Master Thesis
Joint Master’s Program in International Humanitarian Action (NOHA+)
Lost in the System:
The Disappearance of Unaccompanied Refugee Minors
from the Child Protection System in Greece
By Pupul Lama
August 2020
Supervisor- Dr. Steven Van Bockstael
University of Groningen
This thesis is submitted for obtaining the Master’s Degree in International Humanitarian Action. By submitting the thesis, the author certifies that the text is from his/her hand, does
not include the work of someone else unless clearly indicated, and that the thesis has been produced in accordance with proper academic practices.
2 Abstract
The current study investigates the dire ramifications of the ineffective child protection system (CPS) that results in the disappearance of unaccompanied refugee minors (URM) from Greece. Accordingly, the study applies the mixed methods research to explore the underlying factors and conditions causing the disappearance of URMs from the CPS framework by critically analysing the primary and secondary data sources.
The study draws attention to the identified institutional discrepancies that influence the incapacity of the state to meet the needs of the URMs with regard to provision of safe accommodation in camps or shelters and safeguard of the legal rights of the URMs. Over and above the institutional ignorance, the study also discovers that the absence of official data and statistics on the prevalence of the disappearance of URMs is utilised for legitimising institutional failure, further subverting the necessary mitigation and protection measures.
Taking into consideration, the legislative factors impede effective FRR process that essentially disregards and dismisses the needs of the URMs and the window of opportunity for them to grow meaningfully in society. With regard to URMs as a vulnerable population, the asylum and immigration laws inflict additional obstacles. The current research additionally examines the fundamental need to comprehend and take into account the individual factors that contribute to the risk of the disappearance of an URM. The individual motivations and interests of the URMs for not applying for international protection in Greece stems from inadequate access to information, a sense of dejection in view of the intricacies and perceived duration of the asylum procedure, or on ground of the fact that the criminal trafficking organisations may approach URMs with the ulterior motive of exploiting them.
Regardless of the adoption of the comprehensive international and EU instruments on safeguarding URMs, the CPS in Greece is deficient at preventing this phenomenon.
3 Acknowledgments
I would like to thank my supervisor, Prof. Steven Van Bockstael, for guiding me throughout the process of this thesis study. Without his necessary guidance and feedback, this study would not have shaped and structured the way it has now.
I owe my heartfelt gratitude to all the interviewees for sharing their experiences and perspectives on working with unaccompanied refugee children in Greece.
I would also like to sincerely thank my parents for being there for me through all the ups and downs during this period of time. Without their unconditional love and support, completing my post-graduation in international humanitarian action would have been practically impossible. Last but not the least, I wish to express my humble gratitude to my sister, Shinjini, for proof-reading my study countless number of times and for constantly supporting and encouraging me to complete this thesis with ample contentment.
I thank my fellow batchmates for their constant support during my research work. Also, I would like to extend my thanks to the faculty of NOHA for providing the knowledge and also for giving me an opportunity to undertake this research.
My passion for humanitarian and social work, especially in the field of child protection, motivated me to do the NOHA program and additionally, the choice of this specific thesis topic.
4 Table of Contents
Abstract ... 2
Acknowledgments ... 3
Nomenclature ... 6
1. Chapter I: Introduction and Research Process ... 7
1.1. Introduction ... 7
1.2. Research Aims and Objectives ...10
1.3. Relevance of the Study ...11
1.4 Research Road Map ...12
2. Chapter II: Methodological Framework ...13
2.1. Research Design ...13
2.2. Research Sample ...14
2.3. Data Collection and Analysis ...15
2.4. Limitations ...17
3. Chapter III: Literature Review ...19
3.1. Conceptual Understanding ...19
3.2 Overview of URMs in Greece ...23
3.3 Statistical Data ...25
3.4 Factors and Conditions Influencing the Disappearance of the URMs from the CPS in Greece 29 3.4.1. Institutional Factors ...29
3.4.3. Legislative Factors ...33
3.4.4. External Factors ...36
3.5 Governmental and EU Response ...39
3.6 Humanitarian Efforts ...40
4. Chapter IV: Results and Findings ...42
4.1 Demographics of the URMs in Greece ...42
4.2 Disappearance of URMs from CPS ...42
4.3 Institutional Factors ...44
4.4 Legislative Factors ...47
4.5 Individual Factors ...53
4.6 External Factors ...56
5
Conclusion ...81
References ...83
S.No. Abbreviations Full Forms
1. URM Unaccompanied Refugee Minor
2. UASC Unaccompanied and Separated Children
3. UNCRC United Nations on the Rights of the Child 4. BIC Best Interest of the Child
5. EU European Union
6. SGBV Sexual and Gender-Based Violence
7. ECHR European Convention on Human Rights
8. SRH Sexual and Reproductive Health
9. RIC Reception and Identification Centres
10. UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees 11. UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund
12. NGO Non-Governmental Organisation
13. EKKA National Centre for Social Solidarity 14. IOM International Organisation for Migration 15. EUROPOL European Union’s Law Enforcement Agency
7 1. Chapter I: Introduction and Research Process
1.1. Introduction
It all started with the outbreak of the Syrian war in 2015 where more than 11 million Syrians fled the civil war inflicted country of Syrian Arab Republic to avoid persecution and gross violation of human rights. Out of the 11 million Syrians who fled, 7.4 million Syrians were internally displaced and the remaining fled to neighbouring countries, seeking international protection and asylum under the International Humanitarian Law and Refugee Laws. This resulted in the worst humanitarian displacement since 1992, whereby 4.6 million refugees and migrants were displaced due to the Afghan civil war. 1
Most of the Syrian refugees approached the EU principally through the external borders of Turkey, seeking international protection and subsequently resulting in request for asylum. This situation resulted in other migrants and refugees from other countries, such as Pakistan, Afghanistan, Somalia, Libya, etc. approaching the EU to seek asylum and international protection (Alpes et al. 2017).
The above resulted in more than 1 million migrants and refugees crossing into Europe, with the conflict of Syria being the biggest driver, ongoing violence in Afghanistan, Iraq, etc. This influx of refugees sparked a situation of emergency as the EU countries struggled to cope with the irregular migration taking place at the external borders (Rygiel et al. 2016).
Further, millions of URMs travel under difficult circumstances; the journey usually takes several months and involves crossing numerous state borders to enter the European Union mainly through Greece, Italy and Turkey (Derluyn and Broekaert 2005)
The IOM estimates that more than 1,011,700 refugees and migrants arrived to the EU by sea in 2015 and almost 34,900 by land.2 As Greece and Italy struggled to
1https://www.unhcr.org/news/latest/2015/7/559d648a9/four-million-syrians-fled-war-persecution.html
Arab Spring is based on the anti-government protests that took place between the year 2010-2012 in Tunisia, Syria, Libya, Egypt and spread across other Arab countries.
2 IOM, EU Migrant, Refugee Arrivals by Land and Sea Approach 1 million in 2015
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keep pace with the new arrivals, the northern European countries such as Sweden and Germany faced their own struggles pertaining to receiving and processing those who had moved on.3 In September 2015, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, opened the borders of Germany and provided reception to around 900,000 asylum seekers. However, this approach was abandoned by Germany, due to the high pressure of asylum applications and no solution at the EU Level to respond to the situation.
Therefore, due to the unprecedented inflow of refugees and migrants through the Turkey-Greece borders, the EU decided to close the Balkan route.4 However, the closure of the EU borders i.e. the ‘Balkan route’, resulted in an exponential increase in refugee and migrant population arriving from Turkey to Greece. Accordingly, a solution was finally achieved in March 2016, with the implementation of the EU-Turkey deal. The deal stated that all migrant and asylum seekers who irregularly arrived in the EU (mainly on the Greek islands) should return to Turkey. In return, Turkey was promised 6 billion Euros and was further promised lesser visa restrictions. This deal had the following consequences:
1. Reversing the initial open-border approach;
2. Thousands of migrants and refugees were left stranded in the Balkans, particularly in Greece; and
3. Externalisation of European policies on migration, i.e. the border control was transferred to third countries.5
Hence, due to the diminishing prospects to migrate onwards to other EU countries, the asylum applications in Greece soared rapidly (Fili and Xythali 2017). Thus, for a substantial population of asylum-seekers Greece transmuted from a sojourn into a host country (Cone 2020).
3https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/MigrantDecisionmakingGreece-Final.pdf
4https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-34131911
5 For a detailed account, see: Bodo Weber, The EU-Turkey Refugee Deal and the Not Quite Closed
Balkan Route, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, June 2017, available at: http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/bueros/sarajevo/13436.pdf
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Therefore, Greece being located at the external borders of the EU plays a primary role in channelizing the migrant and refugee asylum-seekers, the majority from African and Middle Eastern countries, from Greece to other EU destination countries (Galante 2014).
The URMs travelling either due to conflict-induced displacement or by their own means are both a part of a vulnerable population as well as an international humanitarian crisis (Mason 2018). Hence, voluntary as well as involuntary disappearance of the unaccompanied refugee minors (URM) is one of the most distressing manifestations of an intrinsically vulnerable population during the times of humanitarian crises (Mason 2018).
Above all a significant number of URMs continue arriving at the consolidated state borders of Greece seeking entry and protection under the international law. However, according to previous studies and reports, the Greek authorities have displayed persistent tendencies to either overlook URMs as invisible or treat them with suspicion or deny their legal status as URM or as refugee children (Lawrence et al. 2019).
In addition to the above, inadequate reception and safeguard by the host country also leaves the URMs ill-equipped and ill-informed of their own rights concerning their safety and security (Mason 2018). In reality, URMs fall through the cracks of the CP system (Missing Children Europe 2015).
Presently, there are numerous issues surfacing in Greece with respect to the disappearing URMs and more particularly, the circumstances and factors under which they are going missing from Greece (Mitra 2016). When URMs go missing in one country, regardless of the reason, it is presumed that the Child Protection System (‘CPS’) has failed to ensure them adequate protection (Missing Children Europe 2015).
Further, the EU imposed restrictions on the borders to curb sudden upsurge of irregular arrivals resulted in the asylum-seeking refugees and migrants, especially URMs, resorting to clandestine means of migrations such as smuggling and trafficking (Derluyn and Broekaert 2005).
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There are numerous multifaceted factors contributing to the disappearance of the URMs from the protection radar creating a concern regarding the practicality of incorporating all the risk factors in the current study. Nevertheless, it is pertinent to understand the ramifications of this quandary as well as explore solutions and investigate the key protection gaps in the CPS framework, with respect to the field of humanitarian action.
Thus, the present study aims to determine whether the disappearance of URMs is correlated with an inefficient CPS framework and argue for the concern and relevancy of addressing this protection gap. Furthermore, the study attempts to draw recommendations for strengthening the CPS framework to mitigate and respond to the incidences of the disappearance of URMs from Greece.
1.2. Research Aims and Objectives
In order to attain the objective of this research, the thesis would be analysing in depth the following objectives as outlined hereunder:
1. Attempt to apply an investigative approach to gather and analyse substantive statistics and official data on missing URMs;
2. Critically examine the underlying conditions and circumstances which results in the disappearance of the URMs from the CPS in Greece and provide a holistic picture of the factors responsible for the existing situation;
3. Study the risks associated with the disappearance of the URMs;
4. Analyse and elucidate interviews conducted to gather primary information, concerns and perceptions of research participants, with respect to the disappearance of the URMs;
5. Determine if the ineffectiveness of the CPS is associated with the disappearance of URM and whether the same has a direct impact on the situation; and
6. Suggest recommendations, best practices and strategies to safeguard the URMs.
In view of the above, through the research thesis, the alarming concern regarding child protection in the field of humanitarian action is being highlighted. The
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research would only attempt to study the missing URMs, and the same is limited to the State of Greece, due to the significant dissimilarities in the operations, law and daily functioning of other EU member States.
Further, there is limited research on the present topic pertaining to disappearance of the URMs, due to the lack in availability of conclusive data and statistics. In addition to the same, limited official statistics and underreporting of URMs, being trafficked or illegally migrated pose a challenge in analysing the situation in further detail.
Therefore, the preliminary aim of the present study is to obtain a better understanding on the disappearance of URMs from the CPS in Greece, especially for the fact that in many situations Greece acts as a transit country.
1.3. Relevance of the Study
At the outset, the relevance of the thesis is to emphasise on the gravity of the situation pertaining to the disappearance of URMs, since this aspect of humanitarian action is an unchartered territory for most humanitarian aid workers. The study seeks to delve and answer the following research questions, which are pertinent in order to understand the dynamics of the present circumstances surrounding the URMs disappearing from Greece.
1. What are the underlying conditions and circumstances under which the URMs disappear from the CPS in Greece?
2. Does an ineffective CPS framework have a direct impact on the multiple incidences of disappearances of URMs?
3. What are the risk factors and threats encountered by URMs, who disappear from the CPS framework?
4. How could the CPS framework be strengthened to effectively mitigate the situation and respond better to the same?
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Accordingly, given the above, this thesis would play an important role in understanding the nuances surrounding the disappearance of URMs from Greece and the contributing factors resulting in the same.
1.4 Research Road Map
The research thesis intends to unravel the intricacies of the prevailing framework of the CPS in relation to the disappearance of URMs from Greece. Thereby, it draws on an exhaustive examination of pertinent legal documents and a painstaking scrutiny of the limited literature and existing quantitative data on the issue. It is further complemented with empirical data collected through anecdotal interviews with experienced professionals working with URMs and in general, acquainted to the field of child protection.
The following section provides an overview of the research methodology, followed by a thorough theoretical outline of the recent developments that has majorly influenced the institutional and legislative framework (literature review). Subsequently, a sub-section identifying conditions and circumstances leading to the disappearance of URM from the CPS in Greece.
The fourth section of the thesis sheds light on the critical analysis of the findings from the qualitative interviews by utilising verbatim quotations to support the results. The fifth section paves way for a constructive discourse on the basis of the interview analysis and results, and empirical and statistical findings through secondary sources.
Towards the end, the conclusion section highlights the recommendations and best practices on the basis of the above analysis with the intention of addressing concerns of the humanitarian representation of the disappearance of URMs and the protection gap in the CPS.
13 2. Chapter II: Methodological Framework
The purpose of this chapter is to elucidate and examine the research methodology and strategies that have been applied for this study. In this regard, it is significant to apply tools and research strategies that emphasize on the reliability and legitimacy of the material and data gathered in order to attain the objectives of the thesis.
In addition to the above, it is also important that the material and data collected is analysed and assessed. Further, to discover the probable answers of the research questions, as elucidated above in Section 1.3 of the study, it is essential to prepare a structured research methodology.
Thus, the methodology must entail various forms of strategies and instruments, which would assist in achieving the objectives of the study.
2.1. Research Design
The present research is an approach of mixed methods, wherein both the qualitative as well as quantitative methods would be applied in determining the outcome of the study. This research selection would result in providing a meaningful and constructive perspective, that would assist in interpreting the objectives and purpose of the current study.
The quantitative sections of the research are directed through a cross-sectional structure. This requires the incorporation of both interview questionnaires and substantive statistics in the present study. The rationale behind the integration of semi-structured interviews in this research is to provide a certain degree of liberty for both the researcher as well as the participants to discuss within the specific topic.
The research methodology for this study commenced by collecting and researching rudimentary secondary data with respect to incidences of the disappearance of URM from Greece, while undertaking an academic work placement in Thessaloniki. The placement resulted in interaction with URMs,
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social workers, lawyers, etc., who handle such cases and have first-hand association with the URMs.
For the purpose of primary data collection, semi-structured expert interviews are conducted with NGO actors, such as social workers and lawyers, who specifically have the experience of working with URMs in Greece. The understanding behind interviewing these actors is to attain a legitimate and reliable image of the prevalent concern of the disappearances of URM from Greece.
Further, interview questionnaires were formulated based on study from prominent literature pertaining to the topic of URMs. In addition to the same, the outcome from the primary and secondary data gathered is researched and reviewed in order to determine the outcomes.
Subsequently, several deductions have been made on the basis of the outcomes in correlation to the preliminary research questions of the present study.
2.2. Research Sample
Qualitative data is collected by the means of conducting four semi-structured expert interviews with key-informants situated in the cities of Athens and Thessaloniki in Greece.
Accordingly, the research participants have been decided using a convenient sampling method6 that is dependent on the key actors identified during the preliminary stage of the research. This convenient method permitted the researcher to come in direct contact with the individuals who have extensive knowledge and experience of working with refugees and migrants as well as URMs in Greece.
The final sample of four interviewees included lawyers and social workers associated with local Greek humanitarian NGOs working in the field of child
6 “Convenience sampling is a type of nonprobability sampling in which people are sampled
simply because they are "convenient" sources of data for researchers”.
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protection. Altogether, four semi-structured expert interviews were conducted for the purpose of this study.
All the participants are of Greek nationality and have experience of working in the Greek islands, also known as the hotspots, directly connected to the threshold of the refugee crisis in Greece. This provided a strong background for the nomination of participants possessing relevant and informed knowledge on the thesis study as well as being aware of the political, socio-economic and situational context of the protection gap concerning the disappearance of URM from Greece.
2.3. Data Collection and Analysis
Data collection for the study was executed in the months of April and May 2020. Through email, the research participants have been informed about the aim and purpose of the study as well as the procedure and guidelines that are strictly followed during the research. Also, the participants were provided with a consent form that states the roles and responsibilities of the researcher as well as the research participants.
The interview is voluntary and the participants have the right to withdraw their consent at any moment during and before the interview. The official interview did not take place unless the consent form was acknowledged and signed by the participant.
The interviews took place online through skype and ordinarily lasted for an hour. The interviews were directed in English language and the researcher generated definite notes followed by transcriptions on the basis of the participants’ responses.
Due to confidentiality reasons, no personal details were recorded during the data collection, together with the names of the NGOs the participants are working with. Keeping the identity of the participants anonymous helped in creating an environment of confidence and trust.
The researcher interviewed the research participants about their experiences, knowledge and perspectives on the disappearance of URM from Greece. The
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participants attempt to shed light on the pressing challenges they encounter while handling the casework of the URMs. Additionally, the research attempts to explore and examine various factors contributing to the disappearance of URMs and address protection gaps that require strategies to ameliorate the growing number of cases of disappearance of URMs from the CPS in Greece. The research participants also aim to provide best practices and strategies to prevent and respond to the disappearance of URMs from the CPS.
The blend of both qualitative and quantitative research methods (Schoonenboom and Johnson 2017) is vital for the current research as it can likely provide solutions and preventive strategies to address the protection concern of URMs disappearing from the CPS framework.
To analyse the primary data collected from the semi-structured expert interviews, the researcher utilises the phenomenological approach of the qualitative study. The phenomenological approach essentially concentrates on the generality of the lived experience within a specific group or community. The objective of this approach is to arrive at a description of the crux of the specific phenomenon (Creswell 2013).
Generally, the interviews are conducted with a group of people who have empirical knowledge of an occurrence, situation or an encounter that is linked through the activity of storytelling. The analysis in this empirical approach acknowledges the centrality of the theory as well as the participants’ perspectives. The interviews make an effort to respond to two extensive arguments (Moustakas 1994): (1) What have you encountered with regards to the phenomenon of the disappearance of URMs from Greece? What factors or circumstances have ordinarily affected your encounter with the phenomenon? (Creswell 2013). Different kinds of information, for instance, documents, reports and observations are likewise utilised in this approach. The data collected is reviewed and re-examined and selected for common themes and comments that are assimilated to outline relevant significant literature (Creswell 2013).
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During the preliminary process of the research analysis, a provisional coding theme7 was developed based on the primary conceptions that emerged throughout the interviews. The data was subsequently scrutinised to reveal and recognise underlying secondary components and perspectives. Moreover, each research participant was given code names, such as T1 for the first participant, T2 for the second and so on, for the subsequent research analysis.
To guarantee the credibility of the data collected, interviews were re-analysed/proofread by the researcher. Ultimately, the researcher utilised verbatim quotations to create a foundation of the surfacing themes, establishing the ‘conformability’ and reliability of the data collected (Maiter & Stalker, 2011). In this study, the researcher selected the phenomenological approach as this approach is most firmly aligned with the research’s objectives. This process helps the researcher in constructing an encompassing understanding of the situation and reach at a more exhaustive comprehension of the phenomenon.
However, the research questions were not conclusively resolved, the essence of the extracted information created a platform for further inquiries in the same (Skeiker 2015).
On the other hand, the quantitative research comprises of studying of available official data and statistics accessible on different sources. The gathering of primary and secondary sources of data such as published studies, books, journal articles and reports published by international organisations, NGOs and law-enforcers, to impart a broad spectrum of findings through academic sources. It is essential for the purpose of examining the magnitude of the prevalence of the disappearance of URMs.
2.4. Limitations
Although the present study prevails in elucidating insights into an under-studied theme of the refugee crisis in Europe, casting light on the significant vulnerability
7 More information on- “Themes Don’t Just Emerge- Coding the Qualitative Data”, July 2018,
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of the URM from disappearing along with the institutional gaps in preventive measures for the same, there are several impediments that need to be considered. First and foremost, the personal and individual voices of the URM is missing in this research study. The researcher intentionally chose to exclude the URM from the study due to ethical grounds, to forestall the potential risk of victimisation and to prevent causing more harm by re-triggering trauma by investigating past traumatic experiences.
Furthermore, it is unknown whether in the coming times research could formulate apparatuses to directly incorporate the paramount voices of the URMs themselves whilst establishing constructive precautions to minimise the risk and do no harm. Secondly, the research concentrated on a restricted number of geographical locations in Greece, during a particular timespan and amidst the tension of the global pandemic which consequently affected the richness of the empirical research (i.e. expert interviews) and the sample size. The pandemic not only influenced the sample size of the study, it also affected the feasibility of personally interacting with the research participants, thus, compelling the data collection to be transformed into a solely online method.
Thirdly, the research is inductive and analytical in nature. There is a conspicuous lack of concrete quantitative data as well as official statistics available on the URMs that disappeared from Greece.
Although, the findings do not provide a holistic analysis of all the risk factors that URM encounter in Greece. The geographic research areas represent the primary hubs of refugee and migrant populations, it is nevertheless envisaged that the findings could be valuable and relevant to the crucial areas of CP measures within Greece and Europe, in general.
Towards the end, the conclusion section highlights the recommendations and best practices on the basis of the above analysis with the intention of addressing concerns of the humanitarian representation of the disappearance of URMs and the protection gap in the CPS.
19 3. Chapter III: Literature Review
3.1. Conceptual Understanding
In order to elucidate on the various nuances of the present thesis study, it is pertinent to understand and place reliance on the following conceptual understandings:
3.1.1. Unaccompanied Refugee Minors (URMs)
The present thesis essentially captures the disappearances of URMs from Greece, thereby being an important terminology, which requires certain context and understanding.
Article 1 of the UN Convection on Rights of the Child (‘ UN-CRC’) defines a child as ‘every human being below the age of 18 years unless under the law applicable to the child, majority is attained earlier’ (IOM 2011).
Accordingly, the UN-CRC identifies refugee children as the right-bearers who receive special safeguards, care and legal protection similar to any other citizen child (Lawrence et al. 2019).
Given the above, the Directives of the European Parliament and the Council 2013/33/EU and United Nations Human Rights Council (OHCHR) (Mason 2018), define unaccompanied children are defined as ‘a third country national or stateless person below the age of eighteen, who arrives on the territory of the Member States unaccompanied by an adult responsible for them whether by law or custom, and for as long as they are not effectively taken into the care of such a person, or a minor who is left unaccompanied after they have entered the territory of the Member States” (IOM 2014).
The use of the term ‘unaccompanied refugee minors (URM)’ throughout the present study refers to ‘children who have been separated from both parents and other relatives and are not being cared for by any adult who, by law or custom, is not responsible for doing so’ (UNHCR 1994). The definition is in accordance to the Article 1 of UN-CRC on unaccompanied children, also known as unaccompanied migrant children (IOM 2014).
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In context of the above, please note that the thesis exclusively refers to URMs who migrate within the countries and also across borders. Since, they are often unaccompanied by an adult caregiver, they are therefore referred to as URMs. Additionally, the URMs who have requested for asylum in a host country are referred to as unaccompanied asylum-seeking minors (UASM) (Mason 2018). On the other hand, the URMs who do not register themselves at the RIC or apply for asylum are called the undocumented URMs. The thesis study deals with both kinds of URMs, due to the severity of the situation surrounding their disappearance.
On the contrary, it is pertinent to note that there are children who are referred to as ‘separated children’, which are not to be confused with URMs. Article 1 of the UN-CRC, defines separated children as those ‘who have been separated from both parents, or from their legal or customary primary caregiver and accompanied by an adult caregiver who may or may not be a relative of the child’ (UNHCR 1997).
Accordingly, in view of the above, mostly separated minors are usually accompanied by adult caregivers (mostly their legal/customary caregivers) whereas in case of URMs, the children are left on their own means and are not accompanied by any adult caregiver.
Due to the heightened nature of vulnerability of the URMs in comparison to separated children, the present study excludes the population of separated children and concentrates on the URM population only.
3.1.2. Child Protection System (‘CPS’)
Child Protection System is a systems approach adopted by UNHCR’s Framework for the Protection of Children. It was initiated to revolutionize the institutions from targeting children at risk to protecting children by assigning functions and responsibilities to such duty bearers. Accordingly, this would help in mitigating, preventing and responding to situations of risk encountered by migrant and refugee children in a better manner while being better equipped. Given the above, the CPS operates at local, national and international levels and is interconnected with one another (UNHCR 2012 ).
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In fulfilment of the international obligations, the States are primarily responsible for the establishment and implementation of national CPS for the protection of URM. Further, the existing capacity of the CPS is recognised and strengthened by applying the systems approach.
Thus, the Child Protection Strategy developed by UNICEF in 2008 recognises CPS as one of the primary pillars for protecting children (UNICEF 2018).
The present study incorporates the theory of systems approach to examine and recognise the existing institutional capacity of the Greek national CPS in relation to the factors influencing the disappearance of URMs from the framework.
3.1.3. Best Interests of the Child (‘BIC’)
The Best Interests of the Child (BIC) consists of ‘primary considerations in all actions that directly or indirectly affect children’ (IOM 2008).
The BIC is based on the identification of the best interests by active participation of the child in decision making which fundamentally concern their lives. This includes comprehensive assessment of the child’s age, nationality, cultural identity and finding short-term and long-term resolutions, particularly protection needs and vulnerability, affecting children, both girls and boys, whilst respecting the agency and self-determination of migrant children (Article 3, CRC), (UNHCR 2012 ).
3.1.4. Reception and Identification Centres (Hotspots)
The European Commission’s European Agenda on Migration in 2015, first introduced the ‘hotspot approach’ as a first immediate response to assist Member States experiencing arrivals of a disproportionate number of refugees and migrant population at the external borders of the EU, mainly Greece and Italy (Mentzelopoulou and Lutyen 2018)
The primary objective of the ‘hotspot approach’ was to facilitate smooth registration procedure, fingerprint and age assessment, navigate legal asylum route, execute temporary relocation strategies and facilitate return functions (Mentzelopoulou and Lutyen 2018).
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The Greek hotspots, legally also called Reception and Identification Centres (‘RIC’), are located in the five major Greek islands viz. Lesvos, Chios, Kos, Samos and Leros. With respect to the context of Greek hotspots, the Greek authorities work alongside EU agencies (such as Frontex8, EUROPOL etc) to achieve the objective (GCR n.d )
3.1.5. Smuggling and Trafficking
As interpreted in the Article 3(a) of the Smuggling of Migrants Protocol, smuggling is defined as the ‘the procurement, in order to obtain, directly or indirectly, a financial or other material benefit, of the irregular/illegal entry of a person into a State Party of which the person is not a national or a permanent resident’9.
Therefore, any illegal/irregular entry of a person into a state of which the person is not a national or permanent resident, for financial gains, is known as smuggling. According to Europol (2016), an estimated 90% of the irregular migrants arrive in the EU by means of smuggling. Taking into account the involvement of URMs with respect to smuggling is rapidly growing in recent years.
However, the genuine scale of the clandestine activities cannot be measured due to the scarcity of accurate data on the cases of child smuggling (Baird 2013). Nonetheless, despite the absence of official statistics, the cases of child smuggling are evident and in significant numbers (Baird and Liempt 2016).
There are anecdotes reporting situations of direct interaction with smugglers and experiencing abuse and exploitation during the journey. The incidences of abuse and exploitation experienced by the URMs are well-documented in forms of reports published by UNICEF, Human Rights Watch (HRW) and REACH expounding different circumstances such as abductions, extortion, sexual and
8 European Agency for the Management of Operational Cooperation at the External Borders of the
Member States of the European Union
9Adapted from Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air, supplementing the
United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime ((adopted 15 November 2000, entered into force 28 January 2004) 2241 UNTS 507) Art. 3(a).
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gender-based violence (SGBV), forced labour, forced pregnancy, ransoming, organ smuggling, child trafficking and physical abuse of URMs during all the phases of the smuggling (UNICEF 2017).
According to the UNTOC 2000 Human Trafficking Protocol, trafficking is defined as “the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation.”10
For the purpose of the present study, one of the primary risk factors and threats encountered by URMs that disappear from the CPS is the possibility of falling into the trap of smuggling and trafficking. The study incorporates this perspective while studying the phenomenon of the disappearance of URMs from the CPS in Greece and the presumption that an exceptional population of URMs are victims of trafficking and smuggling once they disappear from the CPS.
3.2 Overview of URMs in Greece
Between 2015 and 2016, EU Member States received nearly 2.7 million applications for asylum. Most applicants arrived in Europe via the frontline states of Greece and Italy.11 Accordingly, Greece witnessed an influx of unmatched population of URMs, arriving at the threshold for the EU through means of irregular migration in the year of 2015 (Cone 2020).
The number of URMs crossing the state borders, characterised as the deadliest EU borders (A. V. Fili 2017), had increased manifold. The rough estimation of URMs
10Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children,
Supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime (adopted 15 November 2000, entered into force 25 December 2003) 2237 UNTS 319, Art. 3(a).
11 Migration Policy Institute (MPI) Data Hub, ‘Asylum Applications in the EU/EFTA by Country,
2008-2017’ https://www.migrationpolicy.org/programs/data-hub/charts/asylum-applications-euefta-country-2008-2017
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crossing Greek-Turkey border accounts for approximately 35% of the entire population (A. V. Fili 2017).
The recent influx of refugees and immigrants to Greece coincided with the ongoing and deteriorating financial crisis.12 During the year of 2015, Greece received around 90,000 unaccompanied and separated children (‘UASC’) registered for asylum in other EU states. Observing a slight decline in 2016, an unwavering percentage of URMs under the age of 14 years applied for asylum (Mason 2018) in Greece.
Figure 1.1: Estimated Population of URMs in Greece Disaggregated by
Nationality13
12 Christodoulou, George & Abou-Saleh, Mohammed. (2016). Greece and the refugee crisis: mental
health context. BJPsych International. 13. 89-91. 10.1192/S2056474000001410.
13 Source: EKKA, Situation Update on UAC in Greece, 31st May 2020
http://www.ekka.org.gr/images/%CE%A3%CE%A4%CE%91%CE%A4%CE%99%CE%A3%CE%A4% CE%99%CE%9A%CE%91_2020/EKKA%20Dashboard%2031-5-2020.pdf 0.00% 5.00% 10.00% 15.00% 20.00% 25.00% 30.00% 35.00% 40.00% 45.00% 50.00%
Syria Afghanistan Pakistan Others
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As of May 2020, the Figure 1.1 represents that the majority of the URMs originate from Afghanistan (43%), Pakistan (22%), Syria (11%) and others (24%) from other countries (EKKA 2020).
According to the official statistics, the greater part of the URM population stem from countries ravaged by conflict, or persecution and oppression of human rights, or the disintegration of the social infrastructure due to the concurrence of impoverishment and armed conflict, such as in the case of Syria and Afghanistan (A. Fili 2017).
Thus, given the circumstances, many refugees and migrants relocated from the Greek islands in the Aegean Sea towards different parts of Europe (Cone 2020). At the RICs, an estimated 1,746 URMs were registered and accommodated in the Greek Islands of Chios, Lesvos, Kos, Samos and Leros (HRW 2019 ). Parallelly, 426 URMs requested asylum and another 2,248 URMs requested for a reception allocation in Greece itself (A. Fili 2017).
Furthermore, since the closure of the EU borders i.e. the ‘Balkan route’, the refugee and migrant population arriving from Turkey to Greece multiplied exponentially. Due to the diminishing prospects to migrate onwards to other EU countries, the asylum applications in Greece soared rapidly (A. V. Fili 2017). Thus, for many asylum-seekers, Greece transmuted from a sojourn into a host country (Cone 2020). Given the above, the Greek Government relentlessly executed the “containment” strategy that compels the approaching migrant and refugee population to stay put at the Greek islands until they have undergone the asylum application process at the RICs. The study reports that the asylum-seekers inhabited at the hotspots lack sufficient access to basic needs and services and on numerous occasions, even basic accommodation (Cone 2020).
3.3 Statistical Data
As indicated in Table 1.1 by the National Centre for Social Solidarity (‘EKKA’), as of May 2020, a large proportion (over 92.9%) of the URMs are boys between the age of 15 to 18 years old. However, a small portion of the population constitutes of
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girls, which is around 7.1%. Furthermore, 7.8% of the URMs are children below the age of 14 years.
Sr. No Accommodation Types No. of URMs per
Accommodation (out of 4898)
1. Long-Term or Temporary
Accommodation
2130
2. Emergency UAC accommodation sites 28
3. RICs 1335
4. Protective Custody 206
5. Open Temporary Accommodation Facilities
243
6. Insecure Housing Conditions 956
Table 1.1: Number of Unaccompanied Children (UAC) in Greece Per
Accommodation Type14
In accordance with the official statistics out of the population of 4898 URMs present in Greece, every one out of four URMs has access to government-funded accommodation; 956 of the URMs are destitute, missing or living in hazardous conditions and among 206 of the URMs are held in the State protective custody (EKKA 2020). However, even the accommodation facilities are overpopulated and have inadequate specialised staff (A. V. Fili 2017).
As of October 2019, only 26% of the 4,600 URMs received age-appropriate accommodation in Greece, leaving the remaining population at further risk of sexual abuse and exploitation and destitution (UNHCR 2019).
14 EKKA, Situation Update on UAC in Greece, 31st May 2020
http://www.ekka.org.gr/images/%CE%A3%CE%A4%CE%91%CE%A4%CE%99%CE%A3%CE%A4% CE%99%CE%9A%CE%91_2020/EKKA%20Dashboard%2031-5-2020.pdf
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Greece does not have any principal authority accountable for tracing URMs in need of protection, consequently, generating antithetical and inconsistent official data and double counts. The only central data accessible are those gathered by the Ministry of Citizen Protection and Ministry of Labour.
The data from the former is reported systematically and generally entails URMs who have been detained and distinguished as underage at the external borders along with those who have applied for asylum. On the other hand, the Ministry of Labour disseminates information on a monthly basis in cooperation with EKKA and records the number of URMs who have appealed to be administered to RIC (A. V. Fili 2017).
However, there is no cross-checking or incorporation of the information between the asylum unit and EKKA, consequently resulting in disarray of the true figures of URMs present in Greece. Irregular information management also conceal the accurate numbers of URMs in Greece and in the EU.
As a result, there are dire setbacks in measuring concrete evidence or a definite deduction on the number of URMs crossing the borders each year and what happens afterwards (A. Fili 2017). Moreover, the differing identification process at the hotspot RICs further misrepresents the actual figures.
Most importantly, statistical record of URMs who do not fall under these classifications is unknown. The undocumented URMs view Greece as a transit point of entry and are present in large numbers and often remain obscured to the state authorities.
Taking into consideration the above-mentioned loophole, there are alarming accounts concerning the rising incidences of the disappearance of URMs, and in particular, the circumstances and factors accompanying to their disappearance. There is limited literature available on the incidences of disappearance of refugee children, in particular the URMs. However, the literature mainly entails descriptive and narrative evidence.
This study raises concerns regarding the frequent disappearance and unknown reasons for the disappearance of URMs from the care centres. This subsequently,
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exposes them to the threat of encountering smugglers and traffickers who may exploit them sexually as well as economically (Derluyn and Broekaert 2005). Regardless of the tremendous dangers to which URMs are subjected to, their disappearance is more often than not underreported. This is exemplified by the reality that the disappearance of URMs in the year 2015 accounts for only 1% of the caseload registered by the hotline service 116 000, operating to report missing URMs in the EU (Missing Children Europe 2015).
The hotline (116 000) operating in 29 EU countries reveals data representing the disappearing URMs from the age of 8 as far as 17 years. For instance, the Finnish reception centres and the local authorities in Finland, in general, are oblivious of the 2,500 asylum-seekers’ whereabouts who went missing under their superintendence (Missing Children Europe 2015).
Identical patterns are observed in more ‘favourable’ EU nations such as Germany, Hungary and Austria with regard to the asylum seeking URMs. Germany reports approximately 5,835 asylum- seeking URMs who went missing out of which 555 minors were under the age of 14 years (Mitra 2016).
Similarly, in 2013, the CONNECT15 Project in Italy reported that over 24% of the documented URMs disappeared from the RICs and many others tend to disappear before the registration procedure (Missing Children Europe 2015). These instances portray a clearer picture with respect to the disappearance of the URMs and also underlines the inability of the respective States to overcome and respond to this protection gap.
A government actor described it as, “No ‘known’ incidents mean ‘no problem’”. Until there is no data available, as victims do not themselves approach the Authorities, the State gains by hiding the issue away from the view. Furthermore, the study understands that no State wants to acknowledge that URMs are being
15 CONNECT ‘Identifying good practices in, and improving, the connections between actors involved in reception, protection and integration of unaccompanied children in Europe’.
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subjected to abuse and violence under their safeguarding (Digidiki and Bhabha 2018).
Consequently, Greece has invariably exhibited that it is inadequate in responding and handling this situation.
3.4 Factors and Conditions Influencing the Disappearance of the URMs from the CPS in Greece
3.4.1. Institutional Factors
One of the primary factors contributing to the disappearance of URMs is the consolidation of border control guidelines that have intensified the terror of being captured by the officials or being repatriated to the country of origin. This dread compels URMs to make themselves invisible to the formal authorities as a way of continuing their journey in Europe. Simultaneously, their resolution to remain invisible to the authorities amplifies their vulnerability and becomes counterproductive to the safeguard of the rights of the URM in the presence of growing exploitative networks (Mitra 2016). Despite the legitimisation of who is categorised as unaccompanied or separated children by the law, the police, over the years, have been arbitrary registering URMs, which leads to the complication in identifying URMs as unaccompanied. Further, at the same time, also raising the concern of URMs oscillating in and out of the secure spaces (A. V. Fili 2017).
Thus, the first and foremost approach is the customary practice for law-enforcers to unsystematically register URMs as unaccompanied even though they are accompanied by extended family members, causing forceful disconnection. Contrarily, on numerous occasions URM arriving at the EU threshold are categorised as accompanied by non-related adults, in all probability to prevent clogging at the reception centres situated at the Greek islands.
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The prevalence and uniformity of these incidences, as represented by numerous reports, deduce that these are not exceptional errors, however, there is no corroboration as to its dimensions (A. V. Fili 2017).
The URMs arriving in Greece do not receive preferential treatment by the State Authorities due to the inadequacy of national infrastructures admitting and handling these URMs and the scarcity of professionally competent staff to carry out their cases. Moreover, the guarantee of securing an accommodation is obscure (A. Fili 2017).
Following the EU-Turkey Joint Statement, the homogeneous detention approach aggravated the issue as URMs, like any other migrant arriving to the Greek Islands, were straightaway detained so as to be exclusively evaluated by the authorised officials at the RICs. This routinely prompts the practice of the expedient of ‘protective custody’, which is practically equivalent to detention, awaiting their referral to RICs. These spaces did not have treat psychosocial support as a priority and fail to provide age-appropriate services to the URMs (A. Fili 2017).
The detention centres are usually severely jam-packed with the URMs being accommodated with the adults. In this context, NGOs struggle to find an appropriate area for their team to work in. These limitations in the preliminary assessment process consequently leading to the wrongful identification and registration of minors (A. Fili 2017).
The Greek authorities fail to uphold and discharge their legal responsibilities of ensuring the protection entitled to these URMs. The absence of a consistent approach with regard to the evaluation of URMs, scarcity of skilled personnel at the RICs as well as the lack of identity documents that would (dis)prove any connection, permits the state authorities a vast leeway of discrimination. Moreover, it implies that there is no legal course of action to question and redress a wrong or discretionary assessment (A. V. Fili 2017).
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The Authorities must follow the screening process to identify URMs and further recourse them to suitable care settings and accommodation services. However, there is a persistent dearth of safe accommodation space. On the mainland of Greece, the law-enforcers frequently detain URMs in immigration detention offices and police stations resulting in the delay of the arrangement of housing (HRW 2019 ).
This results in another significant risk factor of the extreme shortage of suitable accommodation spaces, for instance specialised care facilities and unsafe living structures, compels URMs to reside with adults coming from different backgrounds, culture, gender and age groups (Digidiki and Bhabha 2018).
3.4.2. Reception Centres/Hotspots
The Reception and Identification Centres (RIC) located on the Aegean Sea, for instance, the Lesvos Island- are generally called the “hotspots”. These hotspots have a separate segment that caters to the provision of secure accommodation for the URMs. On the contrary, the accommodation is not sufficient enough to host all the URMs arriving to the Islands and consequently, waiting to be settled in a long-term accommodation (HRW 2019 ).
As compared to the numerous entry points, the existing RIC and Reception and Accommodation Mobile Units are much smaller in number. Hence the preliminary registration procedure is generally directed by the Hellenic Coastguard or the local police, who are not professionally trained to undertake such activities (A. Fili 2017).
As mentioned in the report (Refugees International 2019), the everyday living conditions of URMs in Lesvos and Samos Islands are appalling and increases the likelihood of exploitation and abuse, violence and health care issues. As a consequence, an exceptional population of the URMs inhabit in tent-based accommodations outside the formal shelters.
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Also, it is pertinent to note that URMs currently arriving in Greece are more than 5,000 in number, and over 1,600 of these URMs are subjected to inhumane and unsuitable surroundings on the island (Refugees International 2019).
There are conspicuous concerns surrounding the non-separation of accommodation for both unaccompanied boys (under 14 years of age) and girls (under 18 years of age). The unaccompanied girls are placed in a “safe zone”. But on the ground, even unaccompanied boys are sharing the space with them, though they ought to be placed in distinct and safe shelter to alleviate the likelihood of SGBV (HRW 2019 ).
In this study (Digidiki and Bhabha 2018), various primary witnesses supplemented the above-mentioned statement highlighting the absence of security within the refugee camps and other structures, contending that besides the fundamental issue of overcapacity and inadequate services, the extreme scarcity of security efforts such as housing and security fences, proper lighting at night, and the presence of police contributes to the illegal activities (including sexual violence and exploitation) against the most vulnerable population of URMs.
Taking into consideration, the above-mentioned conditions generate massive protection gaps for the URMs. The URMs are vulnerable to the likelihood of being trafficked or brought into contact with other types of oppression. Besides, women and girls are grossly exposed to the heightened danger of sexual and gender-based violence (‘SGBV’). Despite being aware of the alarming conditions, there is a dearth of trained law enforcers at the RICs to guarantee safety and security of these vulnerable groups in Greece (Cone 2020).
Accordingly, the acute absence of specialised care, shelter and appropriate services has left URM detained in police stations or deserted in temporary shared accommodation structures with the adult population (Digidiki and Bhabha 2018).
33 3.4.3. Legislative Factors
According to Greek and international law, the URMs are equally entitled to special safeguarding and protection as any other citizen child. However, in reality, the rights of the URMs are not uniformly honoured in the policies and practices of the contemporary State, Greece, that is also a signatory to the UN-CRC (Lawrence et al. 2019).
Further, the UN-CRC warrants URMs with the right to have their best interests examined and measured as a principal factor when decisions regarding them are made. The best interests of a child (‘BIC’) is treated as the first priority concerning their recognition in the host country or their return to the home country (Kalverboer et.al. 2017).
Thus, by means of active involvement of the child in the migration action plan and procedures, UN-CRC attempts to safeguard the rights of the child. The article is analysed in terms of its implementation concerning the needs and rights of the refugee children from the viewpoint of the possibility of their disappearance from the protection framework (Kalverboer et.al. 2017). According to the EU legislation (EU Commission 2014) directed at asylum-seeking URMs, the following principal prerequisites are determined to: 1. Identify high-risk of URMs to sexual exploitation, abuse and/or child
trafficking;
2. Assign legal guardians or official for rescued child victims of trafficking; and
3. Secure legal aid, child-sensitive judicial trials and investigation in accordance to the ‘special protective provisions.’
In addition, according to the UNCRC’s Operational Protocol, Greece being a member, criminalises the sale of children, child trafficking and child pornography as well as transactional sex with the URMs (Freccero et.al. 2017).
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However, the shortcomings in the EU Law protecting URMs unfavourably produce a suitable environment for trafficking networks and criminal groups to incite these URMs out of the CPS (Mitra 2016).
As stated under the Directive 2013/33/EU, the incidences of the disappearance of URM formally contradicts the fundamental principles of safeguarding their right to international protection (Mitra 2016). The international legal obligations determined in the UN-CRC and European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) is antithetical to the practices in Greece (A. V. Fili 2017).
Coming to one of the major impediments URMs face upon their advent in Greece is manoeuvring through the complex legislative framework concerning age-appropriate protection (A. V. Fili 2017). A remarkable legislative risk factor that has surfaced is the delays in the family relocation and reunification (‘FRR’) scheme, that is an exclusive path for the URMs to continue onward with their migration (Digidiki and Bhabha 2018).
Greater than one-third of the URMs population in Greece have requested for FRR in other EU Member States. However, meeting the bureaucracy requirements could take from 8 up to 24 months. This is quite problematic as the Greek asylum service fails to send in the application for reunification within three months of the arrival of the URMs- which is usually the case- consequently, affecting the child’s right to be reunified under the EU law (Apostolou 2019).
Further, URMs tend to defy State Authorities at the RICs and attempt to pass as adults to evade lengthy detention and administrative obstacles. While some minors declare themselves to be underage to benefit from the lenient treatment. These dual practices have reinforced an existing culture of scepticism as URM’s age and right to protection are consistently questioned and refused by the primary authorities (A. V. Fili 2017).
The URMs take autonomous decisions concerning their lives, primarily demonstrating the inclination to travel to other EU countries, even when the
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journey is dangerous (A. V. Fili 2017). Furthermore, some announce themselves to be old enough, regardless of the fact that they are clearly underage, while others declare themselves as minors when they are obviously adults.
Surrounded by a predominant atmosphere of distrust and a flux of financial support from the EU States, numerous NGO actors stepped in to cater to the needs of the URMs, shield them from distress, provide services and assess their risk and vulnerability. Further, fragmented responsibility undertaken by various actors for the protection of URM led to inadequate services that fell short of addressing their needs and increased level of chaos in the decision-making process (A. V. Fili 2017).
Nevertheless, it is important to highlight that the social workers, doctors and psychologists working at the Moria hotspot are limited in number. This creates a massive backlog in the risk assessment and vulnerability screening of the URMs. The complete registration process for the URMs may take several months, therefore, for the time being, the URMs remain exposed to non-associated adults and receive no course of action for their care and accommodation (HRW 2019 ).
The President of METAdrasi, a local Greek NGO, admits to the prolonged and complex registration procedure for URMs and the cross-examination of adults’ identity claiming to be separated relatives of the URMs. The individual EU States display grim figures of the URMs disappearing from the borders (Mitra 2016).
Essentially, EU States need to reconsider and take into account the humanitarian emergency surfacing in the Greek Islands with regards to the time limit set for submitting FRR applications. The URMs who fail to meet the deadline, the asylum authorities must apply the “discretionary clause” as mentioned in the Dublin III Regulation16 (HRW 2019 ).
16 More information on- Why the Dublin System Keeps Families Apart, May 2018,
https://www.drc.ngo/media/4530554/drc-policy-brief-when-the-dublin-system-keeps-families-apart-may-2018-final.pdf
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Moreover, the latest report on the exclusion of the URMs in Greece gives emphasis to the deficiency of an effective guardianship system that is meant to guide and support the URMs through the intricacies of the procedures of reception centre and asylum service (Apostolou 2019).
Thus, Greece faces the formidable challenge of possessing the adequate capacity to host the asylum seekers, safeguard them, provide legal support and assistance, and finally successfully incorporate the ones who are eligible (Cone 2020).
3.4.4. External Factors
Early 2016, the Chief of Staff of Europol acknowledged that thousands of registered migrant and refugee children disappeared without a trace in the European countries. Europol produced evidence that some of the URM were sexually assaulted during their journeys and in the worst-case scenario, fell into the trap of sexual violence, forced labour or organ trafficking by criminal groups (Baers 2016).
Further, Europol reported the amalgamated presence of smugglers aiding refugees in crossing borders and trafficking gangs entrapping people for the business of forced labour and sexual exploitation. Primarily, victims subjected to exploitation comprises “especially those of a young age, young women, the unaccompanied” (Missing Children Europe 2015). The figures of the actual number of abducted or enslaved URM is unknown (Baers 2016).
Additionally, the study conducted by Derluyn and Broekaert (2005) concentrates on the propensity of unaccompanied minors falling into the trap of trafficking and smuggling. Geographically, the research is restricted to URMs arriving in Belgium, as a transit country, on their way to the UK. It highlights the strenuous push and pull conditions under which URMs travel through numerous countries, mostly through Turkey, Italy and Greece. The study examines the concept of ‘missing URMs’, to place emphasis on the paucity of adequate documentation of URMs, the expanded influence of
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traffickers and other organized criminal gangs in the refugee camps, and the multidimensional interpretations of the background of the criminal activities in Europe (Mitra 2016).
The study also calls attention to the manifold, intersectional root of hardships that URMs encounter during and after their journey, and the method through which criminal activities may transpire as the ramification of abusive conditions and ‘alternative’ means of survival (Mitra 2016). Furthermore, with respect to the organised criminal gangs, the already existing ‘Pan-European criminal infrastructure’ is snowballing, as the criminal groups attempt to take undue advantage of the exponential increase in the flow of refugees and migrants in Europe. This occurs under the pretence of an easier entry into Europe by smuggling URMs into trafficking. Therefore, URMs are the primary targets for the business of child labour and child sex trafficking (Mitra 2016).
This is an alarming concern on the account of the fact that even though some of the minors may reunite with their family members, an exceptional proportion of minors come into contact with the criminal gangs that enable numerous forms of exploitation and criminality. As a result of this disturbing reality, there is an evident mutual interconnection between smugglers operating inside the EU and organised trafficking groups abusing the vulnerability of the URMs (Mitra 2016).
For a significant length of time, the URMs arriving in Greece stayed in detention centres under the protective custody, inundated with dangerous and unsuitable circumstances, subsequently subjecting them to the likelihood of coming in contact with trafficking networks (METAdrasi 2019).
In due course, URMs find themselves in a compelling and hazardous obligation to secure monetary resources to repay the smugglers, accompanying a rise in practices of self-harm and aggravates the risk of sexual abuse and violence (Digidiki and Bhabha 2018).
