"No God, no master, no husband, no priest, no church, no dress" : tracing female sexuality in modern Spain : a generational analysis

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“NO GOD, NO MASTER, NO HUSBAND, NO PRIEST, NO CHURCH, NO DRESS.” Tracing Female Sexuality in Modern Spain: A Generational Analysis.

Calle Alcalá (Sebastian Maharg, 2018)

Masters Thesis Ana Sánchez Catalina

11098651

Graduate School of Social Science

Department of Sociology: Gender, Sexuality and Society Track Supervisor: Dr. Margriet van Heesch

Second Reader: Dr. Paul Mepschen July 8, 2019

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Acknowledgements

This thesis would have not been possible without the support of those around me. A special gratitude to my family. To my father, for buying the three volumes of History of Sexuality which have aided me along the way. To my mother, who was always one call away in the midst of a breakdown. To my brother, who drove me everywhere and gave the best goodbye hugs. To Roos and Marit, who I consider family, for always listening to me when I needed to express my doubts, my questions and insights about the thesis, and gave the best advice. Lastly, to Naomi, for her constant interest and support throughout our study sessions at P.C. Hoofthuis.

I would also like to extend my gratitude to Margriet for her constant encouragement , coffees, and feedback along the journey. Without her support system I do not think this would have been possible. To my second-reader, Dr. Paul Mepschen: thank you so much for taking the time to read the proposal and provide insightful feedback.

Most importantly, I would like extend my sincerest gratitude to the sixteen participants for opening their houses to me and sharing their memories, stories, anger and joy. ¡Muchísimas gracias!

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Chapter 1 Their Stories Matter: An Introduction

1.1 A Walk Through the History of Female Sexuality in Spain

Surrounded by trees and stone paths stands a statue of two women with red lipstick, red and yellow dresses, and purple veils in the Alameda park of Santiago de Compostela, Spain. The statue depicts both women walking, their arms interlocked while one of them with her arm out and winking. The dust and the graffiti accumulated over time prevents the details to be observed from a far distance, however, the bright colors make it impossible to not be noticed. Its presence, a constant reminder for local residents of Coralia and Maruxa Fandiño, two sisters known as “As dúas Marías”.

Both sisters were born, raised and lived in the Spanish city of Santiago de Compostela during the dictatorship of Francisco Franco. They were well known in the city for their punctual walking routines and strolls, and their striking and bright colored clothes that caught the eyes of many during the gray atmosphere that characterized the dictatorship and post-war era of Spain (Sánchez Hidalgo, 2019). “As dúas Marías” defied the ultraconservative social norms dictated by the Franco regime, their way of dressing, their way of walking, their movements, their speech, the ‘overtly’ sexual way of speaking to men. Overall, their presence and being was seen as an attack towards the "societal wellbeing", towards the construct of women of post-war Spain (Galeano, 2016; Sánchez Hidalgo, 2019). Both sisters suffered numerous attacks, abuse, and torture throughout their lives, having to flee numerous times from the city. Their story, which fell in oblivion over the years, resurfaced in 1994, when César Lombera, a Basque artist and resident of the city, decided to create a statue in commemoration of their rebellious attitude (Sánchez Hidalgo, 2019).

The story of "As dúas Marías", their rebellion towards the dictated values surrounding women and their sexuality, the repressiveness by different spheres of society, and the amnesia surrounding their lived experiences is where my fascination lies. Their lived experiences and their commemoration almost twenty years after the death of Franco depicts a transition of perspectives and governmentality of female sex and sexuality in Spain. However, at the same time it represents the endurance and persistence of norms and values inherited from the past. To this day, women walking through the Alameda Park recognize their own struggles with those experienced by Coralia and Maruxa Fandiño.

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Spain represents a recent democratic country within Western Europe. The forty-year dictatorship of Francisco Franco is characterized as violent and repressive, especially for the political opposition, women, and individuals pertaining to the LGBT community (Platero Méndez, 2010; Galeano, 2016). Under the ideological pillars of the regime, women were educated under the ideals of the Catholic tradition; being submissive to the husband, where the subject of women lays in the background (Moa, 2016; Platero Méndez, 2010).

However, with the death of the dictator Francisco Franco in 1975, a process of democratization commenced, characterized by a cultural, political, economic, and social revolution (Vilarós, 1998). The transition supposed the liberation of the Spanish society that forty years of dictatorship had repressed, also giving rise to feminist ideals and women’s rights (Gómez Pino, 2015). The repressiveness from the dictatorship surrounding sex and sexuality is said to have disappeared, conceiving what is known as the sexual liberation, an openness that their mothers were not able to enjoy (Vilarós, 1998; Gómez Pino, 2015; Ignaciuk & Villén Jiménez, 2018).

The generations that follow such transition, generation Y, are able to enjoy greater liberty in the sexual realm depicted with the legalization of abortion, the legalization of same-sex marriage, and political reforms that led towards greater equality between men and women (Pichardo Galán, 2009). This research delves into these three historical epochs in order to trace the transformation and continuity of female sexual norms.

1.2 Research Questions and Relevance

The movement, the change, the transition of perspectives towards female sexuality throughout the last eighty years is important to capture and for these reasons I ask myself the following questions: How do 3 generations of Spanish women remember the surveillance of sexual capital? How was surveillance of sexuality structured in Spain, starting with the post-war period (1936-1957) and considering the countercultural movement (1975-1990) and new media period? How do 3 generations of Spanish women remember their subjectification to the surveillance of sexual capital relating to good and bad sex? How do 3 generations of Spanish women remember their resistance to the surveillance of sexual capital related to good and bad sex?

Despite the existence of widely acknowledged literature on Spanish women during these historical periods, the narratives of women, specifically on their sexuality, have not been traced through a generational analysis. Research in this realm delves into cultural and historical artifacts such as literature, manuals, and printed press in order to understand

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women’s position and experiences during post-war Spain and the democratic transition. Knowledge pertaining to generation Y examines sex education at schools, remaining in the pedagogic sphere.

Thus, the lack of a sociological perspective and a generational analysis lays the relevance of such investigation. With this research, the study aims to create a bridge between the theory and women’s lived experiences, where their stories are incorporated into a wider discourse. Where the participants are reflected in the writing and become more than interviewees and gain a voice within the academic realm of sociology.

This research contributes to knowledge of the past and the present of Spanish culture, especially to the history, lives, experiences of women who have been repressed and quieted, not only by the dictatorship, but also by the accompanying misogyny and gender inequality. More concretely, this research presents the experiences and notions of female sex and sexuality throughout the contemporary history of Spain.

Having introduced the topic, my fascination, and the relevance of my research, in the subsequent section, I will delve into how I carried out the research. In this section, I detail the data gathering techniques, the details of the sample group, and how I analyzed the data collected. In the latter sections, I provide a historical background in order to situate the research, a theoretical framework to provide the scope of the research, and lastly, the thesis outline.

1.3 Methodology: Three Generations of Lived Experiences Do the Talking

In order to gain more insight into the lived experiences and sexual capital of three generations of Spanish women, I conducted qualitative research with a generational approach. A qualitative approach to this research, according to American communication scholar Sarah Tracy (2013), provides room for the participants to express their knowledge, doubts, feelings, and stories. Therefore, the interviews focused on their experiences, their memories, their bodily pleasures, their pain, their happiness, their experiences of repression, their agency, their hopes and dreams within the sphere of female sexuality. It also supposes a contextual and personal narrative of these women, placing them into the discourse and history of Spain. Through this methodological technique, the opportunity to gain an emic and personal perspective of the issues that arose during the conversations held with the participants was achieved (Tracy, 2013).

This research is based on a total of sixteen semi-structured interviews which were conducted throughout the month of April 2019 in Barcelona and Madrid. I collected the

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stories and memories of a sample of sixteen women between the ages of 19 and 81 pertaining to the different historical epochs. The post-war generation includes Carmen, Julia, María, and Antonia, who grew up during the Franco dictatorship and are over 69 years of age. The counter-culture generation consists of Teresa, Laura, Elena, Mercedes, and Silvia, who are between the ages of 56 and 59. This intermediate cohort was born towards the end of the dictatorship and experienced the democratic transition. Lastly, generation Y consist of a group of seven young women ranging from 29 to 19 years of age. This last group contains the narratives of Irene, Patricia, Rosa, Alba, Mónica, Alicia, and Ángela.

I focused on heterosexual women in urban areas, who finished secondary school. The urban approach is selected due to the nature of the counter-culture movement which originated in Madrid and expanded to other urban cities of the country such as Barcelona, Bilbao, Sevilla and Vigo (Marí, 2009). I have chosen to focus on women who have completed their secondary school due to the education system of the Franco regime which included mandatory education until the age of fourteen (Carreño, 2010). Higher education throughout the regime resided within the elites, and the women who were able and had the resources to pursue a degree, were discouraged from attending (Moa, 2016; Carreño, 2010).

The recruiting process was carried out through convenience and snowball sampling, in other words, women who were willing to participate and their acquaintances. At first, I was introduced to my participants through my personal network, and eventually through this technique I was redirected to other candidates. This process was executed in both Barcelona and Madrid.

Once arranging the time and place in which we would meet, the interviews were held in the interviewee’s home or at cafés. They were recorded and lasted between forty-five minutes to an hour and a half. In addition, the participants were given consent forms in order to provide confidentiality and anonymity throughout the research. Lastly, the names appearing in the research have been changed in order to preserve the privacy and anonymity of the interviewees.

The narratives taken throughout the research were then transcribed, this process took place no later than 3 days after the interview. The transcribed interviews were then subjected to the processes of coding and memoing, following a grounded theory approach in order to develop propositions rather to verify them (Emerson et al., 1995). The data was then analyzed through two subsequent phases; open and focused coding. Categories were drawn from the coded interviews when contrasting them with the different interviews. Subsequently, themes were drawn from the categories based on the repetitive nature and the pattern emerging from

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the interviews (Emerson et al., 1995). Lastly, memos were elaborated in order to organize the material and comprehend what went on and what was understood about the data.

The following section introduces the historical background in order to contextualize and situate the research. Delving into the political, economic, social and cultural setting of Spain before and during the dictatorship, and the democratic transition which provides the necessary knowledge to comprehend where the research emerges from.

1.4 Historical Background

The political climate of the beginning of the twentieth century in Spain was characterized as corrupt and destabilized according to historian Paul Preston (2011). The country had lost its overseas colonial power in Cuba, Puerto Rico, Philippines, and Guam, and entered a period of political and economic crisis. Leading to Miguel Primo de Rivera, a Capitan General of Cataluña, to give a coup d’état and successfully proclaim a military dictatorship in 1923 (Preston, 2011).

The end of Primo de Rivera’s seven-year dictatorship in 1930, supposed a new crisis in the political and social realm of the country, resulting in the declaration of the Spanish Second Republic (Preston, 2011). However, such political change did not bring the desired stability and security, resulting in thirteen governments in a span of five years (Preston, 2011). By 1936 a new general election was celebrated with the Republican party obtaining the majority of votes and therefore the governmental power. Nevertheless, the political tension continued and the polarization between the conservative party and the republican party became stronger. Ending with the assassination of José Calvo Sotelo – leader of the conservative party – and José Castillo – associated with the Republican party. According to historians such as Preston (2011) and Gibson (1982), the murder of both politicians became the immediate detonating factor of the Spanish civil war.

In the Canary Islands, General Francisco Franco led an insurrection in the archipelago, before entering the Spanish colony in Morocco, and heading towards the Peninsula through Gibraltar. The insurrection rapidly evolved into the civil war creating two factions; the Nationalist under the leadership of Francisco Franco and the Republicans under socialist ideals (Preston, 2011). The Nationalist faction soon occupied great part of the Spanish Peninsula with the support of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, leaving Cataluña and the capital, Madrid, under Republican control. The three-year civil war ended in 1939 with the occupation of Madrid, the resignation of the Republican president Manuel Azaña, and the

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pronouncement of Francisco Franco as the Head of the State and the Generalissimo of the army forces (Preston, 2011).

Franco’s dictatorship established its ideological pillars under National Catholicism, totalitarianism, and fascism (Vilarós, 1998; Moradiellos, 2000; Pérez-Agote, 2003; Platero Méndez, 2010; Preston, 2011; Gómez Pino, 2015; Corazón Rural, 2015; Galeano, 2016; Ramírez Pérez, 2018). The absolute political power resided in Franco, incorporating fascist ideals of repression and violence. In addition, under National Catholicism, the Catholic Church embodied the hegemonic institution that dominated both public and private life of the population (Moradiellos, 2000; Pérez-Agote, 2003). Traditional Catholic norms and values penetrated into every social sphere possible, including education and legislation (Pérez-Agote, 2003). The legitimate power that the Church held originated from Franco’s glorification of the Catholic Monarchs, desiring to recreate the resplendence and fusion of the State and the Church (Pérez-Agote, 2003).

Sociologist and historians have argued that the Franco regime can be divided into two distinguishable periods; the hard dictatorship, consisting of the establishment of the regime until the late 1950s, and the soft dictatorship ending with the death of Franco in 1975 (Preston, 2011; Moradiellos, 2000). The first half of the regime was characterized as violent and repressive, with the persecution and murders of the political opposition (Preston, 2011). The Spanish society lacked basic human rights and was exposed to ostracism.

Regarding the economic sphere, the system was designed to be self-sufficient due to the fact that the borders surrounding the Peninsula were closed, and trade outside of such limits was prohibited (Preston, 2011). Throughout this period, the economy became stagnant and rural, where poverty penetrated into the lives of many. By the 1950s the country had become underdeveloped in comparison to the neighboring states. The degrading social wellbeing of the population led to revolts and strikes throughout the country, causing Franco to rethink the structures of the regime (Preston, 2011).

The second half of the regime was known as the desarrollismo (developmentalism), in other words, the end of isolation and a period of remodeling (Moradiellos, 2000). Preston (2011), argues that the removal of the censure towards the country, the re-opening of the French borders with Spain, and the 62,5-million loan from the Marshall Plan, gave Spain a chance to develop and modernize to the level of other Western European countries. In addition, the end of the isolation and the intervention of the United States entailed a reincorporation of the country into the international sphere.

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The death of Francisco Franco in 1975 evoked the end of the forty-year dictatorship, placing Spain in a political context of great uncertainty. Franco’s successor, Juan Carlos I, was proclaimed King of Spain and appointed Adolfo Suárez as the new president of the country. Suárez became the central figure towards a process of democratization, announcing in 1976 the Ley de Reforma Política (Law of Political Reform) which entailed a reconfiguration of the legislation, a democratization of the regime. The government’s policies followed a pact of silence and ‘forgetfulness’, everything related to the dictatorship was rejected, forbidden and changed (De Molina, 2011). This process and phenomenon were also visible in the social sphere with the counter-culture movement known as "La Movida” (Gómez Pino, 2015; Marí, 2009). Rejecting the old, and reaching an attitude of ‘everything is allowed’ characterized the perspective of the young generation of the democratic transition. According to Vilarós (1998), throughout the mid-'70s and the decade of the '80s, subcultures were created, incorporating elements that despised the previous dogmas. However, the author claims that the common elements that unified this movement were “the night, parties, alcohol, drugs, sex, music, and a perspective towards life that denied any kind of responsibility” (p. 21). It was a period of liberation in every sphere of society.

In this historical setting, the notions of female sex and sexuality were influenced by the events described above and were faced with a shift, a change. Having covered the historical framework and locating and situating the research, the subsequent section introduces the scope of the research.

1.5 Theoretical Framework

The objective of the research is to analyze the stories and lived experiences of three generations of Spanish women surrounding sex and sexuality, to discover how the values and norms of the past are sedimented in following generations and uncover regulatory systems. Therefore, this section provides the theoretical scope in which the research departs from, the structure of the research. Starting with Bourdieu’s (1997) concept of capital, I examine the notion of sexual capital in order to conceptualize and determine the model in which this research stems from. Subsequently, the ‘Charmed Circle’ developed by Gayle Rubin (1984) is analyzed with the objective of comprehending sexual value systems developed in Western societies. Lastly, the notion of governmentality is explored through a variety of Foucault’s (1991; 1978) literature in order to understand the role of knowledge, the mechanisms of control and discipline, and lastly the power inflicted on sexuality.

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(1) Sexual Capital

Bourdieu (1987) argues that the social world can be understood through markers of differentiation, through forms of capital which are accumulated and appropriated within a space of competition and struggle. Capital for Bourdieu (1987) are properties or assets that convey “strength, power and consequently profit on their holder” (p. 4). In other words, the volume, composition of the capital can determine the trajectory and mobility of the individual within the social space. The French sociologist, distinguishes four types of capital; economic entailing monetary assets, social conveying networks, connections and group membership, symbolic expressing a status recognized as legitimate within the social realm, and lastly cultural capital which encapsulates information resources such as knowledge of art, music, and literature that can be transmitted by parents and through education.

Following Bourdieu’s concept of capital, Illouz & Kaplan (2017) examine and provide two domains in which sexual capital is theorized. The first stemming from ‘natural attractiveness’ and desire as a commodity that can influence the positionality of an individual within a social space. This perspective is further theorized by Catherine Hakim (2010), naming it erotic capital. Hakim (2010) defines erotic capital as constituting a variety of elements; beauty, sexual attractiveness, charm, and social skills in interaction, liveliness, and social presentation and attire. The author argues that this type of capital differs between men and women, and varies throughout cultures. Although Hakim (2010) provides a distinct standpoint, her conceptualization does not comply with the typology of sexual capital that this thesis engages with. Therefore, turning to the second interpretation of sexual capital presented by Illouz & Kaplan (2017) provides the approach in which this research embarks on.

Illouz & Kaplan (2017) argue that sexual capital is the knowledge or information resources obtained in the realm of sex and sexuality. Obtaining it through institutions or experience, ranging from desire, behavior, acts, abilities, and accepted practices. Due to the nature of the research, I assume this definition in order to focus on female sexual capital, and the knowledge obtained and developed by three different generations of women.

(2) Good Sex versus Bad Sex

American cultural anthropologist Gayle Rubin (1984) stems from the notion that sex is always political, in other words, the realm of erotic and sexual life is constantly being negotiated. In Thinking Sex: Notes for a Radical Theory of the Politics of Sexuality (1984), Rubin analyzes social movements, politics, and legislation in the context of the United States in order to uncover how sex value systems, established from the past, have been constructed and have left a residue in our modern days.

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The author argues that in Western societies erotic or sexual discourses focus on five ideologies; “sex negativity, the fallacy of misplaced scale, the hierarchical valuation of sex acts, the domino theory of sexual peril, and the lack of a concept of benign sexual variation.” (p.150). Due to the nature of this research, the first three discourses will be examined in order to observe how the participants of the research construct this discourse.

According to Rubin, sex negativity originates from the Western tradition of linking sex to notions of danger, destruction, and overall a negative connotation. An example of this is the Christian tradition of viewing sex as a sin or a blasphemy if not practiced for procreative purposes within marriage. This belief system becomes the basis of control systems, of laws punishing sex, of an excessive emphasis on sex and sexuality. This is what the author calls the fallacy of misplaced scale, a collateral effect.

Lastly, Rubin argues that Western societies judge sexual practices and acts according to a hierarchical structure constructed by a set of sex values and beliefs. From this the author develops the “Charmed Circle” in order to visualize such system. The circle functions within a dichotomy between what is considered good or bad sex. In the interior level lays what is considered ‘good, normal, and natural’ sex, in other words, heterosexual reproduction within marriage. The outer layer involves sexual practices that are deemed bad, unnatural and condemned by society; homosexual, non-monogamous, non-procreative, and immoral practices. According to the author, societies have not been immune to such notions and belief systems, creating a perpetual and prevailing negotiation of what is considered to be normal and abnormal within the sexual realm.

(3) Governmentality

Governmentality is a term coined by the French philosopher Michel Foucault (1991) to describe “the art of government” (p.91); the tactics and practices of governing which aims to control the population through knowledge production and mechanisms of discipline. Foucault (1978) depicts this set of techniques through his genealogy of sexuality in French society.

Beginning with the seventeenth century, the author argues that social articulation of sexuality was tied to religion, to practices of self-examination and confession. The Christian pastoral dictated as a moral obligation the task of speaking and telling to the most minimal detail the “innumerable pleasures, sensations, and thoughts which had some affinity with sex” (p.20). Foucault (1978) claims that through the religious practice of confession, a discursive web surrounding sexuality is produced. In this century sexuality becomes monopolized by religion.

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Nevertheless, Foucault (1978) claims that during the eighteenth century, the discourse surrounding sex enhances, it moves from the religious realm to the interest of states, to the realms of politics and economics, entering a field of scientific knowledge. This process of intensification of sexual discourse is, according to the philosopher, due to the emergence of the state, to a power shift; from sovereign power to biopower. Sovereign power is characterized by a society with a totalitarian figure who possess the right of death over any individual who is seen as a threat to the ruling and governing of the sovereign.

The shift from sovereign power to biopower, according to Foucault (1978), is observed in the eighteenth century. Biopower is depicted as the reverse of sovereign power, with the right “of the social body to ensure, maintain, or develop its life…to foster life or disallow it to the point of death” (p.136). In other words, the objective of this type of power is to regulate and control society through different mechanisms of intervention. Biopower is enacted from a top-down approach, through the proliferation of norms and values entering institutions and subsequently penetrating in the private and public domains of society. But also present everywhere in society through a variety of mechanism of surveillance, such as self-examination, guilt, and shame, gossip, which become practices of regulation, control, and discipline of the bodies of the state. In this setting, sexuality enters a field of science, stemming from the study of the sexually ‘sick’. It moves away from the Catholic pastoral and into a form of identification of the normal and abnormal.

The notion of governmentality will be used in this thesis in order to investigate the values and norms surrounding female sexuality in each generation. Governmentality will be adopted to depict and understand the role of institutions, such as the church and the family unit, as bio-political structures. It provides a framework to trace the evolution, the replacement, or the endurance of particular knowledges and power mechanisms.

1.6 Thesis Outline

The thesis embarks on a journey to trace female sexuality throughout three generations of women in Spain, to comprehend how do 3 generations of Spanish women remember the surveillance of sexual capital? The sub questions to this macro question provide the structure of the research, the chapters of the thesis. I begin with chapter two, a literature review which explores how was surveillance of sexuality structured in Spain, starting with post-war period (1936-1957) and considering the countercultural movement (1975-1990) and new media period? This chapter delves into literature in the realm of social science in order to provide the starting point of the thesis, the context, a glimpse into each historical epoch before

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presenting the narratives of the participants.

Chapter three presents the first case study which traces how do 3 generations of Spanish women remember their subjectification to the surveillance of sexual capital relating to good and bad sex. I delve into each generation in order to understand what norms and values are attached to female sexuality, to locate what is considered to be normal and abnormal. In this chapter I construct a ‘Charmed Circle’ for each generation which will become the bridge that connects the following chapter. Therefore, chapter four will detail how do 3 generations of Spanish women remember their resistance to the surveillance of sexual capital related to good/bad sex? I explore the personal aspects of their viewpoints, in other words, their emotions, feelings, and struggles. In chapter five I focus on the knowledges surrounding sex and sexuality, in other words the sexual capital of each cohort. It is in this chapter where I make sense of the narratives of each participant. It where I re-gather their experiences in order to depict the larger picture of their reality. Lastly, Chapter six provides the conclusions of the thesis, it summarizes what has been done, what emerged from the research, and provides recommendations for future research.

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Chapter 2 The Existing Body of Knowledge on Female Sexuality in Spain

2.1 The Management of Sexual Morals: My Own Experience

I was thirteen when my professor took my class to the assembly hall without notice. When entering the large lecture hall, drawings of female and male genitals appeared on the projector screen. We all gathered around it and looked at each other in a state of confusion and embarrassment. The biology and chemistry professor was in charge of the lecture, he stood in front of us and proceeded to talk about a variety of issues ranging from pregnancy to HIV, from tampons to sperm.

When looking back at this time, I realize how obscure and vague the information was due to the terminology used by the professor. It was closely tied to a scientific discourse, entering the realm of reproduction, sexually transmitted diseases, and menstruation. The lecture was carried out by the biology teacher, and sexuality was confined to that sphere. In addition, I notice how the concept of affection and pleasure had been detached from sexuality throughout my youth and education. It was not spoken about. Pleasure became a self-discovery journey suffused with secrecy; it only entered my terrain of sexuality a few years after I left the Catholic school and engaged in a different type of sexual practices, those outside of the Catholic morality.

My personal experience is exemplary of how my generation was introduced to a specific state-education endorsed discourse about female sexuality; how it was treated, what kind of knowledge was maintained in the school setting, and what lacked from it. When observing my own experience, I recognize the presence of specific norms and values, the presence of sexual morals. I wonder how discourses concerning female sex and sexuality have developed throughout history. Therefore, in this chapter I will explore how was the surveillance of sexuality structured in Spain, starting with post-war period (1936-1975) and considering the countercultural movement (1975-1990) and new media period? By exploring this research question I aim to make sense of the participant’s narratives, to situate them in a socio-historical context, and observe what researchers have already presented in the academic realm of social science.

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University of Amsterdam online library and the Spanish online database DIALNET. The subsequent sections introduce how female sexuality is known in the social science field by examining literature pertaining to each generational cohort. Departing from post-war Spain, literature on National Catholicism (Nacional Catolicismo) is examined as the ideological identity that penetrated into the social sphere of the regime, as an instrument of control and discipline targeted towards women. Entering the counter-culture movement known as “La Movida”, which flourished with the death of Francisco Franco and the political reform, is explored in order to understand the sexual revolution that ignited in the early 1980’s in urban areas of Spain. Lastly, literature pertaining to generation Y, to the new media period, is analyzed with the objective of understanding the existing body of knowledge surrounding female sexuality in Spain.

2.2 National Catholicism

According to Spanish sociologists Agata Ignaciuk and Alba Villén Jiménez (2018), female sexuality, gender, and the governmentality of women throughout the Franco regime has been explored and analyzed by observing mainly three sources and artifacts; manuals and guidelines distributed by governmental institutions, medical literature, and printed press. Literature pertaining to these main spheres are subsequently presented in order to gain more insight into research on women and sexuality in this historical epoch.

Raquel (Lucas) Platero Méndez (2009), Spanish sociologist and feminist activist, provides an elaborate analysis of the conceptualization of women during the dictatorship period. He does this in order to understand and acknowledge the experiences of lesbians during the regime, and how it differed those lived by their allied gay men. Although the author focuses on the LGBTQI community and institutional repression, he provides a dense account of the perception and experiences of women during the regime, and the creation of knowledge surrounding gender.

Platero Méndez argues that Franco’s dictatorship based its ideological pillar on National Catholicism – placing the Catholic church as the hegemonic institution which controlled and disciplined the private and public sectors of society. He claims that the conceptualization of gender and sex imposed by the regime erected and was built through a dichotomy; men and women. The binary originated not only by physical and bodily differences between both genders, but also by their social role within the state. Institutions such as the Catholic church, schools, and the medical field, according to Platero Méndez, defined women as “mothers and wives, whose virtue lay in submission and service [of men]” (p. 18).

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On the one hand, the Catholic Church used concepts of nature and divinity to describe women. Placing traditional religious features of virginity, matrimony, and the family unit as the central and sole characteristics of this gender (Platero Méndez, 2010). On the other hand, in the medical realm, psychiatric institutions considered women as being inherently pathologic and naturally inferior at the service of procreation (Platero Méndez, 2010). The author argues that the norms diffused by the church and the the psychiatric institutions worked within the heterosexual matrix, and anyone laying outside of it was heavily punished.

Departing from Platero Méndez’s (2009; 2010) research – specifically the norms and values which were confined to the subject of women – Spanish historian Pío Moa (2016) examines the manuals and guides that were diffused by governmental organizations such as the Sección Femenina de la Falange. The Female Section (Sección Femenina) served as an ideological and socialization instrument for women in post-war Spain, educating them under the ideals of National Catholicism, the regime’s precepts (Moa, 2016). According to the author the Female Section became the main body of female discipline, while men were forced to attend military services. The ‘feminine’ organization was in charge of keeping the domestic values alive among the students through mandatory social services and through the guides and manuals distributed in class. In such manuals, once again, the discourse surrounding the female gender were attached to notions of self-sacrifice and in servitude of men, and as mothers and wives. Moa (2016) depicts this with the materials and activities taught in the courses of the Female Section; sewing, ironing, and cooking, activities attached to domestic labor.

The author further examines the indoctrination of women, specifically on female sexuality, during their mandatory stay in the Female section with an entry in the manuals:

If your husband asks you for unusual sexual practices, be obedient and do not complain. When you reach the climax, a small moan on your part is enough to indicate any enjoyment you may have experienced. (Moa 2016: 105).

With this quote, Moa depicts how closely tied the conceptualization of women, as submissive to the husband, was in regards to sex. He argues that sexuality and sexual practices were attached to the Catholic values of virginity and matrimony that were taught to women, imposing social norms of prohibiting pre-matrimonial sexuality as a sin and a blasphemy. Overall, an exaltation of the patriarchy and the glorification of motherhood.

Beyond the institutional governmentality of women through the Female Section (Sección Femenina), the Catholic church, schools, and the medical sphere, a covert form of

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disciplinary mechanisms flourished. With the aim of indoctrinating the Spanish society under Falangist ideals, the regime developed an exhaustive apparatus to control all facets of daily life of the population, one of them being the media (Ignaciuk & Villén Jiménez, 2018). Spanish historians Alfonso Pinilla García (2006) and Miryam Carreño (2010) both provide an analysis of magazines that were targeted towards women and were sold throughout the dictatorship; la revista Medina and la carta de la tía Catalina.

Pinilla García (2006) argues that the Medina – created in 1941 – fulfilled the indoctrination and socialization functions within the Female Section (Sección Femenina). The magazine was fundamentally directed towards women of the organization, and distributed monthly among the local provincial chiefs. The Medina became the guide for the women that worked for the organization. The chiefs used the norms and values exposed in the magazine to discipline the young women that attended the mandatory classes.

Pinilla García (2006) depicts how the magazine created a model of women, a prototype that corresponded to the standards of fascist women that every totalitarian regime wanted to build. A model of a demobilized woman with a single ideal; to be a faithful wife and a fertile mother.

Although the Medina only pertained and was distributed to the chiefs of the Female Section (Sección Femenina), the norms were passed down to the women that attended the mandatory courses, becoming an “indirect disciplinary apparatus” (p.177). The magazine, according to the author, depicts the construction and conceptualization of the female gender, positioning Catholic ideals to certain gender roles.

Furthermore, Carreño (2010), provides an analysis of gender learning beyond schools, through a section called ‘A letter from aunt Catalina’ (la carta de la tía Catalina) included in

a girls magazine ‘My Girls’ (Mis Chicas). This section of the magazine was dedicated to answer the queries made by the readers of the magazine. Carreño (2010) argues that the content of this section provides the fundamental aspects on which this type of informal socialization directed to women took place during post-war Spain.

The author argues that the disciplinary mechanism performed by the magazine was carried out through the use of norms that inscribed women to the family domain as a mother and housewife by providing advice on domestic labor, affective manners, and aesthetic concerns. Through what the regime considered to be feminine qualities, the magazine reaffirmed the attributes with their advice.

The literature presented above provides an insight to the research that examines the position of women during the Franco regime. Providing a depiction of what the norms and

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values that confined the subject of women during the period, and the different forms of disciplinary mechanism enacted by different institutions under the ideals of National Catholicism. In conclusion, the research demonstrates that the conceptualization of women was tied to servitude and motherhood, as naturally inferior to men, and thus female sexuality was fixed to procreation under the catholic values of virginity until matrimony.

2.3 The Uncovering – “El Destape”

The death of the dictator Francisco Franco in 1975 signified a reconfiguration of the political, economic and social system with the democratic transition (Vilarós, 1998; Gómez Pino, 2015). In the midst of constant demonstrations, strikes, the rise of ETA terrorism, legalization of political parties, general elections, coup attempts, and social demands of all kinds; an attitude of ‘rejectiveness’ of the repressiveness of the dictatorship flourished giving rise to a countercultural movement known as La Movida (Gómez Pino, 2015). A mass phenomenon which penetrated into music, visual arts, film, literature, fashion, and that disseminated habits and lifestyles, building a geography that marked the urban experience of the 1980’s in Spain (Mari, 2009). La Movida left behind an entire tradition rooted in fascist ideals, releasing society from the Catholic corset in which they were tied to for forty-years. A counterculture movement which invaded the urban landscapes of Spanish cities such as Madrid, Barcelona, Vigo, Valencia, Sevilla and Bilbao (Gómez Pino, 2015).

Literature pertaining to La Movida is exhaustive and englobes fields of study such as art, music, fashion, film, literature, society, and politics. Nevertheless, for the purpose of this research the terrain of gender and sexuality is examined, and the knowledge produced and located in this period is presented consequently.

The term La Movida has been subjected to numerous debates in order to pin point what exactly this phenomenon was and what it englobed. Spanish cultural analyst Jorge Marí (2009) delves into the different discourses surrounding the counterculture movement in order to depict the reality of the social-cultural setting of urban Spain. According to the author, La Movida can be defined through the political dimension as an attitude to challenge the authority by a youth that was disenchanted with the political and social problems of the 1970’s. A youth described by the author as affected by the increasing unemployment rates, that gave their backs to conservative ideals and spiritual notions rooted in National Catholicism. In this setting, Marí (2009) argues that there is a demand for sexual freedom.

Although Marí (2009) does not elaborate on the causes of the rise of sexual freedom, Rosalía Cornejo Parriego (2016) – Professor in Hispanic Studies at the University of Ottawa –

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presents a relation between political freedom and sexual freedom in her research on female activist during the democratic transition in Spain. For the author, the issue of sexuality became an essential issue during the democratic transition, due to the forty-year repression enacted by the regime. The discourse on sex and sexual liberation according to the author is interpreted as a tangible proof of the arrival of democracy and with this, a political freedom.

She argues that the demand for sexual freedom goes hand in hand with the aperture of Spain with other countries, in particular with the rest of Western Europe and North America. The author claims that the awareness of a gap between Spain and other democratic countries – in terms of critical reflection on sexuality – gave rise to a demand of greater pressure towards issues relating to sexuality in the Spanish context which then led to a phenomenon known as the destape [uncovering]. The destape manifested itself in the proliferation of erotic publications and films that captured nudity, sexual practices, and conversations surrounding sex.

Nevertheless, both Cornejo Parriego (2016) and Marí (2009; 2007) agree that although the destape produced a space of intense ideological confrontation and newly found sexual liberty in forms of literature and film, it became a sexual liberation for men. A masculine sexual liberation at the expense of the reification and commercialization of the feminine body. Cornejo Parriego (2016) further articulates this gender difference when observing the the Spanish left wing movement, which became the protagonist and held a crucial role during the democratic transition. She argues that the left wing ideology still retained Francoist residues and ideologies towards the role of women in the public and private sphere of society. The author claims that women during the democratic transition and the counterculture movement still lived very isolated, and lacked the support of other women. Still being subjected to roles as housewives, and mothers. In this sense, the author reflects on how the progressive and liberal characteristics depicted by the left wing movement did not address many attitudes inherited from the past.

2.4 Health Activist Movement

Other discourses surrounding female sex and sexual freedom during the counterculture movement is depicted by the health activism movement – understood as a form of social mobilization with the objective of improving health and health care – which commenced in Spain in the 1970’s (Ignaciuk & Gómez, 2010). Spanish Sociologist Ignaciuk & Ortiz-Gómez (2010) examine feminist press and manifestos, as well as in-depth interviews with

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different activist from this movement in order to visualize the feminine sexual revolution during this period.

The authors argue that the sexual liberation of women, more specifically the term liberation, is understood in relation to sexual health. In other words, they argue that the change in legislation from the dictatorship era to the democratic transition in regards to contraception and abortion in the 1970’s depicts the sexual revolution for women. Women gained a right, a right to buy and take contraception as well as the right of abortion. Liberty and freedom in this sexual sphere is observed as agency, as the right to decide over one’s own body in regards to reproduction. As a separation of sexual practices from only reproductive functions.

Lastly, Ignaciuk & Ortiz-Gómez (2010) examine the role of family planning centers which commenced in the late 1970’s in Madrid, and expanded throughout the peninsula in the early 1980’s. Family planning centers at first were managed by social workers and psychologist pertaining to the feminist movements who referred women to abortion clinics abroad, provided post-abortion revisions, and lastly contraceptive counseling. Once the first socialist party won the general election in 1982, this newly formed leftist government integrated family planning centers into the health care system.

In conclusion, the literature on La Movida and the sexual revolution that flourished after the death of Franco, portrays a masculine liberation in this realm, as the right to overindulge in this practice, while women are still perceived through the norms and values inherited by National Catholicism of the regime. Nevertheless, some authors view female sexual liberation as pertaining to the health realm and health movement with the legalization of abortion and contraception. Overall, it can be said that there is a movement and a small separation of the conceptualization of women as procreators, as sex leaving the realm of reproduction.

2.5 Affective – Sexual Education

Generation Y, also known as millennial’s, encompasses individuals born between 1980 and 1999 (Evans et al., 2016). According to Spanish anthropologist José Ignacio Pichardo Galán (2009), this generation in Spain is able to enjoy greater liberty in the sexual realm. The author depicts this with the the legalization of same-sex marriage, and political reforms that led towards greater equality between men and women throughout the 1990’s and 2000’s. In order to delve into such changes and ‘enhancement’ of liberty in the sexual realm, literature pertaining to topics of sex, sexuality, and gender in Spain during this period is examined, mostly in the realms of sex education and sexual practices.

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Departing from research on sex education in Spanish schools during 1990-2016, Spanish researcher at the University of Almería Anabella Garzón Fernández (2016), examines the development, changes, and transformation of topics and approaches taught to children and teenagers during secondary school. The author claims that sex education in schools in Western Europe started as a parallel to the increase in the availability of more modern and reliable contraceptive methods, and to the legalization of abortion in most countries during the 1970s and 1980s, which allowed the separation between sexuality and reproduction. She argues that this separation was a catalyst that favored a ‘sexual revolution’, as well as the process of emancipation of women in combination with other factors. From this political setting new views, norms, and values related to sexuality, sexual practices, and sexual behavior flourished, becoming a topic that has been deemed less taboo from this time onwards.

Garzón Fernández (2016) argues that sex education during the late 1980’s and 1990’s in Spain focused on aspects of prevention, such as the risk of unwanted pregnancy, sexual transmitted infections (STI), and sexual abuse and violence. In this setting sexual knowledge was approached through courses such as biology and natural sciences – from a scientific standpoint – or as subjects relating to morality and citizenship such as social orientation, citizenship, health education, or education for gender equality.

However, the author argues that with the rise of the digital era, especially the internet and the use of mobile phones, such sources have become the basis of information for topics related to sexuality. She claims that the youth has incorporated distorted and unrealistic notions of sexuality, in particular degrading notions towards the representation of women in this realm. For these reasons, Garzón Fernández argues that new forms of sex education have emerged in order to combat and correct misleading information presented by such sources.

The new form of sex education departs from an affective-sexual standpoint. This new approach of sex education and knowledge diffusion has been examined by Spanish sociologist and pedagosit Mayte Bejarano Franco & Beatriz García Fernández (2016), and María Lameiras Fernández et al. (2006) in their respective qualitative research in Spanish schools. Bejarano Franco & García Fernández (2016) claim that the affective-sexual standpoint contemplates sexuality as a personal growth in the emotional, mental, bodily, identity and social spheres of an individual. In other words, what is being transmitted to the youth is a type of sex education that promotes freedom, equality, tolerance, and solidarity.

Although there is a desire to approach sex education through this standpoint, both scholars in this field argue that sex and sexuality, and the norms and values transmitted to

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generation Y in Spanish schools are still reduced to sexist and heteronormative models. It reduces the legitimate practice of sexuality to the institution of marriage, to the area of the genitals, to a particular form of intercourse with only one purpose; biological reproduction. Pleasure as the byproduct of sex is not contemplated.

Lameiras Fernández et al. (2006) depict this with an instance that occurred during their research when discussing sexual organs. The students were surprised of the existence of the clitoris; they had never heard of it. Depicting the ignorance of the main female pleasure organ, which according to the authors, demonstrate the denial of female sexuality in Western society, including the Spanish one.

In conclusion, the literature above demonstrates that generation Y may enjoy greater sexual freedom in regards to legislation and rights. However, the norms and values transmitted to such generation through educational institutions are still rooted in heteronormative and sexist models. Sexual capital stems from knowledge pertaining to the scientific realm through biology and natural sciences, which focus on STIs and reproduction, reiterating gender roles and attitudes. In addition, a moral knowledge and perspective is also taught in the school setting through topics relating to sexual violence and abuse, however, homophobic and transphobic abuse is disregarded and not mentioned.

2.6 Representations of Female Sexuality in the Academic Realm: Conclusion

In this chapter, I delved into the existing literature on female sexuality in Spain, delving into knowledge in the academic realm of sociology, history, cultural analysis, and anthropology. By doing so I have portrayed how female sexuality has been dealt with in the academic realm of social sciences through the analysis of literature pertaining to each generation in order to paint the picture of the respective cohorts.

Female sexuality during post-war Spain is represented through the ideological pillar of National Catholicism. Literature pertaining to this historical epoch portrays the fixed relationship between gender roles and sexuality. The female gender construct was developed through fascist and Catholic ideals, providing a prototype and a model in which women had to comply to during the Francoist regime. The discourse characterized women as being inferior to men, a good house wife, and a mother. Therefore, under such ideals female sexuality was confined to virginity, matrimony, and procreation, and everything laying outside of such limited and fixed boundaries was perceived as a sin or a blasphemy.

Such ingrained Catholic values and notions penetrated into the following generation according to the literature of the counter-culture movement. The sexual revolution supposed

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the liberation of men as having the right to indulge in sexual practices without consequences or societal commotion. Women, on the other hand, were still viewed under traditional Catholic values from the previous historical epoch. However, according to some researchers, with the rise of the health activist movement during the 1980’s female sexual liberation can be observed with the legalization of abortion and contraception, and the aperture of Family Planning Centers. Female sexuality during the counter-culture movement slightly moves away from the perception of sex as solely reproduction.

Lastly, research that delves into generation Y and the new media period argues that for this cohort sexuality is enjoyed with more freedom in regards to legislation. However, when observing sex education, the knowledge being transmitted by professors remains in heteronormative and sexist models, reproducing attitudes and gender roles. This generation learns about sex through a scientific viewpoint, focusing on STIs and pregnancies. A moral perspective to sex education has been included in the majority of Spanish schools dealing with issues of sexual violence and abuse, however, homophobic and transphobic abuse remains a constant issue for educational institutions.

Having considered and presented the existing body of knowledge on female sexuality throughout each generation, a sociological inquiry into the stories and narratives of women throughout the contemporary history of Spain provides a valuable insight into the lived experiences of the interviewees. The subsequent chapters of the thesis delve into the narratives of the participants, their stories and experiences surrounding sexuality throughout their lives. I explore their feelings, doubts, sadness, joy, and memories. These are their stories.

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Chapter 3 Who Avoids the Occasion, Avoids the Danger

3.1 Good Sex versus Bad Sex

Julia was twenty-years old when she married her husband Adolfo. Her wedding was celebrated in a town close to Tarragona, during the summer of 1963. She remembers every single detail of that day; from the pink and white flowers surrounding the chapel to the jewelry her godmother wore. For Julia the celebration was one of the most beautiful moments of her life. However, she confesses that her wedding night ended in a disaster. “It was going to be my first time, the night I lost my virginity, but I was scared, I was panicking!” she explains. The moment when they arrived at the house and parked the car after the wedding ceremony, she panicked; “I did not want to go inside the house! So once Adolfo got out the car, I locked it from the inside so he would not be able to let me out.”. She remembers being so scared to have sex that she locked herself in the car, and Adolfo ended up having to drive her back for an hour and a half to her parents’ house in Tarragona.

Julia’s fear of what was supposed to happen at her wedding night depicts the internalization of taboos and prohibitions that surrounded sex and sexuality during post-war Spain. Fear and terror regarding sexual practices originated, in her opinion, from the Catholic morals that were transmitted in her school by professors and by her parents.

This story provides an insight of the discourse on female sexuality of the post-war generation, the generation of Carmen (69), Julia (75), María (73), and Antonia (81) who grew up during the dictatorship of Franco. Female sexuality was constructed around Catholic values of matrimony, virginity, and motherhood. These values penetrated into the next generation of women. However, the ‘liberation’ brought by the counterculture movement, known as “La Movida”, gave rise to a sexist discourse experienced by the generation of Teresa (58), Laura (58), Elena (56), Mercedes (59), and Silvia (57). Lastly, female sexuality is faced with a new barrier, an obstacle unimaginable for the previous generations, a conflict experienced by Irene (29), Patricia (22), Rosa (21), Alba (19), Mónica (21), Alicia (19), and Ángela (22), a generation brought up with more ‘sexual liberty’.

The leading question for this chapter will be: how 3 generations of Spanish women remember their subjectification to the surveillance of sexual capital relating to good and bad sex? The relevance of answering this question is to comprehend the norms and values

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surrounding female sexuality, and observe the persistence or transformation of specific believes. The subsequent sections provide the narratives of the three generations of women and their perspectives on sex and sexual practices. The chapter is divided by the themes derived from the interviews and follows a generational order. Through Rubin’s (1984) notion of the ‘Charmed Circle’, I delve into the stories and memories of the participants in order to gain a better understanding of how normal and abnormal sexual practices are constructed, and how they are negotiated throughout each generation.

3.2 Virgin Until Matrimony

Throughout the interviews with Antonia, María, Julia and Carmen, virginity and matrimony become the essential features of their sexuality during post-war Spain. “It’s a given!” Antonia states. In the following paragraphs I will detail how female sexuality during this historical epoch was managed and associated to Catholic values towards sex, in order to illustrate what was considered as the sexual norm through the narratives of the participants.

Carmen grew up in Madrid and has lived in the city all of her life. She attended a Catholic school; “You know, the ones where they divide classes between boys and girls.” She clarifies. For Carmen, this division was quite normal for the historical period. Carmen argues that the gender based division was made due to the different subjects they would learn. “We were taught ‘household lessons’ (Enseñanzas del Hogar) in order words, how to sow, iron, clean the house, etc. We were taught how to be good housewives. While boys were taught to be commanders in the army, that was their objective.”. Apart from basic subjects such as mathematics, geography, biology, and Spanish grammar and literature, women and men during the schooling period were taught specific aptitudes based on gender and their roles within society.

Nevertheless, the gender division was also held in her household. Carmen recalls her mother stating that she was obliged to take care of her father and brothers. This meant that she had to take care of the household labor at home from a young age; “I helped my mother in the kitchen, I set the table and cleaned it. I also had to make the beds for everyone at a certain age.”.

Carmen memories from her childhood illustrates the the indoctrination of gender based roles during the dictatorship era, from both the educational sphere and the family unit. For her it made sense due to the prospected future that women had; “We were expected to get married at an early age, have kids, and be housewives. There was no other option.”. The connection between gender construct and sexuality becomes a clear association for Carmen, where

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religion takes up the centerpiece of her early sexual knowledge. “It [Sex] was completely prohibited until marriage. It was expected of you to abstain from it until you were married. You were supposed to be a virgin.” She states.

Virginity until marriage becomes the norm for this generation. Catholic values surrounding sex are diffused by schools and parents and female sexuality enters a terrain of prohibitions and fear. Fear was diffused by such institutions in order to regulate and govern their sexual acts. Carmen states that she remembers clearly numerous times when her parents or teachers would say “boys are bad; boys will hurt you”. This would create, according to her, a feeling of panic surrounding any desire or emotion towards the opposite sex, it was a means of self-regulation.

Carmen’s anecdote is not exclusive to her experience. The Catholic morals surrounding sex were also ingrained in Antonia through her experience at school. Antonia explains a vivid memory of when she was thirteen years old, when she attended a Catholic school in Madrid. She remembers quite clearly how every Monday at school, all the students were forced to attend mass. “We had a chapel at school and Monday mass was a way to get off to a good start of the week.” she states while laughing. After the ceremony, she remembers that students were expected to attend the confessionals; “We would wait for our turn, and then go inside this wooden closet type of structure.”.

It was during those confessionals were Antonia remembers clearly the way in which sexuality was treated. “I remember that the priest would ask me if I liked someone. It was a trick; you know?”. The approach in which the priest would ask Antonia about her love life was a way to interrogate her, a way for her to confess every detail of her desires towards someone. But also a manner to indoctrinate her with fear and guilt towards sex. “I would tell him the truth. I would tell him if I liked a boy. Immediately after I would confess such emotions to him, the priest would reply saying “don’t you dare cross the line. Don’t get near them [boys], don’t hold hands, and for the love of god do not kiss them [boys.]”. They would make us belief that we should be scared of men.”.

Carmen and Antonia’s anecdote portrays the norms that surrounded female sexuality during the Franco dictatorship; the prohibition of pre-matrimonial sex. But also the intrinsic manner in which the Catholic church controlled sexuality, to the extent that they were taught to be scared of men. As depicted at the beginning of this chapter, with Julia’s memory of her wedding, fear towards sexual practices governed their youth, even to the day of their weddings.

"No God, no master, no husband, no priest, no church, no dress" : tracing female sexuality in modern Spain : a generational analysis

Acknowledgements

Table of Contents

Chapter 1

Their Stories Matter: An Introduction

Chapter 2

The Existing Body of Knowledge on Female Sexuality in Spain

Chapter 3

Who Avoids the Occasion, Avoids the Danger