UNIVERSITY OF L O N D O N SOAS
THE U M A Y Y A D CALIPHATE 6 5 -8 6 /6 8 4 -7 0 5 (A PO LITIC A L STUDY)
by
f Abd A l-A m eer 1 Abd Dixon
Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philoso]
August 1969
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ABSTRACT
This thesis is a po litical study of the Umayyad Caliphate during the reign of f Abd a I -M a lik ibn M arw an, 6 5 -8 6 /6 8 4 -7 0 5 . The first chapter deals with the p o litic a l, social and religious background of ‘ Abd a l- M a lik , and relates this to his later policy on becoming caliph.
Chapter II is devoted to the ‘ A lid opposition of the period, i . e . the revolt of a l-M u k h ta r ibn Abi ‘ Ubaid al-T h a q a fi, and its nature, causes and consequences.
The ‘ Asabiyya(tribal feuds), a dominant phenomenon of the Umayyad period, is examined in the third chapter. An attempt is made to throw
light on its causes, and on the policies adopted by ‘ Abd a l- M a lik to contain it.
The fourth chapter is concerned with the c iv il war between Abd a l- M a lik and Ibn a l-Z u b a ir. The underlying factors leading the people of a l- H ija z to support Ibn a l-Z u b a ir are examined, to elucidate the nature of the Zubairid opposition movement in general.
Chapter V deals with the revolts of Ibn a l-J a ru d , and of the Z an j;
the insurrection of the Azd in ‘ Uman; and the far more dangerous revolt of
‘ Abd al-Rahman ibn al-A sh‘ ath. These revolts are compared to see if they spring from similar discontents, and whether they are in response to the policies of al -H a jja j.
of ac tiv ity in this period, in its political aspect, as a source of opposition to ‘ Abd a l-M a lik 's caliph ate. The minor, scattered revolts are described as w ell as the better-known major K h a rijite revolts. This chapter also examines the link between the revolt of M u ta rrif ibn a l-M u g h ira , and the movement of Shabib ibn Y azid and the Kharijites in general.
ACK N OW LE D GEME NTS
In the first place I should like to express my deepest gratitude to my supervisor, Professor Bernard Lewis, to whose invaluable learned
guidance, help and encouragement throughout all the years of my study, I owe a great deal*
I am also greatly indebted to Miss Susan W allis for her help in translating some French and German Works; and to M r* A* A I.K h a tib for making some Arabic books available to me*
Thanks are also due to the staff of the libraries of S. O , A . S ., the British Museum, the Senate House, the India O ffice and the Royal Asiatic Society for their ready help.
I should also like to thank the libraries of Ayasofya, Ahmet III, Istanbul; a l-Z a h ir iy a , Damascus; the Bodleian, Oxford; the Chester Beatty, D ublin; the Bibliotheque N a tio n a le , Paris and Stiftung Preuss Kulturbesitz, Tubingen, for providing me with photographs of different manuscripts.
F in a lly , I thank my fam ily and a ll my friends, for their unfailing support and encouragement.
A . A . Dixon
ABBREVIATIONS Sources
A ‘ laq. A I- A ‘ laq a i-N a fis a , by Ibn Rusta.
Adyan. Bay an a I-A d y a n , by Abu 'l - M a ‘ a ll.
Agh. K itab a l-A g h a n i, by A bu'l-Faraj al-lsbahanT.
Akhbar. Akhbar a l - ‘ Abbas wa W ild ih i, (anonymous).
Akhbqr Igbahan. Dhikr Akhbar Isbahan, by Abu N u ‘ aim.
Anidi. A l-M u ’t a lif w a M -M u k h ta lif.. . , by a l-A m id i.
/Amalt. A l-A m a li, by a l- Z a j ja ji.
Ansab. Ansdb al-A shraf, by al-B aladhuri.
Arab. N ihayaf a l-A ja b fi M a ^rifat Ansab a l - ‘ Arab, by Qalqashand’i,
‘ Asakir. Tahdhjb al-TarikJi a l-K a b ir & Tarikh Dimashq, by Ibn ‘ Asakir.
A th ar. Al-Atjhcir ai-B aqiya ‘ An al-Q urun a l-K h a lly a , by al-B iru ni.
Azkawl Kashf al-Ghumina a l-J a m i‘ li Akhbar al-U m m a, by Sirhan ibn Sa‘ Td a!-Azkaw T.
Azmina. A l“Azmina w a 'I-A m k in a , by a l-M a rz u q i.
A zraqi. Akhbclr M e c c a , by A l-A z ra q i.
Bagh. Al-Farq b a in a 'I-F ira q , by ‘ Abd a l-O a h ir al-Baghdadi.
Bakri . M u ‘ jam ma Ista jam , by a l-B akri.
Bakkar. Jamharat Nasab Quraish, by a l-Z u b a ir ibn Bakkar.
Barradi. A l-J aw ah ir cil-M untagat, by al-B arradi.
Batriq. A l-T a rikh a l-M q jm u ‘ ‘ A la :l-T ab q iq , by Sa‘ id ibn al-B atriq .
6 . Bayan.
Bay as i • BadJ . Bidaya.
Bughya.
Buldan.
Dhahabi.
D inaw ari.
D uw al.
Fakh Fis al Futuh.
Ghurar.
H ad hif.
Hamadani.
Hay aw an.
H ily a . fju r.
Al-Bayan w a 'I Tabyin, by a l-J a l? iz.
A t-IM a m BiM-ljurub q l-W a g H a fi ^adr'I-lslcim , by al Bayasi.
Al-Bad* w a'I T a rik li, by al-M aq dis i.
A l-B idaya w a'I N ih a y a , by Ibn Kathir.
Bughyat a l-T a la b , by Ibn a M Adtm;
Kitab al-BuJdan, by a l- Y a ‘ qubi.
Tarikh a l-ls la m wa Tabaqat a I -Mash ah ir w a !l - ‘ Alam , by al-Dhahabi A l-A khbar a l-T iw a l, by a l-D in a w a ri.
Duwal a l-ls la m , by al-D h ah abi.
A l-F akh ri fil Adab a l-§ u lta n iy y a , by Ibn a l-J iq ta q a . A l-Fi$al fil M ila l w a 'I- N ih a l, by Ibn Hazm.
Futufci al-B uld an, by al-B aladhuri.
Ghurar a l-S iy a r, (anonymous).
Hadhif min Nasab Q uraish, by M u ’ arrij al-Sadusi.
Kitab al-B uld an, by Ibn al-Faqih al-H am adain i.
Kitab a l-tja y a w a n , by a l-J a h iz . Ijily a t q l-A w liy a * , by Abu N u ‘ aim.
A l-H u r al - ‘ In, by Nashwan a l-H im y a ri.
Ibn Khurdadhaba. Kitab a l-M a s a lik , by Ibn Khurdadhaba.
Ibn Isfandiyar. Tarikh-i Tabaristan, by Ibn Ufandiyar.
Imama. Al-lm am a w a 'I-S iy a s a , (attributed to Ibn Q u taib a).
Im ta*. A l-lm tq ‘ w a 'l-M u *anqsa, by a l-T a w h id l.
Inafa. M a ’ athir a l-!n a fa fi M a ‘ alim a l-K h jla fa , by Oalqashandi.
‘ Ibar. A I - ‘ Ibar, by Ibn Khaldun.
i Ibri . Tarikh Mukhtasar a l-D u w a l, by Ibn al —€ Ib ri.
-5" CL •
\, A i-M q d a l-F a rid , by Ibn * Abd Rabih.
Irshad. Kitab al-Irshad, by a l-M u fid .
I§aba. A l-I$aba fi Tcmyiz a l-§ah ab a, by Ibn H aja r.
1st akhri._#_jiwyaii A l-M a s a lik w a 'I-M a m a lik , by a l-ls ta k h ri.
Isti* ab. A M s ti^ a b fi M a ‘ rifat al-As^iab, by ibn ‘ Abd al-B ar.
Jafis. Al —J al is a l-§ a lih a !-K a fT ,. . . , by a l- M u ‘ afa al-N ah raw a n i, JahshiyarT. A l-W u z a ra ’ w a 'I-K u tta b , by al-Jahshiyari.
Jamharat. Jamharat Ansab a I - ‘ Arab, by Ibn Hazm.
Jumahi.• Tabaqaf Fuhui al-Shu* a ra *, by Ibn Sallam al-JumahT.
Kam il. A l-K a m il fiM -T a rik h , by Ibn a l-A th ir.
K ind i. Kitab al-U m a ra? (Wulat)^ wa Kitab a l-Q u ^ la t, by a l—K ind i•
K jf f . Kitab al-F u tu b , by Ibn A ‘ tham a l-K u fi.
Kutub'i. c Uyun a l-T aw arikh , by Ibn Shakir a l-K u tu b l.
K hitat. K h ita t, by a l-M a q riz i.
K hizana. Khizanat al—Adab, by ( Abd a l-Q a d ir al-B aghdadi.
K h u la fa 9 . Tarikh a l-K h u la fa *, (anonymous).
Khulani. TarFkh D ariyya, by a l-K h u la n i.
Lata’ if. * Lata’ if a l- M a ‘ a rif, by al-Tha* a lib i.
Lisan, Lisan a l-M iz a n , by Ibn H ajar.
8
.
Lub. Lub al-Lubab , by al-S u yu ti,
Lubab. Lub al-Lubab fi T ahdhib cJ-Ansab, by Ibn a l-A th ir.
M a f ad. N a s a b M a f ad w a'I-Y em en a l-K a b ir, by Ibn a l-K a lb i.
M a tf anu Kitab a l-M a ^ a n i a l-K a b ir, by Ibn Q u taib a, M a ca rif. A l- M a ( a rif, by Ibn Q u taiba.
Mahasin. Al-Mafciasin w a 'I-A d d a d , by a l-J a h iz . M a fa tih . M a fatih a l - ( Ulum, by al-K h aw a rizm i.
M a i at i.
* A l-T anb ih w a'I-R ad ( Ala Ahl a l-A h w a ’ w a 'I-B id a * , by a l-M a la t Maqal at. M a q ala t al-ls la m iy y in , by ai-A sh‘ a ri.
Masa lik . Kitab a l-M a s a lik w a 'I-M a m a lik , by Ibn Haw qal.
M a sh a h ir. Mashahir ‘ USama* al-Amsar, by al —Bust!- M il a l. A l- M ila l w a'I-N ifc m i/ by al-ShahrastanT.
M ir* at. M ir* at a l-Z a m a n , by Ibn a l-J a w z i.
Mu bar rad. A I-.K am il fi'l-L u g h a , by al-M ubarrad.
Muhabbar.
— — Kitab al-M uhab bar, by Ibn IJabTb.
MuqhtalTn. Asma* a l-M u g h ta lin min al-A shraf, by Ibn HabTb.
M u tf jam, M u* jam al-B uld an, by Yaqut al-H am aw i.
Mukhtasar. Al -Mukhtasar fi Akhbar al-Bashar, by A b u 'l-F id a . Munammaq. Al-Munammaq fi Akhbar Quraish, by Ibn Habib.
Muntakhgbcit. Muntakhabat fi Akhbar ai-Y em en, by Nashwan a l-H im y a ri.
M untazam , AI*Muntazam fi *1-Tarikh^, by Ibn a l-J a w z i*
O’ 'v
Muqadima. A I-M uq ad im a, by Ibn Khaldun,
Muqaddist.
M uqaffa* * Mu rtada, M u ru j.
N aqa?id*
Nasab.
N aw bakhti.
N lha ya.
N i z a * »
N u w a iri.
Qgba* 11, Qud at.
R ija l.
Sabi.9 S a 'd . Sam* g n i.
Shadharat.
Shams.
Sharh.
§ina* atain.
SFra.
Afcsan al-Tagasim fi M a *rifa t a l-A g a lim , by al-Muqaddis i.
TaiTkh al-B atariga a l-M is riy y a , by Ibn a l-M u q a ffa * (Severus).
Tabaqat a l-M u * ta z ila , by Ibn a l-M u rta d a . Muruj al-D h ah ab , by al-M as* udT
N a q a ? id JarTr waM -Farazdaq, by Abu * Ubaida.
Jamharat a i-N a s a b , by Ibn a l-K a lb i.
Firaq al-Sh7*q, by al “ N aw bakhti.
A l-N ih a y q fi G harib a l-H a d ith / by Ibn a l-A th ir.
A i-N iz a * w a 'I Takhasum Baina Banu Umayya wa Banu Hashim, by a l-M a q riz i.
- /
N ih a t a l-A ra b fi Funun g l-A d ab , by a l-N u w a iri.
M u k h ta lif a l-G a b a * il wa M u* ta lifih a , by Ibn Habib.
Akhbar a l-Q u d a t, by W a k l* . M a *rifa t a l- R ija l, by al-Kashshi.
Rusum Par a l-K h ila fa , by a l-S a b i.
Kitab al-Tab aq at a l-K a b ir, by Ibn Sa*d.
Kitab al-A nsab, by al-S am *an i.
Shadharat al-D hqhab fi Akhbar man Dhahab, by Ibn al* Imad.
Shams1!-* Ulum wa Pawa* K a la m 'l-* Arab m in 'l-K u lu m , by Nashvan a l-H im y a ri.
Sharh Nahj al-B alaahq. by Ibn A bi'l-H ad Td.
Kitab al-S in a* atain, by Abu H ila l a l- * Askar i.
Sirat a l- N a b i, by Ibn Hisham.
10
.
S ira fi. Akhbar a i-N a h w iy y in al-Ba^riyyln, by a i-S ira fi.
Siyar. Kitab a 1-S iy a r, by al-Shammakhi.
Sub(j. §ubh a l- A4sha, by Qalqashandi.
Sufi.
♦ Adab a l-K a tib , by al -Suli".
Sistan. T arik h -i Sistan, (anonymous).
■ j
Shu4 ara’ . A l-S h i4 r w a !i-Shu4 a r a * , by Ibn Q u taib a.
Suyut i. Tarikh a l-K h u la fa ’ , by al-S uyuti.
Tab. TarTkh al-Rusui w a 'I-M u lu k , by Muhammad ibn Jarir a!-Tabar7.
TahdhTb. Tahdhib al-Tah dh ib, by Ibn IJajar.
Tanbih. A l-Tanbih w a 'I-ls h ra f, by a l-M a s4udi.
Tusi.
• Fihrist Kutub a l-S h i4 a , by al-Tusi,
Usd. U s d .a l-G h a b a fi Tamyyiz a l-Jah ab a, by Ibn a l-A th ir.
4 Uyun. tfUyun a l-A k h b a r, by Ibn Q u taib a.
W aqidi. A l-M a g h a z i/ by a l-W a q id i.
Y a4 qubi. Tarikh., by a l- Y a4qubi.
Zubda. Zubdat a l-H a la b , by l b n a l -4Adim.
Z u b a id i. Tabaqat al-N abw Jyyin w a'I-L u gh aw iyyin , by a l-Z u b a id i.
ZubairT. Nasab Q uraish, by Mus4 ab a l-Z u b a iri.
Periodicals
A IO C . A ll India O rie n ta l Conference.
A IU O N . Annali Institute O rien tale di N a p o li.
AJSL* American Journal of Semetic Languages and Literature.
A N S M . American Numismatic Society Museum.
A O . Archiv O rie n ta ln i.
AU PTC FD . Ankara University D il V e Tarih-Cografya Fakultesi Dergisi.
BSOAS. Bulletin of the School of O rien tal and A frican Studies.
BZ. Byzantinische Zeitschrift.
P I. Der Islam.
P O P . Pumbarton Oaks Papers.
E AW. East and West.
1C. Islamic C ulture.
IR. Islamic Review.
J A . Journal Asiatique.
JA O S . Journal of the American O riental Society.
JBBRAS. Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.
JESHO. Journal of the Economic and Social History of the O rie n t.
JSS. Journal of Semetic Studies.
JUP. Journal of the University of Peshawar.
JW H. Journal of the World History.
M l . M a ja la t a l-M a jm a * a l-* llmi a l-* Iraqi.
M IA . M a ja la t a l-M a jm a * a l-* llmi a l-* A rabi.
1 2. MKAB. M a ja la t Kuliyyat al - Ad a b - Baghdad.
M K A C . M a ja la t Kuliyyat a l-A d a b -C a iro . MKSB. M a ja la t Kuliyyat al-Shari* a-Baghdad.
M M . Melanges Maspero.
M P V . Macdonald Presentation Volume.
MS O S . M itthelungeu des Seminars fur Orientalische Spracheu.
M TH , Melanges Taha Husain.
N C . Numismatic C h ro n ic le . N L A . N acata Lugal Armagani.
PBA. Proceeding of the British Academy.
PPHC. Proceeding of the Pakistan History Conference.
RC1. Revue Coloniale Internationale.
RE I. Revue des Etudes Islamique.
RL. Rendiconti... .. dei Lincei.
RN. Revue Numasmatique.
RO. Rocznik O rientalistyczny.
RSO. Rivista degli Studi O rie n ta l!.
SL Studia Islamica.
S ll. Studies in Islam.
SNR. Schweizerische Numismatische Rundschau.
W O I. The World of Islam.
Z D M G . Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft.
ZH P V . Dr. Z a k ir Husain Presentation Volum e.
•
CHAPTER I
CHAPTER II
CHAPTER III
CHAPTER IV
CHAPTER V
C O N TE N TS Page
ABSTRACT 2
A C K N O W LED G EM EN TS 4
ABBREVIATIONS 5
D IA G R A M S H O W IN G THE O P P O S IT IO N TO
‘ ABD A L -M A L IK 15
IN T R O D U C T IO N : SURVEY OF THE SOURCES 16
THE LEGACY OF THE EARLY YEARS 37
a) ‘ Abd a l-M a lik 's early life
b) His p o litic a l, social and religious back
ground, and its effect on his later policies on becoming caliph
c) ‘ Abd a l-M a lik 's attitude towards w ine and songs
THE ‘ A LID O P P O S IT IO N (THE REVOLT O F
A L-M U K HTA R B. ABl ‘ UBAID A L -T H A Q A F I) 64
‘ ABD A L -M A L IK 6. M A R W A N A N D THE
‘ ASABIYYA
THE C IV IL WAR 219
a) ‘ Abd al -M a i ik and Mus'ab b. a l-Z u b a ir b) ‘ Abd a !-M a lik and ‘ Abdallah ibn al-Zu b air c) A l-J u fra
d) The Revolt of ‘ Amr b, Sa‘ id
e) Relations with the Byzantine Empire
OTHER O P P O S IT IO N M O V E M E N T S 252 a) The Revolt of ‘ Abdallah b. al-Jarud
b) The Revolt of the Zanj in Ba§ra c) The Insurrection of the Azd in ‘ Uman
d) The Revolt of ‘ Abd a I-Ragman b. al-A sh'ath
*
CHAPTER V I
14
.
Page
THE KHARIJITE O P P O S ITIO N 296
a) A l-N a jd a t b) A l-A z a riq a
c) Al^Sufritya: Salih b. Musarrih and Shabib b. Y azid al-Shaibani
d) The Ibadiyya.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 346
a) Sources
b) Modern Works
c) Periodical Publications/ etc.
6 5” 6 fc ^7 CS* 6 7 7 C 7 . 7.2 7 3 74- 7 S’ 7 6 7 7 7 2 7 7 S o 3 i 3-i 3 ? 3 ^ S S’ 5 4
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16
.
IN T R O D U C T IO N SURVEY OF THE SOURCES
Since most of the extant sources dealing w ith our period have come down to us from the time of the * Abbasids, ^ those inveterate enemies of the Umayyads, it is extremely d iffic u lt to do justice to the Umayyad cause:
it gets scarce sympathy from an historical tradition which was the product of the period following their fa ll from power. Apart from the pious
ca lip h , *Umar I I , a ll the Umayyads are represented as irreligious and frivolous. The anti-Um ayyad historians exploited to the utmost the fact that the Umayyads were the immediate successors of the Orthodox Caliphs, and judged them by the same standards; they disregarded the fact th at a vast empire like that of the Umayyads could not be administered by the
. 2
same prim itive methods as in the early years of the C alip hate.
However, there are slight traces of a less unsympathetic tradition in the Syrian sources found in Christian writings, 3 as w e ll as in scattered
1. Two books only are said to have come to us from the Umayyad period. The first is called "K itab al-SaqTfa", attributed to SalTm ibn Q ais (d .9 0 A .H . )7 published Iby a l-H ayd ariyy a Press, N a ja f. See N . A . Dawud, Nasjj^ at al-SbTf a al-Im a m iy y a ,
p p .2 2 -2 3 * The second book is "Kitcib a ]-Z u h d “ by Asad ibn Musa al-UmawT (d. 133 A . H . ). This work is still in manuscript form in
Berlin, no. 1553. See Brockelmann, Geschzichte der Arabischen, Literatur, S. I . , p . 257, & p .3 5 1 ; Mcckensen, Arabic Books ancT Libraries in the Umayyad Period, Part I, p . 250, in AJSL, v o l.52 , 1936.
2 . Arnold, The C alip hate, p. 26 , London, 1965.
3 . W ellhausen, The Arab Kingdom and its F a ll, p . x i v f f . , Beirut, 1963.
narratives in the general histories of Islam. O nly by considering these can one attempt to reconstruct a more balanced picture of the Umayyad
caliphate under which "Islam had established itself as a universal relig io n."^
For the period under consideration our sources are annals, literature, local histories, geographies, religious literature, coins and inscriptions.
In each chapter of this study is provided a comparison of the different narratives w ith some c ritic a l remarks, and attention has been drawn to the fact that the later sources simply repeat and re -e d it the information pro
vided by the ea rlier sources. Their major value is in cla rifyin g points which remain obscure in the earlier sources. There remains only to provide a quick survey of the basic and major sources used in this study, with special emphasis on those not previously accessible to historians of the Umayyad period.
- 3 «
1. K halifa ibn K h a y y a t, Shabab (d .2 4 0 /8 5 4 -5 ), a Basran historian and traditionist. His Tarikh_ represents the oldest annals of the history of Islam that have survived. 4 It begins with the first year of H ijra and ends with the
1 • E. I. ^ # (Umayyads).
2. Kister, Notes on the Papyrus Text about Muhammad's Campaign against the Banff a l- N a ^ t r , p p .2 3 3 -6 , A O , 32 , 1964; idem, Notes on the Account of the Shura appointed by * Umar B. a l-K h a tta b , pp. 3 2 0 -6 , JS S , IX , no. 2 ,“ 964.
3. Two editions of both the TarTkh and the Tabaqat of K halifa are
available* The first is edited 'by S. Zakkffr and published in Damascus, 19 6 6 -7 . The second is edited by A . aM U m arT and published in N a ja f and Baghdad, 1967. Being a study of Khalifa's works as w ell as editing them, tKe Iraqi edi tion is more useful in that it contains an important introduction and valuable notes.
4 . A M AFT, in his introduction to the Tarikh of K h a ltfa , p. 11.
1 8 .
year 2 3 0 /8 4 4 -5 . Being himself a traditionist as were his father and grand
father, K halifa adopted the method of the traditionists in his TarTkh by
quoting a chain of authorities. For the Umayyad period and more especially for the reign of ‘ Abd a l- M a lik , K halifa quotes a chain of authorities con
taining among others, ‘ Awana ibn al-H aka m , A bu 'l-Y aqdS n, Ibn al-Kati'bT, Abu ‘ Ubaida, a l-M a d a * in", al-Asm a‘ T, Ibn ‘ Ayyash and his grandfather, K h a lifa . Some of the narratives in the TarTkh are, in fa c t, Umayyad, such
ii • 1
as that of a l-M u h a lia b ibn Abi Sufra", reported on the authority of Ibn
‘ Ayyash, predicting ‘ Abd a l-M a lik 's future as caliph because of his piety and fam ily connections. ^ W hile K halifa deals very briefly with the Sh_i‘ i
revolts during ‘Abd a l-M a lik 's reign, such as al-Taw abun and the movement
- 2
of a l-M u k h ta r, he shows great interest in the revolt of Ibn a I -Ash( ath, wh ich
3
he reports on the authority of A bu 'l-Y aq d an . The latter is a great
4 -
sympathiser of the Umayyads. K halifa also gives us important information about the revolt of ‘ Amr b. Sa‘ id al-Ashdaq, from which we can learn
5
some of the terms of agreement between him and ‘ Abd a l- M a lik . Moreover,
1. TarTkh, I, p p .2 5 7 -8 . r 1 1
2. Ib id ., I, p p .258, 25 9 , 260.
3. J b id ., I , p p .2 7 9 -2 9 0 .
4 . A I - ‘ Umari in his introduction to the Tabaqat of KhalTfa, p .22.
5. TarTkh, I, p. 263.
apart from this moderate Umayyad sympathy revealed in the Tarikh, it is an invaluable source for the lists of governors, Q adis, c h ie f of police and directors of the Diwans, with which K halifa concludes the account of the reign of each caliph ; the list of the Qurra* who participated in the revolt of Ibn ai-A sh*ath is also of outstanding value. ^
In his Jabaqat, K h alifa gives both the p atrilineal and m atrilineal genealogy of each person, also mentioning his place of residence, his travels, the date of his death , and his participation in the conquests and campaigns, as w ell as the administrative post he occupied, especially if he was a Q adi or a governor. In addition to this important information, the Jabaqat contains valuable information on the Kh_iTat of al-Basra. Thus both the Tarikh and the Tobaqat are indispensible sources for the early history of Islam.
2. A l- M a 'a r if by Ibn Q utaiba ‘ Abdallah ibn Muslim a l-D in a w a ri (d .2 7 6 /8 8 9 ). This work has an encyclopaedic character, and contains important information on ‘ Abd a l-M a lik 's reign. It provides material on the early life of ‘ Abd a l- M a lik , as w ell as giving a short account of the major events of his reign. Like Jahshiyari, Ibn Q u taib a does not mention his authorities in his account of ‘ Abd a l-M a lik 's reign.
1. Ib id ., 1, p p .2 8 6 -2 8 8 .
20
.
3 . A b u 'l- ‘ Abbas, Ahmad ibn Yahya al-Baladhuri ( d .2 7 9 /8 9 2 ), one of the most useful Arabic historians. His Ansab al-A shraf is a rich and valuable source for the history of the Umayyad period: over a third of the manuscript, which contains 1227 folios, is devoted to the Umayyad history, of which 130 folios are concerned with ‘ Abd a l- M a lik , with another sizeable chapter of 40 folios on a l—l^iaj j a j . ^ To this should be
- 2
added the long chapters on Ibn a l-Z u b a ir and on a l-M u k h ta r. What is more important than the length of the chapters is their q u ality as history:
Baladhuri is one of the few to deal objectively with the Umayyads.
His basic authorities on this period are: Hisham ibn Muhammad a l - Kalbi and his son ‘ Abbas, M adaM ni, Abu M ik h n a f, ‘ Awana ibn al-H akam and W aq id i. The narratives of Abu M ik h n a f and ‘ Awana are reported by al-B aladhuri: to have reached him through Hisham ibn a l-K a lb i and his son, 'Abbas. Baladhuri does not, however, mention Abu M ikhnaf's sources of
information, beyond referring to them by such phrases as o j or
* 3 — .
. This shows either that Baladhuri used the w riting of Abu M ik h n af d irec tly or via Ibn a l- K a lb i, or that the writings of previous historians were w ell established by Baladhuri's tim e.^
See the introduction of the Jerusalem edition of Ansab al-A shraf, 1936.
See Ansab, V , pp. 188-379 and pp. 2 0 4-2 69.
Ib id ., IV , i i , pp. 155-157 & V , p p .2 1 8 -2 2 0 .
Introduction of Ansab al-A shraf, Jerusalem, 1936; D uri, Bafcith fi Nash*at ‘ j|m al-TarTkh ‘ Inda1! - ‘ Arab, p .4 9 , Beirut, 1960.
Concerning ‘ Awana's narratives in the Ansab, they can be easily detected by their brief, non-continuous character. Interestingly enough,
in dealing with the revolt of ‘ Amr ibn Sa‘ id a I -Ashdaq, Baladhuri mentions four different narratives but omits that of ‘ Awana reported in Jabari. ^ This was no doubt due to the fact that ‘ Awana clearly takes the side of
‘ Abd a l- M a lik in this revo lt, and his account contains references to the idea of "Jabr". It seems that ‘ Awana was not an objective enough source
t 2 for so conscientious an historian as Baladhuri.
The most often quoted authority in a I-Ansab for the reign of ‘ Abd a l- M a lik is M a d a M n i. In contrast to Jabari, wbo quotes M adaM ni only
im ***
on events concerning Basra and the Eastern provinces, Baladhuri uses him for many different events in varying places: thus showing Baladhuri*s superior wisdom of making greater use of a relia ble source.
N ext to M adaM ni, Waqidi was the most frequently quoted source used by Baladhuri. Most of the quotations in his name are in the form of short reports. He is a particularly important authority on the fa ll and death of Ibn a l-Z u b a ir. 3 The fact that a l- H ija z , the centre of Ibn a l-Z u b a ir's
»
ac tiv itie s , was the birth place and home town of W aq id i, is significant in this respect.
1. Ansab, IV , i i , pp. 138-146.
2 . J a b ., II, p p .7 8 3 -7 8 9 . 3. Ansab, V , p p .3 5 5 -3 7 4 .
A comparison of Tabari's text with the information given by
Baladhuri*s Ansab clearly shows the latter's superiority. Baladhuri takes pains to give a complete picture of the K harijite opposition under ‘ Abd a l - M a lik , and pays great attention to the tribal feuds which were a dominating
factor of the reign. On the other hand, Tabari neglects important events such as the revolt of Ibn al-Jarud and of the Zanj in Basra, and is imprecise on the nature of the revolt of M u tarrif ibn a l-M a g h ira , among other things.
In his Futub al-Buldan Baladhuri furnishes indispensibie information on the administrative aspects of the conquered provinces, dealing with such issues as taxatio n, the introduction of Arabic money and of Arabic as an o ffic ia l language throughout the Empire. M oreover, Futub al-Buldan contains scattered historical information w hich, taken w ith the adminis
trative accounts, gives a more coherent picture of our period.
4 . A l-A kh b a r a l-J iw a l, by Abu IJanifa Ahmad ibn Dawud a l-D in aw ari (d. 2 8 2 /8 9 5 ). In his treatment of the Umayyad period, al-D in a w a ri
devotes most attention to the p o litic a l and religious movements in the
]
eastern part of the Empire. As far as the reign of ‘ Abd a l- M a lik ibn Marwan is concerned, he concentrates on the revolt of a l-M u k h ta r, the wars of the Azariqa and the revolt of Ibn al-Ash ‘ ath* He has a strong tendency to exaggerate the role of the mawali in the revolt of ai-M u k h ta r, and he went as far as to represetnt the war between Mus ‘ ab ibn a l-Z u b a ir
2 -
1. E. I. f (al -D fn aw ari).
and al -M ukhtar as a war between Arab and Persian. ^ His pro-mawali attitude is probably due to both his Persian origins, arid to the sources he u tiliz e d , which were mainly Persian. Sim ilarly, his account of the revolt of Ibn al~Ash‘ ath is inaccurate and misleading and is unconfirmed by other sources. He believed the revolt to have been started in Kufa as a result of propaganda by Ibn a l-A sh ‘ ath among the Ourra* and religious men. 3 However, some of his work is historically valuable, as for example,
4 his accounts of the revolt of ‘ Amr ibn Sa‘ id a I -Ashdag, and the A zairqa.
These two accounts complement, and are confirmed by, other sources. As a final comment on a l-D in a w a ri, I should mention that he has no c ritic a l
5
attitude to his sources, nor does he name them.
5. A l- Y a ‘qubi, Ahmad ibn Abi Y a 'q u b (d .2 8 4 /8 9 7 ), Arab historian and geographer.^ His account of this period is concise and reveals a moderate p ro -' A lid sympathy, which sometimes turns anti-U m ayyad. For example, when dealing with the accession of ‘ Abd a l- M a lik to the throne, a l- Y a ‘ qubi mentions that his two grandfathers were expelled by the
1. a I-A khbar a i-T iw a l, pp. 296, 298, 3 0 0 -3 0 2 , 306 and especially p. 310.
2 - „
^ / (a l-D in a w ari).
3. See Chapter V , p. 2 7 0 .
4 . a I-A khbar a l-J iw a l, pp. 2 8 5 -2 8 9 , 2 9 4 -2 9 5 . 5 . Ibid. , p . 298.
E. I . ^, (a l-Y a ‘ qubT)*
2 4
.
Prophet,^ and he also reports the tradition which considered ‘ Abd
2 - -r
a l- M a lik as much a tyrant as the Pharaoh. A l- Y a ‘ qubi also shows himself strongly against a l-H a jja j in describing his policy in both al -
ija z and Iraq. 3 M oreover, his p ro -‘ A lid feelings led him to repeat
some of the a n ti-Z u b airid tradition, especially when the relationship between Ibn al—Zubair and Ibn a l-H a n ifiy y a and Ibn ‘ Abbas was not cordial. 4 Another occasion when he was a n ti-Z u b a irid was in his report
ing of the massacre which Mus‘ ab inflicted on the Shi‘ i supporters of - 5
a l-M u k h ta r: he portrays this as "one of the most memorable betrayals of the 'aman1. "
However, despite his obvious distortions, some of his information is original and valuable: for example, on the underlying economic factors^
governing the support the Medinese gave to Ibn a l-Z u b a ir; the troubles 7
in Khurasan; and the lists of governors and theologians he provides at the
1. Tarikh, II, p. 320.
2. Ib id ., p . 336. See Also Mushakalat a l-N a s li Zamdnihim, p. 18*
3 . Torikh, II,p p .3 2 5 ,3 2 6 ;Mushakalat a l-N a s li Zamanihim , p. 18.
4 . TarTkh, II , p p .3 1 1 -3 1 3 , 320.
5 . Ib id ., p .315.
6. Ibid. , pp. 2 9 7 -8 .
7 . Ib id ., p p .3 2 0 -3 2 4 , 330,
at the beginning of the second volume of his Tarikh , one can detect that some of them were actually c Abbasid. 1 This throws some light on his
- 2
flattering accounts of Ibn ( Abbas during our period.
6. Tarikh aURusul w a'1-M u lu k by Abu Ja* far Muhammad ibn Jarir a l-T a b a ri, (d .3 1 0 /9 2 3 ), the most detailed and comprehensive collection of narratives on the Caliphate in general. In dealing with the Umayyad period, he concentrates largely on events in Iraq and the eastern provinces, which can be explained by the fact that these areas, being the centre of opposition to the Umayyads, were the scene of the most interesting events:
the history of the Umayyads is, in fa ct, the history of Iraq and the East.
As a traditionist, Tabari strongly emphasises his chain of authority, and abstains from criticising their contents. 3 Therefore, some general remarks
on Tabari's authorities are of special importance in this connection. For ( Abd a l-M a lik 's reign, Tabari's authorities a re : Abu M ik h n a f, * Awana ibn a l - H akam , M a d a 'in i and W aqidi, The most prominent among them is Abu
M ik h n a f, on whose authority almost a ll the affairs of Iraq, and more especially
1. D uri, Bqhth ft N asj/at e ilm a l-T arik h * Indo *J-f A rab , p. 52.
2. TarTkh, H, p .3 1 3 .
3. D uri, The Iraq School of History to the Ninth Century - a Sketch, p . 53 in Historians of the M iddle East, ed. M .P . Holt and B, Lewis, O xford, 1964.
w .
of K ufa, are reported. On the w hole, Abu Mikhnaf*s narratives are unbiased, although in some of them appears a sympathy for the Al ids, and for Iraq and Kufa; and occasionally, he glorifies the A zd, his own tribe. ^
W hile Abu M ik h a f is Tabari's authority on Iraqi affairs, * Aw ana ibn al-H akam was the one on whose authority are reported Umayyad and Syrian affairs. Like Abu M ik h a f's , ‘ Awana's narratives are handed down by Hisham ibn a l-K a lb i, but Tabari mentions no chain of authority for this.
* Awana is quoted only four times throughout the period of ( Abd a l-M a lik 's reign, each time for events in Syria, one of them concerned with the inner circles of the Umayyad fam ily. ‘ Awana is quoted in dealing with the army sent by M arwan ibn al-H akam (at the end of his reign) under f Amr b.
Sa( id al-Ashdaq against Ibn a l-Z u b a ir; the army of Hubaish ibn D ulja sent against H ija z , and fin a lly , the revolt of ‘ Amr ibn Sa‘ id al-Ashdaq and his murder by 4 Abd a l- M a lik .
2
Some of 4 Awana*s accounts use the concept of"Jabr" (predestination) in public affairs, propagated by the Umayyads.
Examples of this are his mention of the wife of K a‘ b al-A hbar predicting that * Amr would die; and the story of when 4 Amr saw s Uthman in a dream, who clothed him in his own shirt.3
1. T a b ., II, p p .4 9 7 -5 7 6 , 7 0 7 -1 4 ; D uri, The Iraq School of History to the N inth Century, a Sketch, p .4 9 , in the Historians of the M iddle East, ed.
M . P. Holt and B. Lewis, London, 1964.
2 . T a b ., II, pp. 576, 5 7 8 -9 , 6 4 2 -3 , 7 8 4 -9 6 . 3. T a b ., II, p p .7 8 4 -7 9 6 .
In dealing with events in Basra and Khurasan, Tabari depends exclusively on the narrative of Mada* in i, an indisputed authority on the events in these two areas. Mada* ini's narrative has come down to us most frequently through ‘ Umar b. Shabba. The latter is, like Mada* in i, a Basran and greatly interested in the history of his native c ity and of Khurasan. ^ M a d a’ ini is a trustworthy man, and “his accuracy has been confirmed by modern investigation." 2 However, in some of his narratives,
such as those on the tribal feud in Khurasan following Y azid 's death, and on
3
Musa ibn ‘ Abdallah b. Khazim , he relies noticeably on tribal traditions and legends.
A ll the quotations from W aqidi, except for one which deals with
‘ Abd a l-M a lik 's attempt to depose his brother ‘ Abd a l- A z iz from the succession to the throne, are concerned with the affairs of Ibn a l-Z u b a ir in
- 4
a l- H ija z and his brother Mus ‘ ab in Basra. W aqidi's accounts, generally speaking, are not partisan, but at times he shows Zubairid leanings, such
- 5
as in the war between M u s ‘ ab ibn a l-Z u b a ir and a i-M u k h ta r. There is,
• H1 r
1. P e lla t, C . , Le M ilie u Basrien et la Formation de G a h iz , p. 14, n o .3 . 2. G ib b , H . R . , Studies on the C iv iliz a tio n of Islam, p. 115.
3. T a b ., II, pp. 1145-1164; 48 9.
4 . T a b ., I I , p p .7 4 8 -9 , 7 8 1 -3 , 7 9 6 -7 , 8 0 4 -6 , 8 2 9 -8 3 1 , 8 4 4 -8 5 2 . 5. T a b ., I I , p p .8 4 7 -9 .
28
.
however, no evidence to confirm Ibn a l-N a d im 's accusation of 6 A lid partisanship. ^
7 . Abu Muhammad, Aljmad ibn A ‘ tham a l-K u fi a l-K in d i (d .3 1 4 /9 2 6 ), the author of Kitab al-Futub* 2 The first volume of a i-F u tu h , which contains
270 folios, begins with the caliphate of ‘ Uthman ibn ‘ A ffan and ends with the revolt of al-M u k h ta r ibn Abi ‘ Ubaid al-Thaqafi 6 6 /6 8 5 . The second volume consisting of 278 folios, continues the account of al-M u k h ta r *s revolt and ends with the suppression of Babak's revolt in the reign of a l -
3
M u ‘ tasim 2 1 8 -2 2 7 . As it is only available in manuscript and until recently unknown, a l-K u fi's Futub has not been u tilize d previously in the study of the Umayyad period. Ibn A ‘ tham's authorities are given in the
introductory paragraph to the first volume asM ad aM n i, W aqidi, Z u hri,
Abu M ik h n a f and Hisham ibn a l- K a ib i, as w ell as others of lesser importance.
!■ Fihrist, p. 144; see also introduction to K itab a l-M a g h a z i of a l - W a q id i, O xford, 1966, p. 18.
2 . Brockelmann, op. c i t . , I, p. 150; S upp., 1, p. 220. However, judging from the statement made by Ibn A ‘ tham in his list of authorities, whoch makes him a contemporary of a l-M a d a ’ ini
(d ,2 2 5 /8 4 0 ), D r. M . A . Sha‘ ban regards him as belonging to the 2 n d -3 rd / 8th-9th centuries. See The Social and P olitical Background of the ‘ Abbasid Revolution in Khurasan, P h .D . Thesis, Harvard, p p « V H I- X I I I , and E. T. , (ibn A ‘ tham a l-K u fi).
3. Two editions of this work are in oourse of preparation, one by D r. M . A . Shctban and the other by al-M a y m a n i.
4 . It is rather d iffic u lt to account for the assertion of Professor A . N . Kurat that many of Ibn A'tham 's authorities are unknown. See Abu
Muhammad Ahmad b. A ctKam a l- K u ff‘s Kitab al-Futub and its importance concerning the Arab conquest in cenfraT Asia and the Khazars, p. 277, AU DTCFD, V I I , 1949.
However, Ibn A ‘ tham combined all these traditions in one single narrative, and for this reason, he did not refer to his authorities in the course of the book.
Kufi's Futub is one of the most important sources for the revolt of a l-M u k h ta r. He shows very clearly that it was the Southern tribes (Yemenites) who played the decisive role in the revolt, rather than the m aw ali.^ His
account throws much light on the disputed matter of the relationship between
- 2
Ibn a l-Z u b a ir and al-M u k h ta r. One should point out here that al-Futuh contains no mention whatsoever of the Khashabiyya, the Kaisaniyya and the
"Kursi", which were so characteristic of al-M ukhtar's revolt: perhaps this is due to his sympathies towards the A!ids and al-M u k h ta r leading him to
"hush up" the discrediting extremist wing of the movement. Al-Futu.b is also one of the major sources for the history of the Arabs in Khurasan during the reign of ‘ Abd a l- M a lik , and provides useful material on such provinces as Arm inya, and on Arab-Byzantine relations, some of which cannot be found in the other sources.3
However, Ibn A ‘ tham shows a strong ‘ A lid bias whenever the A l ids are mentioned in the events of ‘ Abd a l-M a lik 's caliphate.4 .
1. Kufi , I, fols. 24 6a-270 b ? and II, fols. la -2 9 b . 2. Ib id ., I, fols. 236b, 261b.
3. Ib id , I, fols. 245b; II, fols. 58 a-6 0b , 7 2 a -b , 116a-129a.
4 . Ibid, 1, fols. 187b, 19 0 a -b , J93a-b, 2 0 4a, 207b, 213b, 220b-221b;
II, fols. 12a, 20a, 29b, 31a, 5 6 a -b .
3 0
.
F in a lly , his accounts reveal rather bitter feelings against a l j a j , . 2
as w e ll as some measure of glorification of his trib e , Kinda.
8. Abu f Abdallah Muhammad ibn ‘ Adbus ai-Jahshiyari (d *3 3 1 / - 3
942), the author of ql-W uzara* waM -Kuttab* This work, which mainfy deals with administrative matters, contains valuable information on po litical affairs. Its importance for the reign of *Abd a l- M a lik lies not only in the administrative account it provides, but also the information given on *
‘ Asabiyya and on the policies of a l-H a jja j in Iraq; the latter reveals an a n ti- 4
H ajja j bias. On the w hole, Jahshiyari's account is brief, and he does not mention his authorities in the period concerned.
9. A l-M a s ‘u d i, Abu'l-Hasan ‘ AM ibn al-Husain ( d .3 4 5 /9 5 6 ), a
* *
renowned historian and scholar of the fourth century. Out of the thirty five works which he claimed to have w ritten, only Muruj al-D hah ab and a l -
t - 5
Tanbih w a 'I-ls h ra f survive. In his Muruj al-D hah ab , he expresses a strong
...j-... ...- - r r — r -
1. K uf!, II, fols. 5 3 b -5 4 a , 57b, U 3 b -1 1 5 b . 2. Ib id , I, fo l. 242b.
c , 1 / , , . - - V
• (Jahshiyari).
4 . Jah sh iyari, p p .4 2 , 43.
5 . It is doubtful that the published book entitled Akhbar al-Zam an wa ma Abadahu'l-HadaHian (Cairo 1938) is the same Akhbar a l -
Zaman as Mas^ Odi's: for not only do the contents of this published volume not agree with a l-M a s ^ d V s references to his own work, but it also differs in its style from M as'udi's* Another treatise ascribed to a l-M a s ‘ udi is Ithbat a l-W a s iy y a liHlmam ‘ Al? ibn Abi T a lib , published in N a ja f by a l-M u k tab a al-M u rta d aw iyya .
It is regretted that I was unable to get access to this work. See N . A , Dawud, Nash?at a l-S h H q al-lm a m iyya , Bibliography.
p ro -‘ A lid sympathy. Mas‘ u d i‘s information on the ‘ Al ids is reported
„ 1
on the authority of men with Shi‘ Ite inclinations. M oreover, in his assessment of ‘ Abd a l-M a lik 's personality, a l-M a s ‘ udi quotes verbatim from a l- Y a ‘ q u b i‘s essay on the caliph , entitled Mushakalat a l-N a s U
— . 2
zamanihim, without acknowledging his source. In his lengthy chapter on
- t . 3
a l- H a jja j, M as‘ udi portrays him most unfavourably^ here again, reports on the authority of men like a l-M in q a ri and ibn ‘ A lisha, who are known to
? . 4 - T
have had ShI‘ ite leanings. One can also find in M as4 udi's Muruj
clear anti-Um ayyad feelings. Examples of this are when he reports the death of al-Hasan ibn ‘ A li, and his account dBthe battle of a l-H a rra , and the
- . 5 death of M u ‘ awiya II.
M as‘ udi seems to have been interested in anecdotes and legends current at the tim e, which he reports to us in his M u ru j. This, rather than serving "to impair the trustworthiness of the accounts", 6 is more an indication
of the social and in tellectual life of some of the people of the time.
However, a l-M a s ‘ udi in his Muruj provides us with valuable
1. See M u ru j, V , pp. 179, 1 8 4 -5 , 196, 219, 2 2 7 -9 . 2. Compare , V , p. 210, and Mushakalat, p. 18.
3 . M u ru j, V , p p .2 8 8 -3 6 0 ; p .382.
4 . ] b id ., V , p p .3 2 6 -8 , 3 3 1 -6 , 3 3 8 -9 , 343; also p p .2 9 0 -3 0 2 . 5 . Jlbid., V , p p .7 9 -8 1 , 167, 169.
6. F. O m ar, The ‘ Abbasid C alip hate, p .35 . (Unpublished P h.D . Thesis, London, 1 9 6 7 .)
55
32
.
information on al-M u k h ta r's relationships w ith Ibn a l-Z u b a ir; with both Ibn a l-H a n a fiy y a and Ibn ‘ Abbas; and with 4 A l i ibn al-H u sa in . ^ This information, together with that given by Balodhuri ?2 helps us to a better
understanding of these otherwise obscure proceedings. Another important point revealed in a I-M uruj is the reason for the support given by southern Arabs to Marwan in the battle of M arj Rahit, and also the treason of ‘ Umair
- 3
ibn al-H u bab in the battle of K hazir. This information throws much light on tribal conflicts during the reign of ‘ Abd a l- M a lik Ibn M arw an.
In M as‘ udi's Tanbih, which is a "resum6 of his previous works", we find fresh and important information: the date of the battle of Khazir,
Ibn a l-A sh ‘ a th '$ adoption of the titles of a l-G a h ta n i and Nasir a l- M u ’m inin, the list of the "K uttab", "H ajibs", and Oadis at the end of the account of
4 - - -
each caliph. It is interesting that a l-M a s ‘ udi makes it clear in his Tanbih that he had seen some Umayyad sources, which he criticised as being biased
- - - 5
and anti-Hashim ite (Talbids and ‘ Abbasids).
1 0. K itab al-A ghani by A b u 'l-F a ra j al-l$b ahani, ‘ A li ibn al-H usain (d. 3 5 6 /9 6 6 -7 ), Arab historian, litterateur and p o e t.^ Although this work 1* M u ru j, V , pp. 1 7 0 -3 , 1 7 6 -9 , 184-190.
2. See Chapter II, p. / ( f of this thesis.
3. M u ru j, V , p p .2 0 0 -1 , 223.
4 . Tahbih, p p .3 1 3 , 314.
5. Ib id . , p p .33 5 , 336.
6. E. \? t (Abu11 -Fanaj al -Is bahani
primarily deals w ith the one hundred songs chosen by order of the caliph Harun al-Rashid, it gives abundant material on p o litic a l, administrative and social life in the period concerned. N ext to Baiadhuri's Ansab, Kitab al-A g h a n i is the most important source for the tribal feuds of 4 Abd a l-M a lik 's reign, ^ which he reports on the authority of a l-M a d a 'in i, ‘ Umar ibn Shabba and Abu ‘ Ubaida. 4 Abd a l-M a lik 's court life and his attitude
- - 2
towards songs and wine are reported in the Kitab a l-A g h a n i. He gives information on p o litic al events, such as the war between 4 Abd a l- M a lik and Mus4ab ibn a l-Z u b a ir; 3 and also useful facts on 4 Abd a l-M a lik 's governors
- - 4
in a l- H ija z and Khurasan. A bu 'l-F araj very often states his authorities,
T . 5
but as he is a Shi4 ite , some of his accounts should be considered with care, as, for instance, that on 4 Abd a l-M a lik 's attitude towards singing.
1 1. The Christian (Syriac) sources. 7 These are a ll, with the exception
of only tw o, late sources which repeat the accounts of the early Arab
historians. Where they do more than repeat, in providing original information^
1. Agh,., V I I , p p .176-7; X I, p p .5 7 -6 3 ; X V I I, p p .1 1 1 -6 .
2. See N . 4A k e l, Studies in the Social History of the Umayyad Period9 (Unpublished Ph. D. thesis, London, 1960), pp. 3 0 6 -3 1 6 .
3. Agh. , X V I I, pp. 1 6 1 -4 .
4 . Ib id ., Ill, p p .1 0 0 , 102, 107, 110, 113, 1 2 3 ; v o l.X , p .6 1 ; v o l . X I I I , p . 56.
5. 4A k e I, op. c it . , pp. 15 -1 6 ; E. l / , (A bu'l-Faraj al-lsb ah a ni).
6. A g h ., II, p p .8 6 -8 . On the authenticity of this account, see Chapter I, p.t>Z. of this thesis.
7 . Dinoysius, Chronique de Denys de Tell M a h re , translated by J. B.
Chabot, Paris, 1895; Sa47d ibn BatrTq, al-T arikh a l-M a jm u4 ~
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their work is unreliable as far as the major po litical events of the time are concerned, since it is the product of *’a minority community isolated from the courts of kings and princes"^ by its political in ferio rity. N e v e r
theless, there are areas in which the Christian sources can prove useful, in matters concerning the administration of Christians in the Muslim world, especially their taxation (Jizya and Kharaj); as by-product of this, they give information on the general administrative practices of the caliph ate.
They are also useful sources for Arab-Byzantine relations. More specially for our period, they are useful in providing a non-hostile view of the Umayyads, to act as corrective to the more biased ( Abbasid sources.
12. Literary Works: the most important of these are the Diwans of poets such as Ibn Q ais al-R uqayyat, A 'sha Hamdan, Suraqa a l-B a riq i, a l-A k h ta l, Jarir and al-Farazd aq . N ext to these Diwans come N a q a , id Jarir w a ‘1-
Farazdaq and N a q a ’ id Jarir w a 'I-A k h ta l. These poetical works which are contemporary with the events, are important in that they contain verses
relating to many p o litic al events, such as the e A.sabiyya, the c iv il war between
*Abd a l- M a lik and Ibn a l-Z u b a ir, the campaign against the Byzantines, the
ss 4 A la 'I-T a b q iq , Beirut, 1909; Ibn al-M u q a ffa * , Tarikh al-B atariqa a l-M ig riy y q , C airo, 1943; I b n a M l b r i , Tarikh Mukhtasar a l-D u w a l, Beirut, 1890; idem, The Chronography of Gregory Abu*l Faraj, ed. and trans. by E .A , W allis Bridge, Oxford, 1932; Chronique de M ic h e l le Syrian, ed. J .B . Chabot, Brussels, 1963; Theophanes, Chronographya, M ig n e , 1857.
t . J .B . Segal, Syriac Chronicles, p . 251, in Historians of the M id dle East, ed. B. Lewis and M . P. H o lt, Oxford, 1964; N oldeke, Zur Geschichte der Araber im 1. J a h rh .d ,H . aus Syrischen O u e lle n , p p .7 6 -9 8 , Z D M G , 2 9 , 1876; idem, Zur Geschichte der C m aijden, p p .6 8 3 -9 1 , Z D M G 7 "53", 1901.
K harijite opposition and the revolt of ‘ Abd al-Rahman ibn a I -Ash* ath.
They can be used to confirm the accounts of the historical sources.
]
13. Religious Literature (Heresiography): most of these books are late and deal mainly with the sects, their origins and development. As most of them are written by Sunni authors, concerned with the theological aspect of the sects, with examining their heresies and errors: thus they are biased sources. Even those w ritten by K harijite or Shi‘ i authors are prejudiced against any sect other than their own.
However, they do contain sporadic historical information on the K harijite wars, the origin of various sects such as al-Khashabiyya and al - Kaisaniyya, and their connection with the revolt of a l-M u k h ta r; they also te ll us of the nature of the la tte rls support in Kufa. But even so, these heresiographies are often confusing to use, since being late sources, they sometimes muddle the names of persons and places.
14. Coins and Inscriptions: the coins are important in providing con
firmation for the written sources, as w ell as new information for the period
1. N aw b akhti, Firaq a l-S h i‘ a, Istanbul, 1931, N a ja f, 1959; a l - A h ( a ri, M aqalat al-IslamiyyYn, Istanbul, 1930; a 1- M a l o t i al-Tanbth w a ‘T-Rqd
‘ A la Ah I a l-A h w a ?w a 'l-B id a <, Istanbul, 1936; al-Baghdadf, al-Farq baina1!-F ira q , C airo, 1910; Ibn Hazm , al-F i^al F iM -M ila ! w a 'I- N ih a l, C airo, 1317-20; al»$hahrastani, a l- M ila l w a 'I- N ih a l; Leipzig, 1923, C airo , 1951; Bar rad?, a I -Jaw ah ir a l-M u n ta q a t, C airo, 1884; Shammakhi, Kitab a l-S iy a r, C airo, 1884.
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in question; for exam ple, that ‘ Abd a l-M a lik called himself K haflfatu'llah (the caliph of God)^ on the coins he minted» This information cannot be found in the w ritten sources. The fact that the K harijite ‘ AHyya ibn al-Aswad struck coins in Kirman, is confirmed by the coins that survived
2 from that year 7 2 /6 9 1 .
The inscriptions on buildings provide important information on the date of construction, or restoration and the name of the caliph responsible^
it is from the inscription on the Dome of the Rock that we know that ‘ Abd a l- M a lik was its original builder, since the date of the inscription survived to prove false the attempt to credit it to the ‘ Abbasid caliph a i- M a ?mun.
1. C u rie l, Arabo-Sassanids Money, V I I I , p .3 2 8 , f'CRN, 6e series, 1966.
2. M ile s , Some New Light on the History of Kirman, p. 90, W O I, 1959.
