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The denvations in (17) show that if the end-setting identifies the nght end of a content word, correct surface tones for (17) cannot be generated (17a), but if the setting is the
The Uygur group with a non-tone language background has relatively poor lexical-tone identification but is highly sensitive to manipulation of the final rise as a question cue;
On the basis of these findings, detailed synchronic autosegmental analyses for Arzbach and three other Franconian dialects show that we can under- stand the tone accent opposition
Mapping the tones from the perspective of a reversed underlying representation, as it is shown in (2b), leads to the same dilemma: here, everything works fine with
The fourth study (Chapter 5) investigated the extent to which speakers of Dutch and Italian adapt to atypical prosody in contrastive contexts.. Experiments with
This clearly requires that at the level of lexical insertion the prosodie struc- turing of words up to the word level is already available, and this is exactly what is predicted by
gives the preferences of the subjects for each sandhi process; the symbol'+' means that the subjects prefer the adjustment to be explicit (by rule), '-' means that they prefer
I will show that the variety of complex prepositional constructions in Gennanic and' Romance languages (circumpositions, left-headed and right-headed "double" prepo-