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Effects of Zika Virus on Health Law and Reproductive Rights in Ecuador

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Abstract

The purpose of this research is to discuss the historical and contemporary contexts of and challenges facing health law norms and reproduc/ve rights in South America. As new research is constantly emerging around this topic, this inquiry into current research is not exhaus/ve, but rather begins to focus more broad conversa/ons on a country that has largely remained excluded from scholarly works pertaining to the rise of Zika. I am engaging in this research as female scholar in Canada. As my lived experiences are vastly different from women living in La/n America, the purpose of this research is to encompass intersec/ng and diverse views into transna/onal conversa/ons about women’s rights. In carrying out my research, I turned largely to the published works of other scholars, and conducted interviews in Canada and Ecuador. I intend to present the full findings of my inves/ga/on in a research paper this spring.

Posi>onality and Methodology

Regional Trends

The Government of Ecuador’s first response to Zika was to recommend women delay pregnancy un/l more was known about the virus.2 Birth control pills are largely available in urban centres; as with other countries in La/n America, however, “women in poverty and in rural areas in par/cular are at higher risk of being biWen by mosquitos carrying the virus, and they are also less likely to have access to contracep/on.”3 Ecuador is par/cularly influenced by the Catholic Church and tradi/onal heteropatriarchal norms. Par/cularly in Andean ci/es (such as Cuenca), the system of Machismo-Marianismo s/gma/zes discussions of abor/on and reproduc/ve rights, and delegates women as the passive counterparts to their husbands or fathers. The views of current president, Rafael Correa, largely coincide with the Church as well; he has confirmed his opposi/on to abor/on.4 The extent to which Ecuador has been impacted by Zika has not been equal across the country. The two provinces with the highest numbers of suspected and confirmed cases of Zika in 2016 were coastal: the Esmeraldas and Manabi. The Andean province of Azuay, on the other hand, reported one confirmed case of Zika in 2016.5 Thus, due in part to the rela/vely low rates of Zika, as well as rigid cultural norms, the na/onal reac/on to the virus has been limited thus far.

Ecuador-Specific Findings

Moving Forward

While the Zika virus has reignited global conversa/ons about women’s reproduc/ve rights, there remain four key challenges facing women affected by the disease: i)  The illegality and/or inaccessibility of safe abor/ons ii)  The perpetua/on of patriarchal norms, as normalized by the Catholic Church (stemming from colonial law) iii)  The lack of universal legal protec/on for women’s rights to dignity, healthcare, freedom from psychological torture, and bodily autonomy iv)  Inadequate support from interna/onal organiza/ons in the face of emergencies

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the Jamie Cassels Undergraduate Research Award for this opportunity, as well as the University of Victoria, the Universidad de Cuenca, and Dr. Restrepo-Gau/er for their con/nued support of my research.

Effects of Zika Virus on Health Law and

Reproduc>ve Rights in Ecuador

Sarah Lazin, Department of Poli/cal Science March 2017 This research was supported by the Jamie Cassels Undergraduate Research Award University of Victoria Supervised by Dr. Pablo Restrepo-Gau/er (Department of Hispanic Studies) In response to the rampant spread of Zika throughout La/n America, many governments and health authori/es advised women to delay pregnancy. However, only 52 per cent of women in La/n America have access to birth control1, which is due largely in part to the dominance of the Catholic Church in La/n American culture. Given the following trend of s/gma and illegality surrounding abor/on, many Zika-infected women are forced to carry the pregnancy to term, fully aware of the risks: Legality of Abor/on, 2016 Countries of South America can be classified into five categories, according to the reasons for which abor/on is legally permiWed (www.guWmacher.org) Reason Countries Prohibited altogether, or no explicit legal excep/on to save the life of a woman Chile, Suriname To save the life of a woman Brazil, Paraguay, Venezuela To preserve physical health (and to save a woman’s life) Argen/na, Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru To preserve mental health (and all of the above reasons) Colombia Without restric/on as to reason Guyana, Uruguay In early 2016, the World Health Organiza/on declared Zika virus a Public Health Emergency of Interna/onal Concern. There is currently no preventa/ve vaccine, nor specific treatment for the virus. My research analyzes the rise of Zika through a feminist lens, and aims to facilitate discussion around themes of religion, contracep/on, abor/on, bodily autonomy, and human rights.

References

[1] Miller, M. (2016). Infected with Dogma: How South America’s Response to the Zika Virus Fails Women. The Humanist 76(2). 10 [2] O Gos/n, L. & Hodge Jr. J.G. (2017). Zika Virus and Global Health Security. The Lancet - Infec4ous Diseases 17(1). 21. [3] Miller, 9 [4] Elgar, R. (2014). Women’s rights in transi/on: the collision of feminist interest groups, religion, and non-governmental organiza/ons in three La/n American countries. Journal of Public Affairs 14(3/4). 365. [5] Subsecretaria de Vigilancia de la Salud Pública (2016). Dirección nacional de vigilancia epidemiológica enfermedades transmi4das por vectores

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