) and squash (Cucurbita pepo)
'
The Annals of the Kaqchikels is one of the few surviving Maya documents from the Colonial era that provides a historical account of the Maya's conditions immediately after the arrival of the Spanish in what is now Guatemala. At present, there are 21 different Maya and 3 non-Maya languages (Caribe, Xinca and Spanish) spoken in Guatemala (Instituto Nacional de Estadistica-National Institute of Statistics- CD Rom, 2000). Kaqchikel is one of the main Mayan languages spoken in Guatemala. It is spoken by about 405,000 people in 47 municipalities and in 7 of the 23 departments (provinces).and other crops, and the raising, on a small scale, of domestic livestock (chickens, sheep, horses, cattle) for their own consumption. While some of the domestic animals provided the Kakchiquel with a much-needed source of proteins (chicken, pork, and turkey meat), these domestic animals also produced manure, which they used to add nutrients to the soil for their crops.
For the highland Mayas, the arrival of the Spaniards resulted in the loss of some or all of their lands due to direct expropriation or by indebtedness because of large tributes
exacted from them and directed towards the Spanish crown (Chonay and Recinos, 1980). This made them completely vulnerable to the exploitation of their labour. In addition, various colonial policies2 directly forced Mayas to work on the estates of Spaniards (McCreery, 1986). According to McCreery, the Mandamiento legislation authorized by President Barrios in 1876, forced highland Maya communities to send men and women to work on coffee plantations on the Pacific coast lowlands. By the 1880s, through the Mandamiento legislation, each year about 100,000 highland Mayas migrated and worked weeks or months at a time on the plantations (McCreery, 1986). Even with the
subsequent demise of the Mandamiento and other forms of coercion, the yearly migration of highland Maya to the coastal plantation continued and by the 1960s about 400,000 worked as labourers (Schmid, 1967) on various types of agricultural plantations including cotton, sugar, bananas, and coffee.
In the early 1900s, the municipality of Patzun with an area of 80 km2, was one of the main corn producers in the highlands region. Even though the community produced a variety of crafts, corn was the main source of their income and food intake. This was evidenced in the public markets where corn was traded in great quantities (Gall, 198 1).
The Kaqchikels' agricultural methods, which were based on growing their subsistence crops rather than on crops for cash income (wheat), did not vary much from the colonial times until the 1960s. In the 1960s the introduction of chemical fertilizers and new
The Mandamientos and the Law of Idleness, are two of the policies that legally enabled the exploitation of Maya labour, by forcing them to work on plantations for little or no monetary reward.
varieties of wheat marked the beginnings of the integration of the local economy into the global economy. Although at this time the majority of the people began to use chemical fertilizers on their corn crops, albeit in small quantities, they continued to practice their traditional soil management methods and use other traditional practices including intercropping, the use of locally available resources such as seeds, animal and green manures and soil moisture regimes.
The integration of the Patzun economy into the global economy began with impetus during the early 1980s, at which time a large number of the farmers began to grow new crops such as broccoli, cauliflower, Brussels sprouts, and snow peas. These crops were exported to the United States and the initial results were very successful. The crops cultivated were very productive and the income obtained by the farmers was significantly higher than the income obtained from traditional crops such as corn and wheat (Trupp, 1995). However, over the years, the monetary gains have decreased and now questions have been raised regarding the long term impacts on the agricultural ecosystem and the people's health.
Patzun is located in on the West of the department of Chimaltenango, in the central region of Guatemala. It is located at 14' 40' 45" N latitude and at 9 1
'
00' 53" W longitude (Figure 2.3) (INE, 2000). To the North it borders with the town of Tecpan, to the South with the towns of Pochuta and Acatenango, to the East with Patzicia and San Juan Comalapa, and to the West with San Antonio Polopo and San Lucas Toliman.Patzun is at an altitude of 22 10 metres above sea level (INE, 2000) and its temperatures tend towards being cool, especially during the nights from November to February. The average temperature is 20 C, with a maximum of 30 C and a minimum of 10 C, and 80% humidity. During the summer. November to May, the climate is very dry, with strong
3 ~ r o m an electronic publication (CD Rom, 2000) by the lnstituto Nacional de Estadistica (National Institute of Statistics).
and varying winds. In the winter, June to October, it is rainy, with strong winds. The average wind speed is 12 kmlhour with a North South direction (MAGA, 2003).
Some small streams and rivers run through the Patzun area, but these are drying up as a result of an ever-increasing higher demand for water by the dense population of the region.
2.4 Physiography
Figure 2.4: Fields around Patzun
The area is located in the "volcanic highlands," where volcanic activity has been intense since the Tertiary. Micro basins have formed and filled up or partially covered by Quaternary pumice. Eighty percent of the soil is of Tertiary origin, which includes
of the Quaternary (ICTA, 1994).
The volcanoes of Fuego and Pacaya are active volcanoes in the area. The last great volcano eruption in this area was in 1975, when the Fuego volcano sent ashes in the sky for several days, during which a rain of ash fell in the Patzun region. Due to the region's historic and active volcanic morphology, the Patzun landscape is characterized by a mix of gently undulating slopes (1 -8 percent) and very steep slopes (20-60 percent).
According to MAGA (2003)' most of the cultivated lands in the Patzun region have slopes that range from 10 to 70 percent.
Table 2.1: Common cultivated plants in the Patzun region
I
Annona squamosa1
Anona, sugar apple,I
PekI
Latin name Allium sativum
English common name Garlic Capsicum spp. Cucurbita spp. Eriobotrya japonica Phaseolus vulgaris Physalis ixocarpa Prunus ~ e r s i c a
Kaqchikel common name Anx' h Rubus occidentalis Solanum tuberosum sweetsop, anon Chilli pepper Squash Loquat Common bean Tomatillo Peach Zea mays Galinsoga urticaefolia Ik' IC'OY Mispreah Kine'q' Miltomat' Tras Black raspberry Potato Brassica campestris L Phvtolacca icosandra L
I
Pinus montezumae1
Montezuma pineI
Chej Tocan PamMaize
-
Table 2.2: Tree species found in the forests of Patzun
Ixin Mack'uy
-
-
Latin name Pinus oocarpa Pinus maximinoiI
Arbutus xalapensis1
ArbutusI
Uk'aI
Navs Saktzi'
Querus spp.
Quercus ellipsoidalis Cu~ressus lusitanica
English common name - - Kaqchikel name Chej C hej Live oak
Northern pine oak C v ~ r e s s
Rashche' Rashche' K'sis
Chapter 3: Globalization, sustainability, and traditional societies 3.1 Introduction
The increasing globalization of trade is rapidly transforming worldwide the cultural and natural bases of production and consumption. At the same time, the concept of
sustainable development has emerged as a focus point for various and differing interests, locally and globally, including governments, industries, environmental movements, non- governmental organizations, and civil society at large. This coincidence of interests was reflected by the participation of a large number of representatives from different sectors at the 1992 Earth Summit Conference, in Rio de Janeiro, a conference from which the concept of "sustainable development4~'was consolidated through the forging of Agenda 2 1. However, since 1992 there has been a great deal of debate over the definition of the concept as much as over the process in which it was forged.
According to Doyle (1 998), critics of Agenda 21 contend that it was engineered by Northern elites and grassroot organizations and organizations from the South were not given sufficient participation. These critics also argue that participants from the environmental movement were co-opted into selling a vision of ecology defined by the North and in scientific terms such as global warming, population growth, species
extinction, etc., while ignoring issues such as poverty, lack of access to basic clean water and food security, and political disempowerment, that affect the majority of the peoples of the South. Moreover, these critics contend that this concept of sustainable
development continues to promote goals of "progress" through economic growth and industrialization (Doyle, 1998). Some environmental organizations that participated in the Rio Conference hoped that the recognition of an overt sustainable development norm would allow the expansion of local initiatives worldwide to curtail the market control of environmental resources. These organizations have been severely disappointed because funds to implement environmentally sound economic policies and practices have been funnelled to multinational conglomerates instead of to local communities (Lynch, 1998).
The concept of Sustainable Development was first discussed and defined by WCED as "development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs"(World Commission on Environment and Development, 1987).
Southern countries to balance development and the environment by developing their own vision of an acceptable future. Among other things, people in the South must deal with acceptable development parameters that reflect the availability of resources (Miller,
1992).
At present, however, globalization continues, with little regard for geographic boundaries biophysical limitations and social concerns underlying economic growth. Globalization is reaching into most areas of the planet and impacting traditional cultures that
increasingly experience impacts such as: "resource extraction, mass tourism.. .cultural assimilation, debilitating poverty and political disempowennent" (Demiston, 1998, pp. 38-39).
The impacts from the adoption of globally driven commercial farming practices are one of the major changes facing traditional cultures in southern countries. The impacts are such that "traditional methods of resource management practices developed over centuries are [being] lost" (Denniston, 1998, pp. 38-39).
In this context, traditional agricultural societies face monumental challenges in their efforts to continue to grow their own food for their own subsistence and to produce cash generating crops to help them cope with their insertion into the global market. These changes challenge the social, economic and environmental integrity of their
agroecosystems, and these challenges are particularly compelling where these agroecosystems have sustained the people for centuries and are key to the region's culture.
About 60 percent of the world's cultivated land is still managed through traditional and subsistence methods and has been so for hundreds of years, or longer, in a mostly
successful fashion (Altieri, 1995). For example, farmers undertake "research" on a daily basis in producing their daily food-with methods associated with their own unique world views of nature and their interrelation with it-which need be paid attention to, if
2 1 not as the (r)emergent paradigm-alternative to the dominant one, then, as a fundamental component of it. Increasingly, the knowledge acquired by traditional societies, through their daily interaction with their environment, is being recognized in the academic world for its critical importance in their sustainability (Altieri, 1995; Brookfield and Stocking,
1999; and Warkentin, 1999).
The cultivation of non-traditional export crops highlands in Guatemala is a typical example of how the forces of globalization are creating profound changes for traditional societies like the Maya. These profound changes are the result of decisions made outside their control, yet they affect the ways they interact with their agroecosystems, with each other and increasingly with the global community. Other risks associated with the cultivation of non-traditional crops that the Maya also face include decreased
productivity of their lands, exposure to agrochemical contaminants and the erosion of their knowledge of sustainable traditional agricultural techniques.
For the remainder of this chapter, an overview and analysis of the logic of the forces of globalization is presented and linked with examples of how these forces affect societies, particularly traditional societies worldwide, and more specifically how they affect the Maya people in the highlands of Guatemala. Agroecology as a movement is discussed and presented as example of sustainable agricultural principles that resonate with traditional societies like the Maya.
3.2 Does globalization lead to sustainability and improved conditions for traditional societies?
As we embark on a new century, and in spite of the popularization of the sustainable development concept among various sectors, the daily lives of the majority of the peoples in the South continue to be negatively impacted by economic policies, regardless of "sustainable development," or because of it-as many critics would contend. A global glimpse into the present conditions and likely future scenarios for peoples of the South provides substance to this statement. As of the end of the last century, 800 million people (20 percent) in the South lacked economic and physical access to food required to lead
healthy and productive lives; and about 30 percent of the population lived in absolute poverty with an income of US 1 $ of less per day (Pinstrup-Andersen and Pandya-Lorch, 1998; Brown, 1998; and Wackernagel and Rees, 1996). Also, biophysical limits to food production are being detected through stagnation in growth rates and yields of rice and wheat in Asia. Growth yields for rice and maize are projected to decline between 1990 and 2020 to 1.5% and 1.5% respectively, compared to 1.6% and 2%, respectively, between 1982 and 1990 (Pinstrup-Andersen and Pandya-Lorch, 1998; Brown, 1998; and Wackernagel and Rees, 1996). Major degradation of about 2 billion of the world's 8.7 billion hectares of agricultural land, permanent pastures, and forests has occurred since 1945; fisheries are collapsing and about 25% or more of the main marine fisheries in the world are overexploited (Pinstrup-Andersen and Pandya-Lorch, 1998; Brown, 1998; and Wackernagel and Rees, 1996). Thus, in spite of increased globalization, poverty and lack of food security, and the overexploitation and degradation of resources continue to be major concerns for the majority of the people worldwide.
Juxtaposed with the challenges of extreme poverty and lack of food security faced by the majority of the peoples of the South is the fixation on "progress" through "economic growth" by proponents of neoliberal economic policies. For example, The Financial Times reported that a 1997 economic assessment by the International Monetary Fund projecting a 4 . 4 percent of economic growth for 1997 and 1998 is "one of the most glowing accounts of global economic prospects in decades" (quoted in Brown, 1998, p. 3). In terms of monetary value, it was reported that from 1950 to 1997 the value of global output and services grew from about US $ 5 trillion to US $ 2 9 trillion, with the highest growth occurring between 1990 and 1997-about US $ 5 trillion (in Brown, 1998, p. 3). In contrast, as Brown (1998, p. 3) points out, among the costs of this growth include "an increase of threefold in the use of lumber, fivefold in fish catch, threefold in grain consumption, and several fold in air and water pollution." Therefore, "economic growth," measured in monetary terms, does not constitute progress because the cost of this growth is ecological degradation.
23 Ecologists, unlike most neoliberal economists, are convinced that the rate at which we are now depleting the Earth's resources is unsustainable. Ecologists argue that to achieve sustainability, the economists must not rely on economic growth as a measure of "progress," but rather must begin to recognize the carrying capacity of the natural systems. The recognition of the carrying capacity of the natural systems would lead to acknowledging that at present we live in "a world addicted to growth, but in deep denial about its consequences" (Rees, quoted in Brown and Mitchell, 1998, p. 169).
As it is now, this denial of consequences goes beyond the mere biophysical limits to growth. Indeed, other consequences as result of the persistence of the neoliberal ideology are summarized by a quote from Berger (1 999, p. 454): "neoliberalism and the process of globalization are linked to an emerging market civilization characterized by profound social disintegration and shifting patterns of hierarchical and exclusionary social relations..
.
[moreover] it continues to be coordinated and maintained through a combination of market discipline and the direct application of political power."Despite the many indicators of an unsustainable state of our ecology, society, and
economy at a global scale, the expansion of globalization continues based on the logic of economic growth and on the monetary value of accumulation, profit, and consumption. Critics contend that the impacts of globalization are not the same for everyone. In, general the North obtains most of the benefits, while the South bears most of the cost. Hence, Saul (1 995) argues that the North preaches the mentality of austerity and the inevitable and necessary hardships of globalization, while the South is pressured to implement destructive economic policies of structural adjustment and debt repayment.
Thus, in the paradigm of globalization, culture, ideology, economics and politics are all interwoven into a system that is beginning to permeate the management of agriculture in places where it previously had been managed by traditional methods, largely due to the ideology that the marketplace and economic growth need be followed. This ideology is epitomized by Barro (1 996, p. 1 3 , who argues for the favourable effects of economic growth as it relates to Southern countries: "The more general conclusion is that the
advanced western countries would contribute more to the welfare of poor nations by exporting their economic systems, notably property rights and free markets, rather than their political systems, which typically develop after a reasonable standard of living has been attained.. .in the long run, the propagation of Western-style economic systems would also be the effective way to expand democracy in the world."
Ben-David and Loewy (1996) support Barro's (1 996) argument. They contend that the propagation of Westem-style economic systems and their associated benefits is facilitated through the opening up of economies and allowing the market mechanisms to operate freely. They argue that the more "open" an economy, the greater the pressures of
competition so that inevitably poor countries need to incorporate foreign knowledge into their production processes in order to remain competitive. The greater the trade flow among countries the greater the diffusion of knowledge and the greater the growth process. They argue that an empirical support for their position is demonstrated by the post World War I1 trade liberalization period, at which time liberalizing countries achieved not only high economic growth but also a convergence between their levels of income. In conclusion, they contend that the income gap between the rich and the poor countries continues to exist because the latter continue to surround themselves with walls of protectionism and that this gap will persist unless these trade barriers begin to come down.
Besides advocating a neoliberal economic system to be implemented worldwide, Barro (1 996), Ben-David and Loewy (1 996) claim that such economic system will increase the "welfare" of poor nations while at the same time promote and support the high ideals of "democracy," income convergence, global responsibility, and of course, economic growth. In contrast, Ivory (1 998) concludes that the free market prescription would be successful if development were to be judged only in economic growth terms; instead, Ivory (1 998) notes that the gap between the rich and the poor worldwide continues to grow, not close.
An example of the shortcomings of Barro's (1 996) and Ben-David's and Loewy's (1 996) conviction is provided by Dearden when he discusses the negative impacts on the
biodiversity in Northern Thailand of the implementation of agricultural development projects, which require the use of technology and the production of high-input cash crops, rather than focusing on the welfare of the Thai highland people and their environment. Moreover, in addition to the more obvious impacts to the degradation of the environment, such as pollution of rivers and increased health risks for the farmers-as a result of the application of chemical fertilizers and pesticides, Dearden (1 994195) concludes that the monetarization of the previously subsistence and more egalitarian highland societies results in more insidious impacts, such as those occurring through a process of
competitive social differentiation as each villager tries to occupy a hierarchical niche as helshe copes with change.
In discussing the problems associated with the management of land in the uplands of South-East Asia, Allen (1 993) concludes that although environmental degradation of the upland lands has been occurring during the past 150 years, the commercialization and monetization of the upland farming economies during the 1970s and 1980s-through the switch fkom producing subsistence staples to high-value cash crops-has resulted in environmental degradation. This degradation includes: declining soil fertility (due to agriculture intensification), soil erosion and compaction, unsafe application of pesticides and fertilizers, and, the high costs associated inputs. In addition, the decrease in yields has forced many farmers out of farming altogether by indebtedness, or selling off their lands to wealthier farmers, giving rise to the same process of social differentiation discussed by Dearden (1 994195).
3.3 Economic forces in Latin America and Guatemala
The present threat to traditional cultures and ecosystems worldwide is not a recent
phenomenon. In Latin America, for example, the 1 6th century destruction of cultures and the natural environment was imperative to the successful resource extraction, capital accumulation and political hegemony of colonial powers over the colonies. Viewed in its historical context, the integration of the colonies into the market economy throughout the
colonial period represents no more than the development and accumulation of wealth by the North at the expense of the exploitation and underdevelopment of the South (Miller,
1994).
In what is now Guatemala, during the colonial period not only were the Mayas forced off their lands but they were also forced to provide good and services to the conquistadors:
And because these Spaniards, mestizos and mulatos cannot get by without services and help in attending their cornfields, cattle, and maize, for their subsistence; having consulted with the Royal representatives, it has been
necessary to designate.. .Mr. Martin Alfonso de la Tovilla, Mayor of La Verapaz,
.
. .
[to] settle them on lands that appear best...
[And that] fifty tostones each be given from the Royal treasury.. .and to all shall be given, five hundred bushels of maize, and one thousand chickens, which will be taken from the tribute that the Indians of the region pay to His Majesty.. .And the rebel Indians Lacandones, Yoles and Ajicaes, whom the Spaniards should capture in war can be kept as slaves for ten years or until His Majesty decides otherwise.163 1 Decree by Diego de Acuna, quoted in Rojas Lima F., 1990, pp. 67-68
Contemporary globalization has perpetuated and accelerated the extraction of natural resources in the South by the North. This has minimized local control over the
disposition of these resources through the restructuring of global politics and economies by powerful corporate and political elite that continuously pushes for the deregulation of transnational financial flow and freer trade (Lynch, 1998). While "structural adjustment" policies have been imposed on countries of the South, countries of the North are
increasingly threatened through the relocation of industries and production activities. This has resulted in the exacerbation of environmental problems and exploitation of resources, as economic activities are usually relocated in areas where labour costs are minimal and environmental regulations lax or non-existent (Lynch, 1998).
Structural adjustment programs in Latin America in the last two decades have accelerated the integration of the few remaining traditional cultures and ecosystems into the global economy. In the case of Guatemala, as described by Murray and Hoppin (1992), this integration has been through the introduction of export crops destined primarily to the
27
United States (US) market, which was the direct prescription of the Caribbean Basin Initiative by US development planners in response to the economic crisis experienced by Caribbean and Central America countries in the mid to late 1970s (Murray and Hoppin, 1992). This development initiative characterized by the production of crops such as broccoli, snow peas, cauliflower, Brussels sprouts, and a variety of berries, quickly became attractive to small scale producers in the highlands of Guatemala, given the economic decline in other sectors of the economy and the chronic poverty prevalent in the rural areas. Thus, in 1987 the export value of these crops was US $37. 1 million, surpassing the then regional leader, the Dominican Republic, in export value of US $ 34. 6 million of the same crops (Murray and Hoppin, 1992).
From a global perspective, this development initiative has resulted in the integration of traditional farmers into the dynamics of an international economy, the production of export-crop monocultures, and in general, in a type of agriculture, such as that defined by Rosset and Altieri (1 997, p. 285), in which there is an "appropriation of elements of the productive process, replacing natural pest control with pesticides, natural soil fertility with chemical fertilizers, and so, forth. The inevitable result is vested interests: big money is at stake in maintaining the capital intensive nature of modem farming, which makes countries and farmers dependent on suppliers of inputs."
From a local perspective, on the other hand, the impacts of the cultivation of non-
traditional export are discussed in a study by Murray and Hoppin (1 992, p. 597) in which they conclude "that the current agricultural development strategy perpetuates social and technological factors which heighten the potential for crisis in the agrarian sector..
.
[in addition,] inadequate knowledge of pesticides hazards and lack of control over pesticide use is leaving farmers and farm workers.. .vulnerable to economic, public health and environmental problems."The Guatemalan farmers' vulnerability is reflected in a 1995 report by The National Commission on the Environment (CONAMA-Cornision Nacional del Medio Ambiente), a Guatemalan government organization whose function is to oversee the
country's environmental issues. According to CONAMA, 65% of Guatemala is susceptible to erosion because of the intensification of agricultural production. Of the 65% susceptible to erosion, only 26% is agricultural whereas 39% is marginal and overused. One of the economic ramifications of this problem is that the 40% of the top horizon removed by erosion represents about 40% loss in the soil productivity. Other environmental impacts, according to CONAMA, include the excessive and indiscriminate use of fertilizers and pesticides which lead to eutrophication and contamination of water bodies, the pollution of soil and air, and the destruction of beneficial insects, all of which have negative impact on birds, fish, and other aquatic and terrestrial organisms.
The impacts on human health, according to CONAMA, include an annual average of 1,100 acute cases of pesticide poisoning. But this figure could reach as high as 1 1,000- 30,000 as most cases are not reported. Popper et al. (1996) studied the use of agricultural pesticides in rural Guatemala and found that there is an alarming lack of knowledge among the farmers and their families about the risks associated with pesticides. Popper et al. noted that farmers utilize the most toxic pesticides regardless of the type of pests they are treating; furthermore, housewives may not understand the toxicity to humans as they used pesticides to combat head lice in their own children. In addition, farm families believe that pesticide poisoning occurs mostly through direct ingestion and not through skin contact, or inhalation.
Attempts to address this agrarian crisis, which threatens the remaining traditional cultures and ecosystems in the highlands of Guatemala, have fallen short because solutions are sought within the framework of the controversial concept of sustainable development as advocated by the North. In the CONAMA report, although there is an acknowledgment that the biophysical limitations and political instability need to be addressed in the search for environmental solutions, the emphasis is still placed on economic growth and stability and the implementation of modern technologies. Thus, the CONAMA report states that without economic growth and stability, the standard of living of the poor would spiral down even further and as a consequence the threat to the environment would increase. The CONAMA report attributes the degradation of the Guatemalan environment in the
