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Abstract
The purpose of this research is to discuss the
historical and contemporary contexts of and
challenges facing health law norms and
reproduc/ve rights in South America. As new
research is constantly emerging around this
topic, this inquiry into current research is not
exhaus/ve, but rather begins to focus more
broad conversa/ons on a country that has
largely remained excluded from scholarly works
pertaining to the rise of Zika.
I am engaging in this research as female scholar
in Canada. As my lived experiences are vastly
different from women living in La/n America,
the purpose of this research is to encompass
intersec/ng and diverse views into transna/onal
conversa/ons about women’s rights.
In carrying out my research, I turned largely to
the published works of other scholars, and
conducted interviews in Canada and Ecuador. I
intend to present the full findings of my
inves/ga/on in a research paper this spring.
Posi>onality and Methodology
Regional Trends
The Government of Ecuador’s first response to Zika was to recommend women delay pregnancy un/l
more was known about the virus.2
Birth control pills are largely available in urban centres; as with
other countries in La/n America, however, “women in poverty and in rural areas in par/cular are at
higher risk of being biWen by mosquitos carrying the virus, and they are also less likely to have access
to contracep/on.”3
Ecuador is par/cularly influenced by the Catholic Church and tradi/onal heteropatriarchal norms.
Par/cularly in Andean ci/es (such as Cuenca), the system of Machismo-Marianismo s/gma/zes
discussions of abor/on and reproduc/ve rights, and delegates women as the passive counterparts to
their husbands or fathers. The views of current president, Rafael Correa, largely coincide with the
Church as well; he has confirmed his opposi/on to abor/on.4
The extent to which Ecuador has been impacted by Zika has not been equal across the country. The
two provinces with the highest numbers of suspected and confirmed cases of Zika in 2016 were
coastal: the Esmeraldas and Manabi. The Andean province of Azuay, on the other hand, reported one
confirmed case of Zika in 2016.5
Thus, due in part to the rela/vely low rates of Zika, as well as rigid
cultural norms, the na/onal reac/on to the virus has been limited thus far.
Ecuador-Specific Findings
Moving Forward
While the Zika virus has reignited global
conversa/ons about women’s reproduc/ve
rights, there remain four key challenges facing
women affected by the disease:
i) The illegality and/or inaccessibility of safe
abor/ons
ii) The perpetua/on of patriarchal norms, as
normalized by the Catholic Church
(stemming from colonial law)
iii) The lack of universal legal protec/on for
women’s rights to dignity, healthcare,
freedom from psychological torture, and
bodily autonomy
iv) Inadequate support from interna/onal
organiza/ons in the face of emergencies
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the Jamie Cassels
Undergraduate Research Award for this
opportunity, as well as the University of
Victoria, the Universidad de Cuenca, and Dr.
Restrepo-Gau/er for their con/nued support of
my research.
Effects of Zika Virus on Health Law and
Reproduc>ve Rights in Ecuador
Sarah Lazin, Department of Poli/cal Science
March 2017
This research was supported by the Jamie Cassels
Undergraduate Research Award
University of Victoria
Supervised by Dr. Pablo Restrepo-Gau/er
(Department of Hispanic Studies)
In response to the rampant spread of Zika throughout La/n America, many governments and health
authori/es advised women to delay pregnancy. However, only 52 per cent of women in La/n America
have access to birth control1
, which is due largely in part to the dominance of the Catholic Church in
La/n American culture. Given the following trend of s/gma and illegality surrounding abor/on, many
Zika-infected women are forced to carry the pregnancy to term, fully aware of the risks:
Legality of Abor/on, 2016
Countries of South America can be classified into five categories, according to the reasons for which
abor/on is legally permiWed (www.guWmacher.org)
Reason Countries
Prohibited altogether, or no explicit legal excep/on to save the
life of a woman Chile, Suriname
To save the life of a woman Brazil, Paraguay, Venezuela
To preserve physical health (and to save a woman’s life) Argen/na, Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru
To preserve mental health (and all of the above reasons) Colombia
Without restric/on as to reason Guyana, Uruguay
In early 2016, the World Health Organiza/on
declared Zika virus a Public Health Emergency of
Interna/onal Concern. There is currently no
preventa/ve vaccine, nor specific treatment for
the virus. My research analyzes the rise of Zika
through a feminist lens, and aims to facilitate
discussion around themes of religion,
contracep/on, abor/on, bodily autonomy, and
human rights.
References
[1] Miller, M. (2016). Infected with Dogma: How South America’s
Response to the Zika Virus Fails Women. The Humanist 76(2). 10
[2] O Gos/n, L. & Hodge Jr. J.G. (2017). Zika Virus and Global Health
Security. The Lancet - Infec4ous Diseases 17(1). 21.
[3] Miller, 9
[4] Elgar, R. (2014). Women’s rights in transi/on: the collision of
feminist interest groups, religion, and non-governmental
organiza/ons in three La/n American countries. Journal of Public
Affairs 14(3/4). 365.
[5] Subsecretaria de Vigilancia de la Salud Pública (2016).
Dirección
nacional de vigilancia epidemiológica enfermedades transmi4das
por vectores