Cruising off St. Lucas and the taking of the Manila Ship
Woodes Rogers
A selective edition
Kane, Herb Kawainui. A Spanish Galleon Sights Hawaii
Master’s Thesis Writing, Editing and Mediating
Groningen University
Supervisor: dr. K.E.E. Olsen
Twan van Tilborg
Preface
Woodes Rogers’ arrival on English soil in October 1711 must have been like a scene from a storybook of swashbuckling adventure. He had successfully circumnavigated the world, raided Spanish shipping and settlements in the Pacific, and had managed to return all the ships he had set out with from Bristol three years earlier, including a significant addition. The
Batchelor, formerly the Nuestra Señora de la Incarnación Disenganio, was escorted up the
river Thames by Rogers’ squadron. She was a prize that would have made any sailor’s heart beat faster, a Spanish trade vessel from the colony of Manila with a hold filled with exotic treasures and luxurious commodities from the Orient. It had been a hard journey. Rogers had lost a brother and had been seriously wounded in the engagement with the Spanish vessel, but was received home with all the acclaim that a hero deserved. It is hardly surprising that A
Cruising Voyage Round the World, the account of the expedition that Rogers published in
1712, became a true bestseller in England.
Over time, several editions of Rogers’ publication have been produced. Longman, Green & Company published the text in 1928, covering the entirety of Rogers’ voyage and providing it with an introduction that primarily consisted of a biographical account of Rogers’ life. A more recent, if rather misleading, edition of A Cruising Voyage Round the World was
published in 2004 by Narrative Press. While the Narrative Press edition appears at a glance a full edition of Rogers’ account, upon closer investigation it is rather more like a biography of Woodes Rogers with a focus on Rogers’ descriptions of and views on the various areas of the Pacific Seaboard of South America that he encountered during his voyage. Only fragments of the original text appear in this work.
Peculiarly, no editions appear to exist that shed light on what would have been the most important aspect of the voyage for Rogers and his contemporaries, namely the search for and capture of a Manila galleon, one of the ships that sailed annually between the port of Manila in the Spanish Philippines and Acapulco, on the coast of what is nowadays Mexico. This edition of his text seeks to remedy this lack of attention to Rogers’ engagement with the Manila ships. It is not concerned with the entirety of the account of Rogers’ voyage, but rather focusses on the part of the text that describes Rogers’ encounter with two ships from Manila, the taking of the Nuestra Señora de la Incarnación Disenganio and the unsuccessful attempt at capturing her consort, a second Manila galleon that proved too much of a match for
between Manila and Acapulco and the reasons for the expedition. The selected text itself has been annotated and provided with a complete glossary of naval terms, a necessary tool for understanding the wealth of nautical language Rogers wove into his account. This way this edition tries to achieve its purpose as a dependable and accessible resource for scholars trying to find out more about the culmination of Rogers’ voyage, or, more generally, about the Manila-Acapulco trade and the practice of privateering in the Pacific.
I would like to express my gratitude for the help of a number of people in the production of this edition. Without the steadfast aid, advice and feedback of dr. Karin Olsen, Senior
Lecturer at the University of Groningen, this edition would never have come about.
Furthermore I would like to thank Milena Fein, librarian at the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek of Munich, for her invaluable help in obtaining information on the provenance of the publication of Rogers’ text used for this edition.
Table of Contents
Privateering in the Early Modern period v
The Manila-Acapulco Route vii
The War of the Spanish Succession x
Woodes Rogers: Merchant, Privateer, Governor xii
Woodes Rogers’ A Cruising Voyage Round the World xv
Origin, Provenance and Access xv
Typography and Language xv
Literary Form and Structure xvii
Editorial Principles xix
List of Abbreviations xx
A Cruising Voyage Around the World: 1
Cruising off Cape St. Lucas and the taking of the Manila Ship
Glossary 14
Privateering in the Early Modern period
1A Cruising Voyage Round the World is the account of a successful English privateering
voyage into Pacific waters, which were at the time held by the Spanish empire. Operations conducted by privateers against enemy trade lanes had been a common phenomenon for several centuries before Rogers set out on his journey, and would remain a popular tactic in naval warfare for years to come. However, the concept of privateering remains a vague one, and is often confused with that of piracy. The word ‘privateer’ is a term used to represent a ship owned by a private individual, or any person commanding or serving aboard such a ship. Privateers sailed with the purpose of attacking and capturing enemy vessels, much like pirates. Unlike a pirate, however, the ship’s owner was officially registered and possessed a license that legalised his actions, which was provided by his country’s government. This way, in times of war, a country could call upon a force of privately owned and privately run ships that, if not dependable and powerful enough to aid navies in the line of battle, could harry the enemy by disrupting their trade, thus damaging their economy. Privateers were difficult to combat, as their usually smaller, more manoeuvrable ships could easily evade heavier warships that a rival nation might send after them.
During the 16th century, Spain was successfully expanding its empire by settling large parts
of the Americas, and eventually even founded a settlement in the Philippines. This rapid expansion brought with it the immense logistical problem of maintaining connections between the Spanish mainland and its overseas holdings. Troops, government officials, colonists and supplies had to be transported to newfound settlements, and cargoes of valuable and exotic trade goods were shipped back to Spain across the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans. The Spanish dependence on naval transport routes provided rival nations such as England, France and, later, the United Provinces of the Netherlands with great opportunities to harm the empire’s economy and turn a profit in the process. Private ship owners were encouraged by their governments to hunt for Spanish vessels, and by the beginning of the 17th century European and Caribbean waters were infested by privateers hailing from various nations.
The 17th century saw great advances in the legal basis for privateering. In England, special privateering commissions were signed and issued by the office of the Lord High Admiral. These so-called letters of marque allowed English captains to engage enemy vessels in times of war without legal repercussions once they returned to England. The spoils of captured
1 Based on information derived from Richard Harding’s Seapower and Naval Warfare, 1650-1830, Tim Beattie’s
Privateering Voyages of the Early 18th Century, and Joy Paige’s Sir Francis Drake: Circumnavigator of the
vessels would, after paying a tax to the admiralty, be divided amongst the crew of the privateering vessel, its owners, and other investors in the journey, which made successful expeditions very profitable affairs for all involved parties.
Expeditions into the Pacific in the early modern period, like the one Rogers embarked upon, were highly ambitious ventures. The ships of the period and the available navigational and geographical knowledge were hardly sufficient for the task, but this did not mean that the voyage was not attempted. Privateers were drawn to the wealth that Spanish shipping in the Pacific promised, and English ships were attempting the long voyage around the southern tip of the Americas as early as during the rule of Elizabeth I. An expedition led by Francis Drake set sail from England in 1577, and only a few years later, in 1586, Thomas Cavendish
The Manila-Acapulco Route
2The Spanish Manila Galleons that sailed between the Spanish colony of Manila in the Philippines and the port of Acapulco on the Pacific seaboard of Spanish Mexico were a highly tempting target for privateers. To fully understand the significance of this trade route and the sheer ambition of Rogers’ mission to capture one of the Manila ships, it is necessary to take a look at events that transpired hundreds of years before his departure.
The capture of Constantinople by the Ottoman Turks in 1453 brought about a massive shift in the economic balance in Europe. Constantinople had been a bridge between the East and the West for centuries, and with the city in the hands of the Turks the link of caravan routes between Europe and Asia had been broken, depriving the people of Europe of Eastern goods and commodities. This event, and the need for a new route to the East it presented, further fuelled the already steep rise of Portuguese naval prowess. While Spanish conquistadores were still solidifying their grasp on the Americas, the Portuguese Bartolomeu Diaz rounded the Cape of Good Hope in 1468, and Vasco da Gama finally reached India via a route around the African continent, thus re-establishing ties between the East and the West.
By signing the Treaty of Tordesillas in 1494, Portugal and Spain effectively divided the world between their two nations. The Tordesillas meridian, which was drawn across the Atlantic and through Brazil, was the border between Spanish ownership to the west and Portuguese ownership to the east, and therefore meant that the newfound route to India and the lands discovered there by the Portuguese became part of a Portuguese monopoly. Reluctant to see the success of their fellow Iberians overshadow their own, the Spanish redoubled their efforts of finding new routes to the Asian continent via a Western route.
Expeditions across the Pacific launched from Panama met with little success, but an incredibly ambitious voyage for the standards of the time did. Ferdinand Magellan, a
Portuguese in Spanish employ, sailed around the Southern tip of South America in 1521. His voyage was a success, and he managed to cross the Pacific Ocean and reach the islands of Micronesia. While Magellan did not survive the journey, his crew and officers completed the circumnavigation and returned word to Spain. Several decades later, in 1565, the Spanish explorer Miguel Lopez de Legazpi founded Manila, the first permanent settlement in the
2 Based on information derived from Colin Woodards’ The Republic of Pirates, Matt Matsuda’s Pacific Worlds:
Philippines. These new holdings were later connected with the Spanish Americas by a route across the Northern Pacific using the Kurishivo current, thus laying the foundations for the Manila-Acapulco route.
Manila was an exceedingly valuable asset for the Spanish Empire. Even before Spanish colonisation the Philippines had been an important trade hub with strong ties to China. Trade routes with the Chinese mainland that were first established during the Song Dynasty (950-1279) saw mass-transportation of goods and commodities, including silks, porcelain, spices, and precious gems and metals. While the Philippines did not yield many natural resources, the Spanish colonists successfully tapped into these routes and went as far as to establish new trade posts on the Asian continent, thus spreading the Spanish sphere of influence in the East.
In order to transport the valuable Eastern goods from Manila back to Spain, large cargo ships were constructed in the Philippines. These ships, the so-called Manila galleons, were maritime giants of the early modern world. With three to four masts, they could weigh up to two-thousand tons and carry several thousand tons of cargo. Two to three of these galleons were sent from Manila to Acapulco each year, their holds filled with spices, silks, Chinese porcelain and other valuable luxury goods from the East. They were well-protected: the galleons themselves were a daunting prospect for enemies due to their size and armament, and they often sailed in convoy with warships. Moreover, as Rogers found on his expedition, the vessels were constructed of tropical hardwood that was of such outstanding quality that shots fired by the small cannons on board of his ships simply bounced off the planks of the galleon, doing little to no damage.
Once the galleons reached Acapulco, the Asian goods were unloaded and transported overland to Spanish harbours on the shores of the Gulf of Mexico, where they were added to the cargoes of the Spanish Treasure Fleets that brought the wealth gathered in the Spanish colonies in the Americas back to Europe. This way, through a chain of trade routes, a new link between the East and the West was made.
It is hardly surprising that the Manila galleons were considered tempting targets by both pirates and licensed privateers. The sheer value of their cargos would mean instant wealth to captains and crews bold enough to capture one. Due to the importance of the
The War of the Spanish Succession
3Wars between seaborne empires provided an ideal breeding ground for privateers, and the practice of privateering saw a significant surge at the beginning of the 18th century. When Carlos II of Spain died in 1700, he left behind a global empire with no direct heir to the throne. The tireless overseas expansion of the Spanish over the preceding two centuries had led to a dominion that included large holdings in both Europe as well as in the Americas and Asia, which were regarded by Spain’s rivals with jealous eyes.
Scheming over the inheritance and possible division of the Spanish empire had begun years before Carlos’ death. Due to the intricate family ties between the royal houses of Europe, several powers, notably France and Austria, boasted claimants to the Spanish throne. Louis XIV of France had married the Spanish princess Maria-Theresa, who had renounced the right to claim inheritance of the Spanish crown for any children she might bear in return for a vast dowry to be paid to her royal husband. The Spanish crown proved unable to pay the promised sum, however, which led Louis to question the legitimacy of Maria-Theresa’s renunciation. England and the United Provinces of the Netherlands, meanwhile, sought to prevent the French king from gaining Spanish holdings by ensuring that Emperor Leopold II of Austria, whose sister was married to Carlos II, would inherit the crown of Spain upon Carlos’ death.
After an uneasy diplomatic struggle and a number of propositions for a division of Spanish holdings between France and Austria, Carlos II thought of an alternative course to ensure that neither France or Austria would become too powerful upon his death. In a will that he had recorded in 1698, he appointed Joseph-Ferdinand of Bavaria, the grandson of Carlos’ younger sister, as his heir.
This ideal situation did not last for long. Joseph-Ferdinand caught smallpox during a visit to the Spanish Netherlands and died in 1699. A new bout of diplomatic struggling began, especially regarding Spanish holdings in Italy, to which both Austria and France laid claim. In a new will, Carlos II annulled the limitations upon the marriage between Louis XIV and Maria-Theresa, thus allowing Louis’ grandson, Phillip, the Duke of Anjou, to inherit the Spanish throne as Phillip V. Concerns were raised by Austria, England, and the United Provinces that the Spanish empire under Phillip V would be no more than a puppet state to
3 Based on information derived from Colin Woodards’ The Republic of Pirates, James Falkner’s The War of the
France. When diplomacy failed in this matter, they formed an alliance against France and Spain, and finally declared war in 1702.
While the war took place primarily on the European mainland, the fighting soon spread to the oceans as well. The armed forces of France and Spain fought together in close
cooperation, and it was not unusual for Spanish forces to be commanded by veteran French officers. In the early stages of the war the English navy clashed with those of France and Spain in several large engagements that ended favourably for England and her allies. In October 1702, a large portion of the French fleet was trapped against the coast of Spain and captured. In 1707, the French naval port of Toulon was conquered by English and Dutch forces, leading to the capture or destruction of most of the Franco-Spanish war fleet, which was anchored in the city’s harbour at that time.
After this defeat, France and her Spanish allies changed their approach to naval warfare, favouring small squadrons of fast naval ships and privateers who could disrupt the trade and supply routes of their opponents. English merchants suffered heavily from the loss of ships and cargoes, and petitioned Queen Anne for a solution. In reply, the Queen issued an edict in 1708 that revoked an existing tax on captured spoils in order to encourage English privateers by raising the profits of their journeys. Furthermore, she allowed the Board of the Admiralty to issue a large number of letters of marque, which gave English merchants the right to use their own ships for independent operations against enemy trade. Businessmen who had been duped by Franco-Spanish privateers could now strike back at their hated foes, and many successfully applied for letters of marque. Merchant ships were outfitted with enough armaments and crewmen to take on French and Spanish vessels, so that they could both protect the cargoes they carried and at the same time capture any enemy ship they encountered on trading voyages.
Woodes Rogers: Merchant, Privateer, Governor
4Woodes Rogers was born in the English coastal town of Poole in 1679. He was the oldest son of Woods Rogers, a well-travelled merchant captain who founded a successful business by capitalising on the Newfoundland fishing trade, but who could also boast of voyages to waters as far as the Red Sea. The Rogers family moved to the harbour district of Redcliffe in Bristol between 1690 and 1696, then a developing trade hub in the British Isles. During his time growing up here, Woodes Rogers became involved in his father’s overseas economic interests. He began an apprenticeship under John Yeamans, a Bristol mariner, and so gained the naval experience that was required of the intended heir of Captain Woods Rogers’ maritime business. When his father died at sea in the winter of 1705-1706, Woodes Rogers inherited a sizable fortune, including his fathers’ shares in a number of merchant ships. However, attacks on British shipping lanes by French and Spanish privateers during the War of the Spanish Succession cost him and other Bristol merchants vast amounts of money. When Queen Anne began issuing letters of marque, Rogers joined the growing number of privateering merchants. He invested in fast, heavily armed ships, and turned a profit by targeting French and Spanish shipping lanes.
William Dampier, a friend of Woodes Rogers’ late father and an experienced, if unfortunate, privateer, heard of the young Rogers’ exploits. In the winter of 1707, he approached Rogers with an ambitious proposal: to outfit a privateering expedition into the Spanish-held Pacific in order to find and capture a Manila Galleon. Rogers accepted, and began preparations for this monumental voyage, outfitting two warships with the weaponry, crews and provisions required for the long journey into Pacific waters. Using his connections in Bristol, Rogers managed to persuade local merchants and officials to invest in the
expedition. On August 1, 1708, Rogers’ two ships, the Duke and the Dutchess, departed from Bristol.
The voyage was fraught with misfortune. Despite the extensive preparations, Rogers’ little squadron ran into supply problems. Morale soon began to falter, even giving rise to a mutiny that was only averted with great difficulty. Circumnavigating the Southern tip of the
American Continent proved a horrendous task, and one of Rogers’ ships was almost lost during a storm. Sickness reigned aboard the ships, and by the time the expedition reached Pacific waters, over thirty crewmen had fallen sick, and seven had died. A notable event transpired on the isle of Juan Fernandez, where the ships dropped anchor to take in fresh
supplies. An abandoned English sailor of an earlier privateering expedition had managed to survive on the island for four years, and this Alexander Selkirk now begged for passage
aboard Rogers’ ship. Due to his experience as a sailor he was soon given an officer’s position. The next weeks of cruising the Pacific coast proved highly unfruitful. Rogers’ squadron captured the Spanish port of Guayaquil and sold it back to the Spanish governor for a disappointing sum that only slightly alleviated the mood aboard the ships. Sickness ran rampant aboard the vessels as members of Rogers’ crew, dissatisfied with the meagre profits of the city’s capture, had dug up graves to rob them and had contracted diseases due to contact with the fresh corpses. When Rogers’ men finally came upon a Manila Galleon, however, they immediately rose to action. Rogers gave the order to pursue and, after a short, bloody engagement in which Rogers was badly wounded, the galleon, named Nuestra Senora
de la Incarnacion Disenganio, surrendered. An attempt was made to capture another, even
larger galleon that followed the first, but this time Rogers’ small squadron failed to achieve victory and had to satisfy themselves with their one prize.
The squadron returned home victorious, having gained a monumental sum of 147,975 English pounds worth of captured goods. Rogers’ homecoming was far from a happy one, however. Disputes over the division of the profits of the expedition were resolved to Rogers’ disadvantage, and after the investors in Bristol had been paid their due, Rogers’ share
amounted to only around 1600 pounds. Moreover, he was summoned to court on accusations of embezzling part of the expedition’s proceeds. In a last bid to profit from his disastrous adventure, Rogers decided to prepare the journal of his journey for publication. This resulted in a bestselling work for the standards of his time. Readers were especially interested in the account of Selkirk’s adventures, and it is widely held that Daniel Defoe used the castaway as inspiration for his character Robinson Crusoe.
Over the next years, after his finances had become more stable, Rogers hatched plans to tackle another serious problem for his fellow Bristol merchants, namely the threat of piracy in African and Caribbean waters. In 1713 he devised a carrot-and-stick approach to persuade the English pirates that had settled on the island of Madagascar to give up their crimes and return to England, and was partly successful in doing so. Years later he was tasked by the new king George I to deal with the growing Caribbean pirate settlement of Nassau on the island of New Providence. He was appointed governor of the island in 1718, and succeeded in persuading many of the pirates to give up their crimes and sign a pardon issued by the English
Woodes Rogers’ A Cruising Voyage Round the World
Origin, Provenance and Access5
The base text used in this edition is a copy of the first publication of A Cruising Voyage
Round the World, published in 1712. It was originally printed for the booksellers Andrew
Bell, who had his store in Cornhill, London, and Bernard Lintot, who had his in Fleet Street. They were established booksellers, and accounts of their bookstores exist that are dated as early as 1706. It is highly difficult to say what happened to this particular text after it was sold by either of these booksellers, as the earliest signs of ownership present in the text date from the late 19th century. There is a handwritten owner’s note on the final page of Rogers’ Dedication, which says:
“James Spencer February 29th 1876
Walmsley Street, Hull” (Rogers vi)
Little can be found about this James Spencer apart from the fact that he wrote a pamphlet dealing with aspects of the British Navy in 1886. There is a somewhat faded stamp missing several letters which reads “MES SPENC” (Rogers vii). This likely refers to the same owner. The text was acquired by the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich in 1963, where it is still kept nowadays, under shelf mark It.sing. 894.
The text was digitised in May 2010 and is accessible online, notably through the online catalogue of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek and GoogleBooks.
Typography and Language6
The eighteenth century saw the culmination of a long process of standardisation of English speech and writing. Prescriptive grammars and the publication of dictionaries gave rise to the idea of a widespread, correct form of English, which gained true momentum in the latter part of the century. While A Cruising Voyage Round the World was written and published at the beginning of the century, and thus during the early stages of this process, the effects of
standardisation can already be noted within the text. Long s (ʃ) is still regularly used alongside of short s in the text, in any position within a word. Apart from a few variant spellings of words, such as “Mizen” (Rogers 294) and “Mizon” (Rogers 302), spelling in this text is
5 Based on information derived from “Hull Museum Mems” in the 2 April 1927 issue of the Hull Daily Mail,
Woodes Rogers’ A Cruising Voyage Round the World, and the online catalogue of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich.
6 Based on information derived from Joan C. Beal’s “Prescriptivism and the suppression of variation” in
highly regular, with hardly any other deviations. Furthermore, contractions are widely used by Rogers in the final syllables of verbs, where silent e is replaced with an apostrophe. Examples of this are “admir’d” (Rogers 287), discover’d (Rogers 287), “compar’d” (Rogers, 288), and “mann’d and arm’d” (Rogers 292). Nouns are capitalised, and italics are used by Rogers to highlight names, dates, places, and nationalities. When Rogers recounts the goings-on at council meetings aboard his ships, however, he uses italic script for the running text. In these cases regular roman script is used to make the abovementioned categories stand out. The most noteworthy language-related feature of this text, however, is the abundance of naval language that Rogers wove into his account, or, rather, refrained from editing out. Examples of this are his reference to certain parts of his ships or their armament, such as “Quarter-deck” (Rogers 300) or “Patereroes” (Rogers 302). In his introduction he warns readers that he chooses to stay true “to the Language of the Sea, which is more genuine, and natural for a Mariner” (Rogers 1). This way he has produced a text that, though retaining its genuine naval aspect, can be hard to understand for modern audiences.
Literary Form and Structure7
A Cruising Voyage Round the World is a travel account written primarily in the form of
short, dated journal entries with short explanations of events in chronological order. The entries are interspersed with undated sections of varying length in which Rogers provides information on issues discussed during officers’ councils, as well as occasional descriptions of locations and events that merited more room than was available in a journal entry. The entry dates range from the 2nd of August 1708, the day his ships the Duke and the Dutchess set sail from Bristol, to the expedition’s arrival in England on the 14th of October 1711. The main text of the work is preceded by an introduction, in which Rogers makes a number of observations on the Pacific trade routes, the organisation of his expedition, a breakdown of the officers aboard his ships and remarks on decisions he, as the expedition’s commander, made during the voyage. The journal text is followed by an extensive accompanying account of the coasts and ports Rogers’ expedition encountered, as well as an alphabetical index of locations occurring in the text.
The finished account of Rogers’ adventures was published in 1712. It became an
astounding success despite the fact that an account of the voyage had already been published by another member of the expedition shortly before. The book has had a significant impact on English culture for two chief reasons. The accompanying chapters on the layout of the Pacific coastline of Spanish South America, coupled with Rogers’ efforts to weave large amounts of highly precise navigational information into the text, earned A Cruising Voyage Around the
World professional esteem from Rogers’ fellow captains. This way, apart from merely being a
nonfiction tale full of dashing high seas adventure that highly appealed to the masses, it also became a guidebook for colonists and fellow explorers and privateers venturing into Pacific waters.
The largest cultural impact the book has had, however, derives from the entries detailing Alexander Selkirk’s solitary years on the island of Juan Fernandez. It is widely held that Daniel Defoe had access to Rogers’ text and was inspired by the story of Selkirk’s survival. Robinson Crusoe, perhaps Defoe’s most famous character, is thought to have been based on Selkirk.
More closely related to the object of this edition, however, is the fact that Rogers’ text is a highly comprehensive and very accurate first-hand account of a Pacific privateering voyage. While it is not the only text of its type, it is unique because Rogers was successful where
many others failed, and his text describes the actual taking of a Manila galleon. It provides an insight in the dangers and hardships that privateering captains and their crews faced on a voyage of this scope, which testifies to the sacrifices that English sailors were willing to make for this ultimate prize.
The chapters selected for this edition detail the final days of the time Rogers’ ships spent cruising around Cape St. Lucas in their search for their target, a Manila galleon. The first few entries contain observations on problems regarding the ships’ rations and plans for victualing and recruiting men ashore. Melancholy amongst the crew and officers soon turns to
excitement as a Manila galleon is spotted. Rogers details the cumbersome chase and the subsequent naval battle between his ships and the galleon in great detail, including a remark on the serious injuries that were inflicted upon him by a marksman aboard the Spanish vessel. When the galleon is captured, its captain tells Rogers of a second, larger galleon in the
vicinity, and Rogers’ officers soon decide to give chase.
Editorial Principles
In order to make Rogers’ account more accessible and prepare it for the target audience of this edition, a number of changes had to be made to the original text. Apart from Rogers’ frequent use of maritime terms and expressions, the text is very legible for practised readers of English. Therefore, as many of the features of the original as possible were retained in this edition.
Changes were made to the division of paragraphs, as in Rogers’ text each of the dated journal entries made up a single paragraph, which resulted in a number of very long, dense blocks of text for longer entries. These have been broken up into a logical division of
paragraphs in order to ease the reading experience. This entails a change in the line length of the original text as well, and words that were broken up by line breaks in the original have been restored. The unevenly distributed marginal notes in the Rogers’ text that summarised some entries have been removed, and the repetition of the last word of each page at the beginning of the next as an aid for the bookbinder was taken out as well. Moreover, the punctuation of the text was updated to modern standards in an attempt to increase the flow of the text as much as possible. Rogers’ spelling and his use of capitalisation were both retained.
List of Abbreviations
BPV: British Privateering Voyages of the Early Eighteenth Century
CVATW: A Cruising Voyage Round the World
EOG: The Encyclopaedia of Geography v. III
IR: “Indian Rebellion” Lands of Promise and Despair: Chronicles of Early
California, 1535–1846
JS: Junipero Serra: California's Founding Father
OCSS: The Oxford Companion to Ships and the Sea
OED: Oxford English Dictionary
OEMH: The Oxford Encyclopaedia of Maritime History
ROP: The Republic of Pirates
SG: Spanish Gold: Captain Woodes Rogers and the True Story of the Pirates of the
A Cruising Voyage Around the World:
Cruising off Cape St. Lucas and the taking of the Manila Ship1
Nov. 28. Yesterday in the Afternoon we heard the Marquiss2 fire a Gun, which was answer’d by the Dutchess,3 who had the middle Birth. We tackt immediately, and made all
possible Sail, supposing she had seen a Stranger. The Marquiss stood to us towards the Shore, and we soon met her. By 4 a Clock I was aboard them and, enquiring into the Cause of the Alarm, was surpriz’d to hear they took us for the Manila Ship, and the Gun they fired was to alarm the Dutchess to give chase, as she had done all the day, tho’ not regarded by us, who knew the Marquiss and admir’d they could mistake the Duke.4 Immediately each Ship return’d to his Station. Soon after, our Main-tye gave way, and our Main-yard came down at once, but did no other Damage. This Morning we saw the Bark5 coming off Shore, where she had been becalm’d. Being longer wanting than usual, we were afraid they were cut off by the
Indians6. We got our Bale Goods up from abaft to see for the Leak7, but all to no purpose. We found some of the Bales that had receiv’d old Damages, which we dry’d and repack’d, and sold what was damaged among the Ship’s Company.
Nov. 29. Last night our Lazareto Door being broke open, and losing Bread and Sugar, this
Morning I order’d a Search and found the Thief. I blam’d the Steward for his Remisness. He told me he lay next the Door with the Key fastned to his Privy Parts, because he had it once stoln out of his Pocket, I suppose by the same Thief, who was so dextrous to get it now without disturbing him, but not being ingenious enough to fasten it to the same Place, he was discover’d. His Mess-mate was also guilty, but, knowing his Friends in Bristol, I was
unwilling to punish him, tho’ Provisions being scarce, it makes the Crime the greater, for we
1 The passages prior to the selected text describe the dire situation the expedition was in. Several months earlier
Rogers’ squadron had managed to capture the Spanish settlement of Guayaquil, in present-day Ecuador. The yield of this conquest had been disappointing, and the crew had suffered from an epidemic ever since. Combined with rapidly depleting provisions and no sight of the Manila galleon, morale was faltering by the time the squadron reached the waters around Cape St. Lucas, at the very southern tip of what is nowadays known as the Baja California Peninsula in Mexico (SG, 67-78).
2 Originally named Havre de Grace, a French-built ship Rogers squadron had captured in the Gulf of Guayaquil
and recruited into his squadron on April 14, 1709 (SG, 66).
3 One of the ships Rogers bought for the expedition, a three-master weighing around 300 tons and armed with 26
cannons (SG, 37).
4 Rogers’ flagship, a three-master weighing around 350 tons and armed with 30 cannons, which he commanded
himself (SG, 37).
5 A small trading vessel Rogers had captured on March 16, 1709. She was renamed Beginning, and added to the
squadron (ROP, 77-78).
6 Rogers is most likely referring to the Pericúes tribe, the aboriginal inhabitants of the area around Cape St.
Lucas in Baja California who were exterminated during the first half of the 18th century through conflicts with
Spanish Jesuits (IR, 85-86 & JS, 142-143).
7 On the 23d of November, the Duke had sprung a leak. Unable to fix it at the time, Rogers’ crew had been
expect no Recruit till we get to the East Indies. I order’d the first to be severely whipt at the Geers, and the other and a Dutchman to be afterwards left with him in Irons.
Dec. 9. Mr. Duck the Master of the Bark came aboard, and presented me with some
Dolphins he had from the Indians. I order’d our Master to go with him and endeavour, if possible, to discover the Shore along to the Northward, to find out a better Harbour than that where the Indians lived, and, if they met with the Dutchess, to tell Capt. Courtney8 I thought it convenient for one of the Ships to go into the Bay we had already discover’d and there to take in Water and Wood etc., so to fit our Ships by turns to save time and consequently Provisions, which begin to grow short with us. We were now something dubious of seeing the Manila Ship, because it’s near a Month after the time they generally fall in with this Coast.
Dec. 14. Yesterday I went aboard the Dutchess, where ‘twas agreed the Marquiss should
go into the Harbour and refit with all manner of Dispatch. In the mean time we to keep the outer Birth and the Dutchess to be betwixt us and the Shore and to cruize but 8 Days longer, without we had a Prospect of the Manila Ship, because our Provisions grow short.
Dec. 20. Having compar’d our Stock of Bread, and of what would serve to prolong it, we
agreed that a Committee should be held and that every one should give his Opinion in Writing whether we should attempt taking a Town to victual us and so continue the Cruize for some time longer, or to make all possible Dispatch to refit, and sail hence for the Island Guam,9 one
of the Ladrones,10 and there, if possible, to get a fresh Recruit. My Opinion was as follows: On board the Ship Duke, cruising off Cape St. Lucas in California, this 19th of December,
1709. Eight Days ago I was with Capts. Courtney and Cooke,11 and computed what bread
there might be left aboard the 3 Ships, and we all agreed there might be 64 Days Bread of all sorts for each Ship, when equally divided. Since which time there is 8 Days spent, so that there should be left no more than 56 Days Bread. But on a Rumage of both Ships Duke and Dutchess, and strictly computing everything that will help prolong our Bread, we hope to make 14 Days more bread. Which may be in all 70 Days Bread to come. We Must expect before we can get fitted hence to spend at least 9 Days, and add to that our Passage to Guam, which we can’t think will be less than 50 Days, is 59 Days bread. By this Account, which is the utmost, 11 Days bread will be left when we come to Guam.
8 One of the officers Rogers had picked for the voyage in Bristol, and captain of the Dutchess (SG, 39). 9 One of the Ladrones Islands (EOG, 166).
10 A group of Pacific islands discovered by Magellan in 1512, which served as a resupply location for the Manila
Galleons (EOG, 166).
11 Rogers’ second-in-command and captain of the Marquiss. Cooke would publish his own account of the
I am of opinion now we have search’d each others ships to prevent Frauds, that there can be no more than 11 Days Bread left when we come to Guam, as above, except we shorten our Allowance very much, which we can’t do till driven to the last Extremity, our Allowance being very small already. But if we should have an unexpected long Passage from hence to Guam, it will go hard with us at the present Allowance, besides we are not certain of a Recruit at
Guam.
By the foregoing Account it’s plain what Flower and Bread-kind we have left, and the risque we must now run to get to the East-Indies with so mean a Stock. This, I doubt not, will be full Satisfaction to our Imployers that we have prolonged our Cruize to the utmost Extent in hopes to meet the Rich Manila Ship, but, since Fortune has not favour’d us, we must think of other Methods to promote our Safety and Interest. Except we resolve to take a Town here to victual us, ‘tis evident we can’t cruize, and ‘tis my Opinion that, now our Time is so far spent, we ought to attempt nothing more in these Seas, lest our too long Stay might be the Loss of all, because the Worm12 has already entred our Sheathing. For these and other Reasons I think it highly necessary that from this Instant we make all manner of Dispatch to fit, and sail hence for the Island of Guam, one of the Ladrones Islands, and there, if possible, to get a fresh Recruit, and consult how farther to proceed for the Interest of our Imployers, and our own Advantage and Reputation. This I give as my Opinion aboard the Dutchess, this 20th of
December, 1709.
Woodes Rogers
This my Opinion being perused with the rest, we came to the following Resolve. We, the
Officers present in a Committee on board the Dutchess, having farther considered our short Store of Bread and Bread-kind and finding it too little to continue our Cruize longer here for the Manila Ship, do therefore now agree to get a Harbour, and there to recruit with the utmost dispatch and sail for the Island of Guam or any other Place where we can revictual. We design to consult farther of our next Proceedings when in Harbour. This is our present Opinion.
Witness our Hands this 20th of December, 1709.
Signed by the Officers of the Committee.
12 Likely the Teredo, or Shipworm, a mollusc that was feared for the damage it caused to ships by boring tunnels
At signing this in the Committee we all looked very melancholy and dispirited, because so low in Provisions, that if we should not reach Guam in the limited Time, or accidentally miss it, we shall not have enough till we arrive at any other Place.
Necessity forces us to design from hence to Guam, and thence to the East Indies, for if we had Provisions to go back around Cape Horne, and to stop in Brazil, and there to sell our
Europe Prize Goods, it might be much more for our Advantage and be sooner at Great Britain.
Dec. 21. Pursuant to Yesterday’s Agreement, we made the best of our Way into the
Harbour call’d by Sir Tho. Cavendish13 Port Segura, where the Marquiss was refitting, but
having calms most part of the Afternoon and a Current setting to Leeward, we rather lost than got ground. Towards Morning there sprung up a Gale, and we found ourselves to Leeward of the Port tho’ we took all Advantages of the Wind, but to our great and joyful Surprize, about 9 a Clock the Man at the Mast-head cry’d out he saw a Sail besides the Dutchess and Bark, bearing West half South of us, distant about 7 Leagues. We immediately hoisted our Ensign and bore away after her. The Dutchess soon did the same; but it falling calm, I order’d the Pinnace to be mann’d and arm’d, and sent her away to make what she was. Some were of opinion ‘twas the Marquiss come out of the Harbour, and, to confirm this, said they could discern the Sail to have no Fore-top mast. So the Boat, being not out of call, return’d back, and we put a Cap in her for the Marquiss, then sent her away again, by which time it was Noon.14 The Cape then bore N.N.E. of us, distant about 5 Leagues.
Dec. 22. We had very little Wind all Yesterday Afternoon, so that we near’d the Ship very
slowly, and the Boat not returning kept us in a languishing Condition and occasion’d several Wagers whether ‘twas the Marquiss or the Acapulco15 Ship. We kept sight of our Boat, and
could not perceive her to go aboard the Ship, but made towards the Dutchess’s Pinnace, who was rowing to them. They lay together some time, then the Dutchess’s Boat went back to their Ship again, and ours kept dogging the Stranger, tho’ at a good distance, which gave us great hopes that ‘twas the Manila Ship. I sent Mr. Frye16 aboard the Dutchess in our Yawl to know
what News and, if the Ship was not the Marquiss, to agree how to engage her. We then
13 An English privateer who, in 1588, captured a Spanish Manila Galleon in the Pacific (BPV, 36).
14 Here Rogers describes a ship was spotted and a boat was sent to find out which ship it was. Before the boat
was out of earshot, however, the crew of Rogers’ Duke thought they saw it was the Marquiss, which had lost part of its mast. The necessary part to repair the mast was put into the boat, which was then sent off again to take it to what was thought to be the Marquiss.
15 Rogers alternates between calling the galleon they spotted the Acapulco and the Manila ship.
16 Second lieutenant of the expedition, who had a vote in the officer’s councils held by Rogers’ commanders
hoisted a French Ensign and fired a Gun, which the Stranger answer’d. Mr. Frye return’d with the joyful News that it was the Ship we had so impatiently waited for, and despair’d of seeing her. We agreed the 2 Pinnaces should tend her all Night and keep showing false Fires, that we might know the whereabouts they and the Chase was, and, if we were so fortunate to come up with her together, agreed to board her at once. We made a clear Ship before Night, had every thing in a Readiness to engage her at Day-break, and kept a very good Look-out all Night for the Boat’s false Fires, which we saw and answer’d frequently. At Day-Break we saw the Chase upon our Weather-Bow, about a League from us, the Dutchess a-head of her to Leeward near about half as far. Towards 6 our Boat came aboard, having kept very near the Chase all Night, and receiv’d no Damage, but told us the Dutchess pass’d by her in the Night and she fired 2 Shot at them, but they return’d none. We had no Wind, but got out 8 of our Ships Oars and rowed above an Hour. Then there sprung up a small Breeze. I order’d a large Kettle of Chocolate to be made for our Ship’s Company (having no spiritous Liquor to give them), then we went to Prayers, and before we had concluded were disturb’d by the Enemy’s firing at us.
They had Barrels hanging at each Yard-Arm that look’d like Powder Barrels, to deter us from boarding ‘em. About 8 a clock we began to engage her by our selves, for the Dutchess, being to Leeward and having little Wind, did not come up. The Enemy fired her Stern Chase upon us first, which we return’d with our Fore Chase several times till we came nearer, and, when close aboard each other, we gave her several Broad-sides, plying our Small Arms very briskly, which they return’d as thick a while, but did not ply their great Guns half so fast as we. After some time we shot a little a head of them, lay thwart her Hawse close aboard, and plyed them so warmly that she soon struck her Colours two thirds down. By this time the
Dutchess came up and fired about 5 Guns, with a Volley of Small shot, but the Enemy, having
submitted, made no Return.
We sent our Pinnace aboard and brought the Captain with the Officers away, and, having examin’d ‘em, found there was another Ship came out of Manila with them, of a bigger Burthen, having about 40 Brass Guns mounted and as many Patereroes, but they told us they lost her Company 3 Months ago and reckon’d she was got to Acapulco before this time, she sailing better than this Ship. This Prize was call’d by the long Name of Nostra Seniora de la
Incarnacion Disenganio, Sir John Pichberty17 Commander. She had 20 Guns, 20 Patereroes,
and 193 Men aboard, whereof 9 were kill’d, 10 wounded, and several blown up and burnt
17 Anglicised name of Jean Pichberty, a French knight and brother-in-law of French admiral Jean-Baptiste du
with Powder. We engag’d ‘em about 3 Glasses, in which time we had only my self and another man wounded. I was shot thro’ the Left Cheek. The Bullet struck away great part of my upper Jaw and several of my Teeth, part of which dropt down upon the Deck where I fell. The other, Will. Powell, an Irish Land-man, was slightly wounded in the Buttock. They did us no great Damage in our Rigging, but a shot disabled our Mizen Mast. I was forced to write what I would say to prevent Loss of Blood and because of the Pain I suffer’d by speaking.
Dec. 23. After we had put our Ships to rights again, we stood in for the Harbour, which
bore N.E. of us, distant about 7 Leagues. Our Surgeons went aboard the Prize to dress the wounded Men.
Dec. 24. About 4 Yesterday Afternoon we got to an Anchor in Port Segura in 25 Fathom
Water, found the Marquiss in a sailing Posture, and all the Company much overjoy’d at our unexpected good Fortune. In the Night I felt something clog my Throat, which I swallow’d with much Pain, and suppose it’s a part of my Jaw Bone or the Shot, which we can’t yet give an account of. I soon recover’d my self, but my Throat and Head, being very much swell’d, have much ado to swallow any sort of Liquids or Sustenance. At 8 the Committee met aboard us and agreed that the Dutchess and Marquiss should immediately go out and cruize 8 days for the other Ship, being in hopes she had not pass’d us. In the mean time we and the Prize to stay and refit, and dispatch the Prisoners away in the Bark and, if we could get Security from the Guiaquil Hostages18 for the Payment of the Remainder of the Ransom, to let ‘em go likewise. We lie land-lockt from the E. by N. to the S.S.E., distant from Eastermost Point about 4 Mile, from the Southermost Rock about half a Mile, and near the same Distance off Shore. The Committee we held resolv’d as follows:
On board the Duke riding in Port Segura on the Coast of California, Dec. 24, 1709. Having
Information from the Prisoners taken on board the Prize the 22d instant,19 bound from Manila to Acapulco, that they came out in company with another Ship bound for the same Port, from which they parted in Lat.35.N., it is resolved that Capt. Courtney in the Dutchess and Capt.
Cooke in the Marquiss do fortwith go out upon a Cruise for 8 days, to look after the said Ship. Signed by the Majority of the Council.
18 On the 22nd of April, 1709, Rogers led an assault on the town of Guayaquil, one of the largest towns in
Spanish South-America. Most of the hostages taken during the raid were ransomed shortly after, but several had been held captive by Rogers until this time (SG, 65-70).
Capt. Courtney, Cooke, and their Officers of the Council would not agree that the Duke and Dutchess should go out, as I desir’d, with most of the Men belonging to the Marquiss divided between them in order to cruise for the biggest Acapulco Ship, which we were in hopes had not passed us, and, by being thus well mann’d, might, if they meet her, carry her by boarding at once, and that in the mean time the Marquiss with a very small number of Men might be sufficient to stay in the Port and send off the Bark with the Prisoners.
But there having been some Reflections amongst the Sailors because the Dutchess did not engage this Prize before the Duke came up, it made them obstinate to cruize for her without us,20 and the Officers of our Consorts, being agreed, made the Majority of our Council, so that according to the foregoing Committee we were obliged to stay in the Harbour against our Will.
Dec. 25. Last Night the Dutchess and Marquiss went out. We put 10 good Hands aboard
the Dutchess, that, if they should be so fortunate as to see the Great Ship, they might be better able to attack her. In the Morning we began to put part of the Goods aboard the Bark into the Prize in order to send the Prisoners away. Capt. Dover21 and Mr. Stretton,22 who were aboard
the Prize, came to me, and we all agreed to send off the Guiaquil Hostages; the Captain of the
Manila Ship (who was a French Chevalier) having given us 5 Bills of Exchange for the same,
payable in London for 6000 Dollars, being 2000 more than the Ransom Money, for which we allow’d him the Benefit of the Bark and Cargo, the Captain and Hostages giving us Certificate that it was a Bargain concluded at their own Requests and very much to their advantage. Sir
John Pichberty being, we hope, a Man of Honour, will not suffer his Bills to be protected,
since we have so generously trusted him, tho’ a Prisoner without a Hostage, which is always demanded for less Sums.
Dec. 25. We plac’d two Centries to keep a good Look-out upon the Top of a Hill, with
Orders if they saw 3 Sail in the Offing to make 3 Waffs with their Colours.
Dec. 26. Yesterday Afternoon the Centrys made 3 Waffs, and we immediately sent the
Yawl to them for better Satisfaction, and found there were 3 Sail out at Sea; upon which we immediately put all the Prisoners aboard the Bark, taking away her Sails, and fetch’d our Men aboard, leaving only 22 Hands belonging to us aboard the Prize, to help refit and look after
20 Obstinate should be read here as meaning determined. Having been unable to contribute as much as the Duke
to the taking of the first galleon, the crews of Rogers’ other ships wished to do their fair share of the venture by cruising alone and allowing the crew of the Duke some respite.
21 A physician and one of the chief investors in the expedition. Due to his large share in the venture he was
appointed president of the councils held aboard, and, despite a complete lack of naval expertise, was named captain of the Manila ship after it was captured by Rogers’ squadron (SG, 39).
her. The Prisoners, who were about 170, being secur’d aboard one Bark without Arms, Rudder, Sails, or a Boat, and moar’d near a Mile from our Prize, a few more of our Men than was sufficient go give them Victuals and Drink might have guarded them very safely; yet for the more Security we left a Lieutenant of each Ship and the above Men well arm’d aboard our Prize, and immediately weigh’d in order to go and assist our Consorts to attack the great Ship, which then came in sight. Capt. Dover thought fit to go on board the Prize and exchange Posts with one of the Lieutenants that guarded the Prisoners, and sent him to us in his stead. I was in so weak a Condition, and my Head and Throat so much swell’d, that I yet spoke in great Pain, and not loud enough to be heard at any distance; so that all the rest of the chief Officers and our Surgeons would have perswaded me to stay in the Harbour in Safety aboard our Prize.
We weigh’d our Anchors and got under Sail by 7 a Clock. We saw Lights several times in the Night, which we took to be our Consorts’ Boats making false Fires. In the Morning at Day-break we saw 3 Sail to Windward of us, but were so far distant that we could not make which were our Consorts and which the Chase till about 9 a Clock, when we saw the Dutchess and the Chase near together and the Marquiss standing to them with all the sail she could crowd. We made what sail we could, but were to Leeward of them 3 or 4 Leagues, and, having a scant wind, made little Way. At Noon they bore S.E. of us, being right to Windward about 3 Leagues.
In the Afternoon we saw the Marquiss come up with the Chase and engage her pretty briskly, but soon fell to Leeward out of Cannon-shot and lay a considerable Time, which made us think she was some or other way disabled. I order’d the Pinnace to be Mann’d and sent her away to her,23 that if what we suspected prov’d true, and we had not Wind to get up with them before Night, our Boat might dog the Chase with Signals till the Morning, that she might not escape us and the other Ships; but before the Boat could get up with them, the Marquiss made sail and came up with the Chase, and both went to it again briskly for 4 Glasses and upwards. Then the Ship which we took to be the Dutchess stretch’d a-head to Windward of the Enemy, I suppose to fix her Rigging or stop her Leaks. Mean while, the other24 kept her25 in play till she bore down again, and, each firing a Broadside or two, left off because ‘twas dark. They then bore South of us, which was right in the Wind’s Eye, distant about 2 Leagues.
23 The Marquiss. 24 The Marquiss.
By Midnight we were pretty well up with them, and our Boat came aboard, having made false Fires, which we answer’d. They had been on board the Dutchess and Marquiss, and told me the former had her Foremast much disabled and the Ring of an Anchor shot away, with several Men Wounded and one kill’d, having receiv’d a Shot in their Powder Room and several in their upper Works, but all stopt. They engag’d the Ship by themselves the Night before, which was what we took to be the Boats’ Lights, being out of hearing of the Guns. At that time they could not perceive the Enemy was in disorder, her Guns not being all mounted and, consequently, their Netting-Deck and Close Quarters unprovided, so that, had it been my good Fortune in the Duke to accompany the Dutchess, as I desired, we all believe we might then have carried this great Ship, or, if they in the Dutchess had thought of taking most of the Men out of the Marquiss, who did not sail well enough to come up to their Assistance at first, they alone might very probably have taken her by Boarding at once, before the Spaniards had experienced our Strength, being afterwards so well provided as encouraged them to lie driving and give us all Opportunity to board them when we pleas’d. Capt. Cooke sent me word that the Marquiss had fired near all her Shot and Powder, but had escap’d very well both in Masts, Rigging, and Men. I sent our Boat with 3 Barrels of Powder and Shot in proportion, and Lieut. Frye to consult our consorts how to engage the Enemy to the best advantage at Break of Day.
The Chase had made Signals to our Ship all the Day and Night, because she took us for her Consort, which we had in possession, and, after ‘t was dark, had edg’d away to us, else I should not have been up with her, having very little Wind and that against us. In the Morning, as soon as ‘twas Day, the wind, veering at once, put our Ship about, and the Chase fired first upon the Dutchess, who, by means of the Wind’s veering, was nearest the Enemy. She return’d it smartly. We stood as near as possible, firing as our Guns came to bear, but the
Dutchess, being by this time thwart the Spaniard’s Hawse and firing very fast, those shot that
Thus we continued for 4 Glasses, about which time we received a shot in the Main Mast which much disabled it. Soon after that, the Dutchess and we firing together, we came both close under the Enemy and had like to have been all aboard her, so that we could make little use of our Guns. Then we fell a-stern in our Birth alongside, where the Enemy threw a Fire-ball out of one of her Tops, which, lighting upon our Quarter-deck, blew up a Chest of Arms and Cartouch Boxes all loaded, and several Cartridges of Powder in the Steerage, by which means Mr. Vanbrugh,26 our Agent, and a Dutchman were very much burnt. It might have done more Damage had it not been quench’d as soon as possible.
After we got clear of each other, the Dutchess stood in for the Shore, where she lay brac’d to, mending her Rigging etc. The Marquiss fired several Shot, but to little purpose, her Guns being small. We were close aboard several times afterwards, till at last we receiv’d a second Shot in the Main Mast not far from the other, which rent it miserably, and the Mast settl’d to it, so that we were afraid it would drop by the board, and, having our Rigging shatter’d very much, we sheer’d off and brought to, making a Signal to our Consorts to consult what to do. In the interim we got ordinary Fishes for a port to the Main-mast and fasten’d it as well as we could to secure it at present.
Capt. Courtney and Capt. Cooke came aboard with other Officers, where we consider’d the Condition the 3 Ships were in, their Masts and Rigging being much damnified in a Place where we could get no Recruit; that if we engag’d her27 again, we could propose to do no more than what we had already done, which was evident did her no great Hurt, because we could perceive few of our Shot enter’d her Sides to any purpose and our Small Arms avail’d less, there being not a Man to be seen above board; that the least thing in the World would bring our Main-mast and likewise the Dutchess’ Fore-mast by the board, either of which by its Fall might carry away another Mast, and then we should lie a Battery for the Enemy, having nothing to command our Ships with, so that by his heavy Guns he might either sink or take us; that if we went to board her, we should run a greater hazard in losing a great many Men with little Hopes of Success, they having above treble the Number aboard to oppose us, and there being now in all our Ships not above 120 good Men fit for boarding, and those but weak, having been very short of Provisions a long time.
Besides, we had the Disadvantage of a Netting-deck to enter upon, and a Ship every other way well provided, so that if we had boarded her and been forc’d off or left any of our Men
26 One of two representatives of the investors of the expedition, charged with keeping note of the value and
prices of all plunder taken during the journey (SG, 39-40).
behind, the Enemy by that means might have known our Strength, and then gone into the Harbour and took possession of the Prize in spight of all we could do to prevent it. Besides, our Ammunition was very short, having only enough to engage a few Glasses longer.
All this being seriously consider’d, and knowing the Difficulty we should have to get the Masts, and the Time and Provisions we must spend before we could get ‘em fitted, ‘twas resolved to forbear attempting her further, since our battering her signify’d little, and we had not Strength enough to board her. Therefore we agreed to keep her company till Night, then to lose her, and make the best of our way into the Harbour to secure the Prize we had already took.
We engag’d first and last about six or seven Hours, during all which time we had aboard the Duke but eleven Men wounded, 3 of whom were scorch’d with Gun-powder. I was again unfortunately wounded in the Left Foot with a Splinter just before we blew up on the Quarter-deck, so that I could not stand, but lay on my Back in a great deal of Misery, part of my Heel-bone being struck out and all under my Ankle cut above half thro’, which bled very much and weaken’d me before it could be dressed and stopt. The Dutchess had about 20 Men killed and wounded; 3 of the latter and one of the former were my Men. The Marquiss had none kill’d or wounded, but 2 scorch’d with Powder.
The Enemy’s was a brave, lofty new Ship, the Admiral of Manila, and this the first Voyage she had made. She was call’d the Bigonia, of about 900 Tuns, and could carry 60 Guns, about 40 of which were mounted, with as many Patereroes, all Brass. Her Complement of men on board, as we were inform’d, was above 450, besides Passengers. They added that 158 of the Men on board this great Ship were Europeans, several of whom had been formerly Pirates, and, having now got all their Wealth aboard, were resolved to defend it to the last. The Gunner, who had a good Post in Manila, was an expert Man, and had provided the Ship extraordinarily well for Defence, which made them fight so desperately. They had filled up all between the Guns with Bales to secure the Men. She kept a Spanish Flag at her Main-top-mast Head all the time she fought us. We shatter’d her Sails and Rigging very much, shot her Mizon-yard, kill’d two Men out of her Tops, which was all the Damage we could see we did ‘em, tho’ we could not place less than 500 Shot (6 pounders) in her Hull. These large Ships are built at Manila with excellent Timber that will not splinter. They have very thick Sides, much stronger than we build in Europe.
At a Committee held on board the Duke, after we had engag’d the bigger Manila Ship,
December 27. 1709. We, having consider’d the Condition of all our 3 Ships, and that our Masts are much damnified in engaging the Manila Ship, do think it for the Interest of the whole to forbear any further Attempts upon her, having no Probability of taking her, but to do our endeavours to secure the Prize we have already took, which will be much more for the Honour and Interest of our selves and Country. This is our Opinion, in witness whereof we have set our hands, the day and year above written.
Woodes Rogers, Lan. Appleby,
Stephen Courtney, Charles Pope, William Dampier28, Henry Oliphant, Edw. Cooke, Alex. Selkirk29,
Rob Frye, John Kingston,
Tho. Glendall, Nath. Scotch, John Connely, John Piller. John Bridge,
Thus ended our attempt on the biggest Manila Ship, which I have heard related so many ways at home, that I thought it necessary to set down every particular Circumstance of it as it stood in my Journal. Had we been together at first and boarded her, we might probably have taken this great Prize, but after the Enemy had fixed her Netting-deck and close Quarters they valued us very little. I believe also we might have burnt her with one of our Ships,30 but that
was objected against by all the Officers, because we had Goods of Value on board all our 3 Ships. The Enemy was better provided for us, because they heard at Manila from our English Settlement in India that there were 2 small Ships fitted from Bristol that design’d to attempt them in the South Seas. This was told us by the Prisoners we took on board the other Ship.
When I proposed parting Companies at the Tres Marias31 and to cruise for the Acapulco Ship from Manila with our Ship and Bark at one Station and the Dutchess and Marquiss at
28 (1652-1715). English navigator and privateer who led an unsuccessful privateering voyage into the Pacific in
1703. He persuaded Rogers to perform his cruising voyage, and acted as navigator for the expedition (OCSS).
29 (1676-1721). Sailor who joined Dampier’s expedition into the Pacific and requested to be left on the isle of
Juan Fernandez after a disagreement with the captain in 1705. He was rescued by Rogers’ expedition, and the story of his survival would eventually be the inspiration for Daniel Defoe’s character Robinson Crusoe (OCSS).
30 Rogers here describes the tactic of using a fireship. In battle, a fireship was used to damage an enemy vessel
by sailing it alongside and then lighting it with the hope that the opponent’s ship would catch fire as well (OCSS).
31 An island range off the Pacific coastline of Mexico, where Rogers’ squadron would eventually spend several
another, we then expected but one Ship from Manila, and she not so well provided as the least Ship now was, tho’, as we have found it, we might probably have been better asunder, for then I make little question but we should have some Recruit of Provision, and consequently our Men had been stronger and better in heart to have boarded this great Ship at once, before they had been so well provided; but since Providence or Fate will have it as it is, we must be content.
Dec. 28. The Enemy lay braced to all the time the Council held, and run out 4 Guns of her
lower Teer, expecting we would have the other Brush with her, but when we made fail, she fil’d and made away W.N.W. and we betwixt the S.S.E. and the S. close upon a wind. At 6 a clock we sent the Pinnace with some Men into the Harbour to secure the Prize, not knowing what might happen before we could get in with our Ships. We unrigg’d the Main-mast with Runners and Tackles every way we could contrive, had little wind all the Afternoon and Night, but this Morning a fresh Breeze sprung up at E.S.E, and soon after we saw nothing more of the great Ship.32
32 After their stay on Guam, Rogers’ ships sailed west to complete their circumvention of the world with their
Glossary
Abaft [adj., adv., prep.] Situated towards the stern (rear) of a ship (OCSS).
Admiral [n.] A chief ship in a certain fleet, an admiral’s vessel
(OCSS).
Agent [n.] Representative of the investors of an expedition, charged
with registering the value of all goods taken during the voyage (SG), 39-40.
Astern [adj., prep.] Directly behind a ship (OCSS).
Bark [n.] A small merchant ship (OCSS).
Barr [n.] Type of cannon ammunition consisting of two half
cannonballs connected with a metal bar, designed to damage masts and sails; bar shot (OED).
Battery [n.] A series of heavy blows inflicted by artillery fire (OED).
Bear, to [v.] To move in a certain direction from the observer’s point
of view, usually expressed in compass terms (OCSS). Becalmed [adj., adv.] Unable to sail due to a lack of wind (OED).
Birth [n.] Sufficient distance for ships not to run into each other
while sailing close together; berth (OED).
Board, by the [adj., prep.] Overboard (OED).
Board, to [v.] To engage and enter a hostile ship with the intention of
capturing it (OED).
Bow chase [n.] Cannon mounted at the front of a ship, used for targeting
enemies ahead of the vessel (OCSS).
Brace, to [v.] To turn the sails of a ship in such a way that the most
effective use is made of the wind (OCSS).
Bring to, to [v.] To stop a sailing vessel without taking in its sails
(OCSS).
Broadside [n.] The combined weight of metal that could be fired from
all cannons on one side of a ship at the same time (OCSS).
Burthen [n.] British term used to express a ship’s tonnage, or the
maximum weight a ship can carry (OED).
