The Loss of Ecosystem Services in Jamaica

The Loss of Ecosystem Services in Jamaica

An interdisciplinary study on the social and ecological consequences of bauxite

mining in cockpit country, Jamaica

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Interdisciplinary Project 2020 Amsterdam Written by: Wiebe Heetvelt - 11274778 Tom Kroon - 11301465 Marrit Mooldijk - 11801808 Nick van Stee - 1100419

ABSTRACT

Cockpit Country, Jamaica is known for its incredible biodiversity. However, despite it being a forest reserve, the aluminium industry has been actively mining and prospecting for bauxite in Cockpit Country since the 1950’s. Bauxite mining causes chemical pollution, deforestation, and habitat fragmentation and -degradation. These environmentally damaging processes pose serious threats to the functioning of ecosystem services on which the livelihoods of Jamaicans depend. By dispossessing Jamaicans of access to these ecosystem services, while the aluminium companies strike up the profits, accumulation by dispossession in combination with degrading ecosystem services lead to environmental injustice. Because of the different overlapping and interconnected aspects in this case the paper takes an interdisciplinary approach, combining insights from chemistry, earth sciences and human geography to answer the main research question: what are the social and ecological consequences of bauxite mining in Cockpit Country, Jamaica?

INHOUDSOPGAVE

Abstract ... 2

Introduction ... 4

Theoretical Framework ... 5

Chemical Pollution ... 5

Deforestation and Habitat Fragmentation and - Degradation ... 6

Accumulation by dispossession ... 7

Environmental justice ... 8

Problem Definition ... 9

Selected Method and data ... 9

Research Strategy ... 9

Interdisciplinary Approach ... 10

Operationalization Scheme ... 13

Case selection ... 16

Heavy metal concentrations ... 17

pH Levels ... 17

Forest fragmentation data ... 18

Deforestation rates ... 18

Results (Analysis) ... 19

Chemical pollution ... 19

Deforestation ... 20

Forest fragmentation ... 22

How do pollution, deforestation and forest fragmentation influence ecosystem services? ... 23

the outcomes of macro-economic and political processes. ... 23

Conclusion & Discussion ... 26

References ... 28

INTRODUCTION

Cockpit Country, Jamaica is one of the global biodiversity hotspots, and is considered to be of international importance due to its endemism and biodiversity (Newman et al., 2011). Locally, Cockpit Country’s biodiversity provides for ecosystem services like the filtering of water and cleaning of the air on which the entirety of the Jamaican people depends (WRC, 2004; McCaulay & Koenig, 2017). However, the main export product of Jamaica is bauxite (aluminium ore), which is found underneath the soil. Despite it being a forest reserve, the aluminium industry has been actively mining in Cockpit Country since the 1950’s. The mining companies’ their main priority has been, and still is, the accumulation of this resource. This means that social and environmental sustainability often come in second. Locally, this has resulted in severe socio-economic and environmental consequences. Phenomena like deforestation of tropical forests, soil erosion, and severe chemical pollution undermine the functioning of ecosystems (Lad & Samant, 2015; Tole, 2002; Jamaica Environment Trust, 2015; McCaulay & Koenig, 2017) and these are all generally occurring consequences of mining. It is therefore likely that present mining companies accumulate wealth by extracting resources whilst dispossessing others of their access to certain ecosystem services (EJA, 2019; Hall, 2013).

This research aims to investigate the complex relationships between the social and ecological consequences of bauxite mining by taking an interdisciplinary approach. Interdisciplinary research places an emphasis not on the individual disciplines that are involved but rather on the problems found between these different overlapping disciplines (Repko & Szostak, 2017). The different disciplinary approaches serve as a mere means to the end of understanding a complex problem (Repko & Szostak, 2017).

The paper shall address a multiplicity of aspects, covering a range of different disciplines which is where the complexity of the problem arises. According to Tromp (2018), complex problems are multi-level phenomena involving a multiplicity of mutually interacting factors and actors (p.14). The problems surrounding the mining activities within this specific case study occur on different scales, namely local and national, but even global in some aspects. Moreover, there are a multitude of actors involved, some of which have more power than others, creating uneven power-relations. Additionally, complex problems have aspects that are intrinsically connected to each other on different levels (Tromp, 2018), which is also the case in Cockpit Country. For example, chemical pollution affects the ecosystem services, which, in turn, affects the social sphere. A change in one of the aspects will undoubtedly affect every other aspect in the chain. In order to understand these connections and the resulting problems this research shall make use of an integrated interdisciplinary approach, answering

the following research question: What are the social and ecological consequences of bauxite mining in Cockpit Country, Jamaica?

This research hopes to contribute to the pool of knowledge concerning the consequences of bauxite mining. For this, the case study of Cockpit Country has been chosen because of the uniqueness of the case. The ecosystem of Cockpit Country is unique and has not been researched in an interdisciplinary manner before. Furthermore, the ecosystem is located on an island, meaning that it is isolated and is minimally affected by factors from neighbouring ecosystems, creating an interesting research site.

The paper is structured as follows. Firstly, the research shall be placed within a theoretical framework. Within this framework, academic literature and concepts concerning the chemical, physical and social impacts of bauxite mining shall be addressed separately. This first section emphasises that mining has great implications for the functioning of important ecosystem services. This is then followed by an elaboration on how accumulation by dispossession puts further pressure on local communities (environmental injustice) and how this process relates to the degrading ecosystem services, pointing out the relationships between economic practices, the environment, and local populations. Also, attention is drawn to the resulting environmental injustice.

Secondly, the problem definition of this research will be defined, followed by the research question which will be divided by multiple sub-questions. The third paragraph will pay attention to the integration of the multiple disciplines. The connectivity of the multiple disciplines will be explained using a schematic visualisation. The fourth section will outline the methodology of this research, combined with the data that was used.

This shall be followed with a results section in which the data will be analyzed and connected to the theoretical framework. This section is used to answer the research question and the sub-questions posed earlier on. The paper will conclude with an answer to the main research question and a discussion in which the limitations of this research and ideas for future research will be discussed.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

CHEMICAL POLLUTION

In order to refine bauxite to obtain a high yield of alumina, the Bayer process is used (Hind, et al., 1999). However, the Bayer process is an outdated method which produces a lot of unusable

chemical waste as byproduct. These byproducts are dumped in so called mud lakes (Karanjac, 2005). The chemical waste which is dumped in these lakes, called red mud, contains many different metal compounds which cannot be used for other chemical processes. Moreover, the red mud has a high pH level due to NaOH which is used in the Bayer process and contains iron(III)oxide (Fe2O3), silicon dioxide (SiO2), calcium oxide (CaO), titanium dioxide (TiO2), and sodium oxide (Na2O)(Rai et al., 2012; Lee et al., 2017). Delving the bauxite also results in additional groundpresent chemicals being released such as; cadmium, arsenic, lead and zinc (Rahbar et al., 2015). These compounds are all toxic to organisms if the concentrations are too high (Rai et al., 2012; Lee et al., 2017). Studies indicate that the mud lakes leak chemical waste into the surrounding environment over time (Karanjac, 2005; Abdullah et al., 2016). The red mud mixes with the groundwater and finds its way into the rivers. It is likely that this phenomenon can also be observed in Cockpit Country, Jamaica. Due to the changes in acidity and the dangerously high concentrations of heavy metal, the water in the surrounding rivers becomes contaminated (Evans, 2016; Hussain et al., 2016). The contaminants are also taken up by plants which are harvested and/or die off resulting in higher concentrations of heavy metals in the soil. Increased acidity has a negative influence on the soil fertility of the local crop fields. The plants/crops might also be consumed by animals and/or the local population. As such, they risk being exposed to increasing heavy metal concentrations that exceed the threshold of dangerous concentrations set by the World Health Organisation (WHO) (Wright, et al., 2012; Mandre & Ots, 1999).

DEFORESTATION AND HABITAT FRAGMENTATION AND - DEGRADATION

In addition, to create space to execute the mining activities, large areas of forested land first have to be deforested (Harris & Omoregie, 2008). This holds true not only for the creation of mining sites, but for creation of the infrastructure that provides access to the mining sites as well. This deforestation has several negative impacts on the physical and chemical properties of the soil and generally adversely affects local habitats (Chakravarty et al., 2012; Buys, 2007).

Chemically, soils of deforested areas undergo a decline in the amount of soil organic matter, important nutrients, as well as a decrease in microbial biomass and microfungal biomass compared to neighboring non-deforested areas (Lad & Samant, 2015; Sahani & Behera, 2001; Haque et al., 2014). At the physical level, soils of deforested areas experience a reduction in water-holding capacity and field capacity and a structural deterioration in soil porosity (ibid.). These physical impacts cause the deforested areas to be much more prone to erosion and flooding, with devastating consequences for aquatic ecosystems (Chakravarty et al., 2012; Wantzen & Mol, 2013). Furthermore, the local climate is affected by deforestation due to changes in the flow of wind and water vapour and

the changes in the amount of absorbed solar radiation (Buys, 2007). Along with the fragmentation and degradation of habitats in and around deforested areas, these changes can have serious consequences for local species (Chakravarty et al., 2012; Buys, 2007).

In sum, deforestation goes hand in hand with erosion, which ultimately contribute to biodiversity loss in Cockpit Country since both processes cause habitats to disappear, alter, fragment and degrade throughout the region (Newman et al, 2014; Coke et al., 1987; WRC, 2004; McCaulay & Koenig, 2017). This biodiversity loss ultimately affects ecosystem services on which the livelihoods of the Jamaican population depend (WRC, 2004; McCaulay & Koenig, 2017).

ACCUMULATION BY DISPOSSESSION

Because bauxite mining practices result in ecological destruction, on the one hand, they prevent access to the ecosystem services for local populations. On the other hand, they offer financial gain for other actors involved in the process. For that reason, mining is often accompanied by the process of accumulation by dispossession. This process can be defined as “the processes by which land and other resources are enclosed, and their previous users dispossessed, for the purposes of capital accumulation” (Hall, 2013: 1583).

According to David Harvey (2004) accumulation by dispossession is necessary to prevent the devaluation and/or destruction of over-accumulated capital and labour power. This can be achieved by reallocating capital surpluses elsewhere in the economic system. For example, through investments in long-term capital projects, creating new production capacities and new resource or labour opportunities (Harvey, 2004). Multinational mining companies often seek to expand mining practices or to initiate new mining projects. These solutions to capital devaluation are facilitated by national governments and legal institutions that issue property rights to multinational companies, allowing them to invest their excess capital (Andreucci & Radhuber, 2017) Companies with property rights are then often permitted to do ecological harm and to pollute the acquired land (McCarthy, 2004; Andreucci & Radhuber, 2017).

Many Jamaican livelihoods are contingent, at least in part, on access to a healthy and functioning natural area of Cockpit Country. Nonetheless, local populations are excluded from the decision-making processes concerning trade agreements and land acquisition (Ballard & Banks, 2003). As land is being sold without their consideration, it seems that local needs are subordinated to the demands of foreign investors, implying an imbalance of power between these actors. Also, it appears the prospect of economic gain legitimizes multinational mining companies to re-invest

over-accumulated capital for further accumulation of wealth whilst dispossessing and displacing local populations.

ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE

This means this case could be seen as a case of environmental (in)justice. The theory of environmental justice concerns itself with the justice of the distribution between the use of environmental goods, and the exposure to environmental bads. Environmental hazards are distributed unevenly across different social groups and communities, and justice would mean fixing this uneven distribution (Schlosberg, 2004).

According to Schlosberg (2004), environmental bads are distributed unevenly, because of a lack of recognition of the differences between various social groups and communities. These differences are closely related to oppression and privilege, which is the foundation of distributive injustice. Thus, to obtain true justice, both distribution and recognition need to be addressed. Schlosberg (2004) then goes even further, and claims that without respect or recognition, one does not participate in political processes. In addressing social injustice, democratic and participatory decision-making processes are key. If one cannot participate, their voice is not heard, and the distributive injustice is not addressed. So, environmental justice is a multi-level problem that requires attention to distribution as well as recognition and participation in order to address it

Measuring environmental justice would mean measuring these individual aspects as well, in addition to the distribution of environmental goods and bads. Participation can be measured using the wheel of participation, introduced by Davidson (1998). On this wheel, the degree of participation is divided into four categories: information, consultation, participation and empowerment, where information is the lowest form of participation, meaning inhabitants are only informed about decisions, and where empowerment is the highest form of participation, meaning inhabitants are the ones making the decisions. Additionally, participation can be measured by how much influence certain actors have within the proces (Michels & de Graaf, 2010).

Recognition is once again quite difficult to measure. Because recognition is closely related to oppression and privilege, one way to measure it would be through the amount of respect that is shown to the opposing parties during the process. This can be seen through the ability of parties to participate, and to what extent they are listened to.

PROBLEM DEFINITION

Considering the generally occurring consequences of bauxite mining, this research focuses on the investigation and assessment of social and ecological impacts in Cockpit Country, Jamaica. It aims to answer the following research question: What are the social and ecological consequences of bauxite mining in Cockpit Country, Jamaica?

To find an answer to this question, this research is divided into 4 sub-questions. The first being; “what are the ecological consequences of bauxite mining and how do these affect the environment?” Answering this question will give insight into which chemical processes take place in the aluminium industry and helps to understand how Cockpit Country’s natural areas are affected. Furthermore, the answer will provide information on the rate at which forest areas and habitats are being lost. This serves as a solid foundation for the assessment of ecological consequences and forms a bridge to the second sub-question: “How do pollution, deforestation and forest fragmentation influence ecosystem services?”. As ecosystem services are derived from a healthy natural environment, it can be expected that the chemical pollution, soil degradation and deforestation that are linked to bauxite mining will have adverse effects on these services. Furthermore, through this second question the interrelation between the natural environment and social systems is brought to light, contributing to the interdisciplinary character of this research.

Through answering the third question; “How do macro-economic and political processes limit the access to ecosystem services?” This research aims to gain further insights into the relationship between mining practices and politico-economic processes on a macro scale, connecting the global to the local and providing an understanding of how accumulation leads to dispossession. Additionally, the concept of environmental justice can be identified using this question, since it is fuelled by economic and political processes that ultimately affect the inhabitants.

SELECTED METHOD AND DATA

RESEARCH STRATEGY

Due to the presence and overlap of multiple disciplines in this research and the use of both quantitative and qualitative data, this research takes a mixed methods approach (See Bryman et al., 2008). By

collecting data on several concepts the research can be divided in different modules as proposed in the Methodology of Interdisciplinary Research (MIR) framework (See Tobi & Kampen, 2018).

The first module explores the chemical aspects of the mining practices through quantitative data, laying the foundation for the second sequential module. This module is concerned with deforestation and forest fragmentation rates in Cockpit Country in order to identify the ecosystem services that are lost by bauxite mining in Cockpit Country. This is done through the collection and analysis of quantitative data for the rates and qualitative data for the identification of degraded ecosystem services. The third module forms a convergent module in which the presence of environmental injustice and accumulation by dispossession are investigated separately. The findings on these concepts are then combined as their meaning and operationalization display overlapping characteristics. The data types for these concepts also consist of qualitative data that are derived from news reports and official documents (and interviews/personal correspondence). Because qualitative data is used, this research employs an interpretivist approach, meaning that it is assumed that what is observed can only be experienced through personal perceptions that are influenced by preconceptions, beliefs and values (Walliman, 2017). As data from similar studies is used, this research can be considered, at least partially, deductive. However, as this specific case has not been researched in an interdisciplinary manner, it is also explorative. Therefore, the use of a single case study is chosen. This allows for concrete and in depth investigation of the interrelations between the separate disciplines.

INTERDISCIPLINARY APPROACH

As our problem definition implies, this research is concerned with a rather complex issue involving many different actors and interacting aspects. For this reason, an interdisciplinary approach is necessary in which the disciplines chemistry, earth science, and human geography are integrated. A mono-disciplinary approach would be insufficient to map this case in its entirety because, as Walsh, et al. (1975) established a long time ago: “the study of the interaction between humans and their environment requires knowledge, ideas and research methodology from different disciplines” (p. 1210).

How to integrate these disciplines is another matter. As Rammelt (2020) proposes, interdisciplinary integration ideally takes place on all different aspects of an interdisciplinary research. For example, in finding a common research problem, an integrated research question, the theoretical framework and the methodology.

The main research question is interdisciplinary as it addresses both social and environmental consequences of bauxite mining. Both of these require a different disciplinary approach. Combining them and focussing on their interrelations thus contributes to this research’ interdisciplinarity. The theoretical framework is also interdisciplinary as a clear relation exists between the concepts from the respective disciplines (figure 2) and our general problem is defined by this. The mixed method approach in which findings are only combined at a later stage is not per definition interdisciplinary but is nonetheless useful in combination with the theoretical framework.

This research makes use of “theory expansion”, meaning that different variables and factors are added to a theory (Rammelt, 2020). This integrative approach is useful because it allows us to depart from the chemical consequences of bauxite mining, starting at a molecular level and then expanding this theory into the ecological spheres and eventually, further into the social aspects.

In addition to these approaches, the interdisciplinary character of this research is illustrated in our systems analysis (see figures 1 & 2) which further clarifies the fact that the concepts from different disciplines clearly overlap in this case study.

Figure 1: Causal loop diagram including ecosystem services (in blue). ‘s’ -links represent supporting links, which means that when x increases y increases as well. ‘o’ -links represent opposing links, which means that when x increases y decreases.

Figure 2: Causal loop diagram indicating the relations and overlap between the three scientific disciplines used in this study

OPERATIONALIZATION SCHEME

In order to maintain focus, this research used concrete objects of study, which are identified as ‘factors’. In the operationalization scheme these factors are defined. Each factor is split up in

indicators, which are the units in which the factor is measured or studied. As was already mentioned, due to the interdisciplinary character of this research the methods of how the different indicators are analyzed vary. Factor Indicator Description

Chemical pollution Rising pH levels in the groundwater and rivers

Increased heavy metal concentrations in organisms

Due to the leakage of the red mud the basic chemical comes in contact with the local environment. Indicates the rise in pH of water (Hyslop & Nesbeth., 2012; Coke et al., 1987).

Due to the air and water pollution the heavy metals are taken up into the crops or directly into the organisms. Indicates the rise in heavy metal concentrations vs the WHO recommended guideline concentrations in [mg/kg] (World Health Organization., 1980; Wright, V., Jones, S., & Omoruyi, F. O. 2012).

Deforestation

Rate of deforestation per year Fragmentation of core forest areas

Indicates how much forest is cleared per year, measured in % per year for the Cockpit Country area as defined by Newman et al. (2018). The deforestation rates used are overall rates. Therefore, these rates do not represent deforestation that is exclusively caused by bauxite mining.

This indicates how much of the total core forest of Cockpit Country has been fragmented from 1985 - 2008. It is measured as the “number of individual disjoined core forest patches which function as separate core areas” (Newman et al, 2011. p 396). Accumulation by dispossession Land purchase Displacement

Unequal power relations

Purchasing or sale of land without consideration of customary rights and the use of ecosystem services

People having to move out of their land as a result of land purchase.

Neglect to include actors in decision-making processes and favoring actors with more resources.

Environmental injustice Participation (Schlossberg, 2004) - Ways of citizen participation in process: information/distributio n/participation (Davidson, 1998). - Influence in process (Michels & de Graaf, 2010)

Recognition (Schlossberg, 2004)

- Possibility to cast opinion with that opinion being taken into consideration - Right to full participation - Respect Distribution (Schlossberg, 2004) - Distribution of costs of mining - Distribution of benefits of mining

In addressing social injustice, democratic and participatory decision-making processes are key. If one cannot participate, their voice is not heard, and the distributive injustice is not addressed.

Consequences of environmental damages are distributed unevenly, because of a lack of recognition of the differences between various social groups and communities. These differences are closely related to oppression and privilege, which is the foundation of distributive injustice.

There needs to be equity in the distribution of the environmental ills. Environmental hazards are distributed unevenly across different social groups and communities, and justice would mean fixing this uneven distribution.

CASE SELECTION

Cockpit Country is Jamaica’s last and largest pristine natural area (figure 3). It covers about 450 km2 of the island with

tropical rainforest and is home to many endangered and endemic species of flora and fauna (Thompson et al. 1985 in Eyre, 1995). The high limestone content of the soil functions as a natural water purification and regulation system that gently releases water into Jamaica’s 6 largest rivers, providing 40% of Jamaica’s population with clean fresh water (WRC, 2014). Additionally, it provides many other ecosystem services to the local population.

Simultaneously, Cockpit Country contains a great bauxite ore depository from which aluminium can be extracted (Coke et

al, 1987). Mining companies and the Jamaican government have an economic interest in extracting these raw materials from the soil. However, as mentioned before, mining practices would have major negative social and ecological impacts as it is linked to water and air pollution, deforestation, soil degradation, biodiversity loss and displacement (Von Gleich, et al., 2007; Berglund & Johansson, 2004; Coke et al., 1987).

This research focuses on the investigation of the negative social and ecological consequences of bauxite mining. Therefore, Cockpit Country, Jamaica, is a case in point.

DATA COLLECTION

As mentioned before, primarily the social aspects of this research will make use of qualitative data. This data consists of official company and government documents, reports by third parties such as media outlets and NGO’s. This data is found online, through databases and search engines. The ecological dimension will rely more on quantitative data; mainly chemical samples and data obtained from satellite imagery. Since specific data on chemical pollution, deforestation and forest

Figure 3: location of cockpit country (newman et al. 2018). A) global scale, b) national scale, c) local scale.

fragmentation exclusively caused by bauxite mining was impossible to find, there is an inevitable bias of the data interpretation. Therefore, this section elaborates on the selection and the interpretation of the quantitative data used for the natural science part of this study.

HEAVY METAL CONCENTRATIONS

The heavy metal concentration data was obtained from a variety of different papers which, combined, cover all the important heavy metals regarding bauxite mining (Rahbar et al., 2015; Wright, et al., 2012; Lalor, 2008; Coke et al., 1987; Lalor., 1996)).

These heavy metals can be divided into two classes; Bauxite residue and mining residue. Bauxite is not just 100% alumina trihydrate (Al2O3•3H2O) but also contains traces of; iron (III)oxide (Fe2O3 ), silicon dioxide (SiO2 ), calcium oxide (CaO), titanium dioxide (TiO2) and sodium oxide (Na2O). These traces are removed through the Bayer Process and called the bauxite residue (Rai et al., 2012; Lee et al., 2017). The mining residue consists of heavy metals present in the ground which are exposed and launched into the local environment during the actual mining process. This residue contains traces of; arsenic (As), cadmium (Cd), lead (Pb) and zinc (Zn) (Rahbar et al., 2015; Wright, Jones & Omoruyi., 2012; Lalor, 2008).

All the aforementioned studies conducted after 2000 use the Coke et al. (1987) and Lalor (1996) papers as the foundation of their data. The reason more recent studies use this older data, is because newer studies on Jamaican ground and soil are lacking. Although older data is usually less reliable because of the fact that a lot can change over a 20 year period, that does not apply to this case because chemical soil processes take place on a longer temporal scale (Ratta & Lal, 1998) meaning that in 20 years’ time, accumulated chemicals are still present. This means that if mining does take place, the chemicals that were present at the time of geo-mapping (See Lalor, 1996) are the ones that end up contaminating the local environment. Therefore, the older studies still provide valuable information about the current heavy metal locations on this site.

PH LEVELS

The pH level data was obtained from a variety of different papers (Hyslop & Nesbeth, 2012; Coke, et al., 1987). The provided data gives clear insight in the pH levels within the local ground and rivers. The WHO also determined recommendation guidelines regarding the pH levels in the rivers (World Health Organisation, 2005).

Cockpit Country provides 40% of all the freshwater in Jamaica and is the origin of 6 major jamaican rivers (WRC, 2014). Hyslop & Nesbeth (2012) did not conduct their research within Cockpit Country itself but more downstream. Since a lot of water originates from Cockpit Country and streams in the Rio Cobre, the data obtained by Hyslop & Nesbeth (2012) can still be useful in order to analyse the impact of Bauxite mining on the pH-levels (WRC, 2014).

FOREST FRAGMENTATION DATA

The data used to analyze forest fragmentation are based on aerial imagery and satellite imagery, using classified forest patches of core forest in Cockpit Country (Newman et al., 2011). The classification of ‘forest’ is defined by Newman et al. (2011, p. 395) as “areas greater than 0.5 ha, with 75% or more crown closure, determined both by the presence of trees and the absence of other predominant land use types.” In addition, patches are classed ‘non-forest’ when they are smaller than 0.5 ha. The amount of fragmentation is then determined by “the number of individual disjoined core forest patches which function as separate core areas” (Newman et al, 2011, p. 396), which is abbreviated by NDCA (Number of Disjoined Core Areas).

The NDCA has been computed at four different ‘edge depths’ (ibid.) in 1985, 1989, 1995, 2002 and 2008. Edge depth should be understood as the distance a forest patch area has to be removed from a non-forest patch edge beyond which it is called a core area (Hesselbarth et al., n.d.; Newman et al., 2011). This is important, because the NDCA can strongly vary depending on what edge depth is used. In this study the edge depths 60, 100, 300 and 500 m are used, according to Newman et al. (2011).

DEFORESTATION RATES

The deforestation rates were obtained from Newman et al. (2018), and are, similar to the forest fragmentation data, based on satellite imagery. Additionally, forest and non-forest

classifications are equal to the classifications used for the fragmentation data. The rates of deforestation are determined using the Puyravaud (2003) equation:

In which “R is the percentage change per year, and A1 and A2 are estimates of forest area at times t1 and

Newman et al. (2018) used data from 1942 - 2010, however in this study solely their data from 2001-2010 will be used since Newman et al. (2018) concluded that the deforestation of Cockpit Country from 1942 - 2001 can be primarily attributed to yam farming. Therefore, these rates are of little informational value regarding deforestation by bauxite mining. However, after 2001 the yam production declined (ibid.). Newman et al. (2018) did not conclude what the major cause of the

deforestation was between 2001 - 2010. According to the Corpwatch (2006) mining plans for Cockpit

Country were still present between 2001 and 2010. Therefore, the data of 2001 - 2010 are potentially useful for inferences about deforestation caused by bauxite mining.

RESULTS (ANALYSIS)

CHEMICAL POLLUTION

In order to answer the main research question four sub-questions were formulated with the first sub-question being: what are the ecological consequences of bauxite mining and how do these affect Cockpit Country’s natural area? If viewed from the chemical discipline it is important to quantify the concentrations of the hazardous chemicals.

Unfortunately, specific data on Cockpit Country regarding heavy metal concentrations is very scarce. The data available mostly contains measurements of other bauxite mining locations. Nonetheless, these mining sites and their data give some insight into the Cockpit Country region regarding the most likely ecological consequences of mining in that area.

Firstly, the tables in Appendix I & II were presented in a Jamaican geo-mapping study (See Lalor, 1996) giving a detailed overview of the general ground composition. Moreover, this geo-mapping study measured all the chemical concentrations across Jamaica and provided a summary. It showed that almost all the chemical concentrations exceeded the recommended values and surpassed the average world values by comparison (Lalor, 1996). The chemicals which are redly underlined all play a role in consequences of bauxite mining. To get a better understanding of the impact these chemicals have a risk assessment table was developed which can be found in Appendix III. Rahbar et al., (2015), stated that the jamaican newborn is negatively affected by these high concentrations. It was also recorded that multiple food crops contained high concentrations of heavy metals (Wright, Jones & Omoruyi., 2012). These statements all could be assigned as consequences of bauxite mining and thus have a negative influence on the local ecological state.

Secondly, Appendix IV provides insight in the pH levels of the rivers which originate or partly originate from Cockpit Country. All rivers exceed the pH 7 (neutral) level which means that this rise in pH makes the rivers more basic and therefore more harmful for the local environment (Karanjac, 2005). Prolonged exposure of water with a high pH can also result in damage to structures (Evans, K. 2016).

Since bauxite mining is still ongoing in Jamaica and new studies are conducted related to higher heavy metal concentrations found in crops and infants. It can be hypothesized that bauxite mining continues to harm the local environment of the mining site and thus had the same negative effect on the Cockpit Country sites. (Rahbar et al., 2015; Wright, et al., 2012; Lalor, G. C., 2008).

DEFORESTATION

In addition to the chemical samples to identify the consequences of bauxite mining, there will now follow an analysis of the deforestation rates and forest fragmentation metrics that have been monitored by Newman et al. (2018) and Newman et al. (2011) respectively.

The average yearly deforestation rates between 2001-2010 as computed by Newman et al. (2018) are summarized in table 3, and the forest cover between 1942-2010 is visualized in figure 4. From the table and figures it is evident that the forest area change fluctuates strongly in this period. The total forest area first grew in 2001 after which it declined for 6 years. Then it grew again from 2008 to 2010. However, the general trend of deforestation between 2001-2010 is a decline in forest area both in forest reserves and non-reserves (the unprotected areas of Cockpit Country) (table 1). The decline in total forest area and in non-reserve forest areas between 2001-2010 exceeded the global average deforestation rate at that time, which was -0.13% per year (Newman et al., 2018).The trend of 2001-2010 is in line with the general trend of deforestation rates between 1942 - 2001 (figure 4), which is -0.04%/year for the total forest area and -0.1%/year for the non-reserve forest areas.

From analysing the data, one must note that deforestation in Cockpit Country occurs in peaks (figure 4). This makes sense, since areas that are deforested in a particular period do not contribute to deforestation rates after that period of deforestation has taken place. The general trend of deforestation in Cockpit Country might be relatively low compared to the global average, but it is important to look at the peaks (2002-2008 in table 3) when discussing deforestation in relation to habitat degradation and biodiversity loss, since even the clearance of relatively small parts of a forest are devastating for species that depend on continuous blocks of forest for their survival (Chakravarty

et al., 2012; Buys, 2007). And that is why it is necessary to analyze the fragmentation data in addition to the deforestation rates.

Table 1: change in forest area from 2001 - 2010. Adjusted from newman et al. (2018).

Figure 4: deforestation rates from 1942-2010 for the total forest cover of cockpit country (a) and the non -reserve forest cover (b). Adjusted from newman et al. (2018).

FOREST FRAGMENTATION

Habitat fragmentation and degradation in Cockpit Country is partially caused by fragmentation of forests through deforestation (Chakravarty et al., 2012; Buys, 2007). The results of the forest fragmentation study of Cockpit Country by Newman et al. (2011) indicate the NDCA in 1985, 1989, 1995, 2002 and 2008 using four different edge depths (table 2). Judging from these statistics, it is evident that at edge depths 60 and 100 the NDCA has generally decreased from 1985-2008 (ibid.). This indicates a general decrease of forest fragmentation at these edge depths.

Newman et al. (2011, p. 396) stated that the innermost core of Cockpit Country’s forests, which is the forest interior at an edge depth of 500 m, is considered “to be an important focal area for biodiversity conservation”. It is important to note then, that in spite of the general decline of fragmentation at edge depths 60 and 100 m, there is a general increase of fragmentation at edge depths 300 and 500 m during that same period, especially from 1995 to 2002 (table 2). This indicates an increase in fragmentation in the innermost core of Cockpit Country’s forests. This fact is problematic, since the innermost core of Cockpit Country’s forests is extremely biodiverse and

contains a great variety of endemic species (Newman et al., 2011).

Berglund and Johansson (2004) pointed out that bauxite mining is one of the main causes for deforestation in Jamaica. Although they do not specifically address Cockpit Country, there are several reasons to believe that bauxite mining is still a serious threat to Cockpit County’s ecosystems:

● Cockpit Country is chemically polluted by bauxite mining,

● Deforestation rates have peaked between 2002-2008 which was not caused by agricultural practises (Newman et al., 2018),

● The innermost core of Cockpit Country’s forests was increasingly fragmented between 1985-2008 (Newman et al., 2011),

Table 2: ndca-section of the core area metrics as computed by newman et al. (2011) for the cockpit country at different edge depths (60, 100, 300, and 500 m). Adjusted from newman et al (2011).

● According to a Jamaican newspaper published in september 2019 the discourse regarding bauxite mining in Cockpit Country is still “so toxic that covert agendas may be at work” (Franklin, 2019, n.p.), implying that mining plans are still being made and/or carried out.

HOW DO POLLUTION, DEFORESTATION AND FOREST FRAGMENTATION INFLU ENCE

ECOSYSTEM SERVICES?

Based on the results that were just presented, and building on the systems diagram presented in the methodology (figure 1), it becomes clear that from an environmental perspective, bauxite mining poses some serious threats to the functioning of several ecosystem services on which the Jamaican people depend (WRA, 2004; McCaulay & Koenig, 2017):

● Water cycling, filtration and storage. By an altered hydrological regime due to increased

siltation, sedimentation and pollution these services are heavily affected, leading to stress on water availability (Coke et al., 1987).

● Pollination and natural pest control. These processes are of great importance for agriculture

(McCaulay & Koenig, 2017). By reducing biodiversity through mining activities, these services diminish. Additionally, this could potentially lead to agriculture being more dependent on the use of chemicals to control pests, which then in turn causes soil pollution (Rhodes, 2012; Hathaway, 2016).

● Enrichment of the soil (SOM, nutrients), which is important for agriculture and therefore for

local food security. Depletion and pollution of the soil by bauxite mining thus affects local food security (McCaulay & Koenig, 2017).

● Medicinal plants, which are under threat when biodiversity decreases. This is specifically

problematic for health care (ibid.).

● Resilience to climate change. Due to climate change there is an increase of extreme weather

conditions in the dry and wet season, which means more and longer drought periods, and increases in heavy rainfall and storms (ibid.). Removal of vegetation reduces resilience for these increasingly extreme weather events (Berglund & Johansson, 2004).

● Cultural and symbolic value, especially for local peoples like the Accompong (McCaulay &

Koenig, 2017).

In addition to the ecological understanding of the loss ecosystem services one could explain this phenomenon by looking into greater politico-economic processes. In its essence, the Cockpit Country case study points out the fact that the mining companies have been welcomed by the Jamaican government which granted mining and prospecting rights in this natural area. This is a commonly observed phenomenon in a globalized neoliberal economy characterized by strong private property rights, free markets, and free trade (Harvey, 2005). The neoliberal framework mainly focuses on the creation of a favorable business climate and in order to sustain global economic growth, limited resources are sourced from other locations, often coming from indigenous and minority communities (Mohai, et al., 2009).

Moreover, by prioritizing market values, the fact that ecosystems provide many other crucial services for many different classes of people is often disregarded (Mohai, et al., 2009). This then induces conflicts over the access to social, economic and environmental resources between different actors (Schnaiberg & Gould, 2000), contributing to social disruptions and inequalities that funnel wealth upward and restricting the economic capacities of disadvantaged groups (Pellow, 2011). A recent (2019) publication by the Cockpit Country Stakeholder Group (CCSG) mentions a statement made by the Jamaican Environment Trust (JET) saying that the Jamaican government “places the interests of bauxite companies ahead of the welfare of Jamaican citizens and the safeguarding of their livelihoods and Jamaica’s natural resources” (CCSG, 2019).

As mentioned earlier, in Cockpit Country, local and tribal communities are largely affected by the mining practices. Although these communities are approached with a promise of economic opportunity, they have no interest in welcoming the mining activities. This is confirmed by Maroon leader Sydney Peddie who stated, “we regard the Cockpit country as our home and that's where we live at the moment, so we are not interested in getting development from that source" (BBC Carribean, 2007) (referring to the mining activities). He substantiates his opinion with the argument that bauxite exploration has already destroyed other parts of Jamaica and that the Cockpit Country is a site of heritage for the Maroon community that bears much historical, cultural and environmental significance (BBC Carribean, 2007). Continued threats of bauxite mining and prospecting in the area exposes the disregard of their wellbeing and cultural heritage. The fact that this is allowed by the Jamaican government highlights the unequal power relations between the Maroon populations and the mining company, especially in regard to their inclusion in decision-making processes.

In addition to the loss of ecosystem services through the wealth accumulation of mining companies, many reports mention occurrences of displacement. The following fragment from “The Jamaica Gleaner”, recently written by Esther Figueroa, is particularly telling in this respect. It states:

“Jamaican governments administered by both parties (referring to local communities and the aluminium industry) are addicted to the macro-economic optics, revenues, and foreign-exchange garnered in boom and bust and therefore committed to the industry at ALL costs. These costs include

ecocide, deforestation, water, air and soil pollution, ill health of residents especially of persons living within a 10-mile radius of extraction and processing, the destruction and displacement of intact,

self-sufficient rural communities and the loss of local agricultural production and the way of life associated with such communities” (Figueroa, 2019).

Altogether, different media sources and statements seem to point at the process of accumulation by dispossession.

As discussed in the theoretical framework, environmental justice consists of three aspects: distribution, recognition and participation (Schlosberg, 2004). These aspects are also present within the Cockpit Country case. Firstly, distribution focuses on the allocation of the environmental goods and bads of, in this case, the mining activities. The positive outcome of the mining activities is that it generates wealth, which benefits the (foreign) mining companies. In 2010, the profits of Noranda, one of the mining companies operating in the area, consisted of 216.1 million dollars (Noranda Aluminum Holding Corp, 2011). However, the companies are not the only party benefiting from the activities, as the Jamaican government was a shareholder (49%) in this company (Figueroa, 2018). This ties back to the state-capital alliances that enable accumulation by dispossession (Andreucci & Radhuber, 2017). As for the communities living in and around Cockpit Country, they did not benefit from the wealth that was generated.

The environmental bads that resulted from the operation of the mines were substantial. The water was severely contaminated by sediments and waste originating from the mines. Furthermore, due to dust particles the air quality declined, and soil degradation took place. In addition, communities were affected socially by displacement, forced resettlement, loss of culturally important and sacred places and loss of livelihoods (Jamaica Environment Trust, 2015).

From this it is possible to deduce that the distribution of the environmental goods and bads was unjust. Now, it is important to understand why and how this was possible. As Schlosberg (2004) said: “the reason for unjust distribution, is a lack of recognition of group difference” (p.519). The communities most affected by the operation of the mines, were the indigenous communities living in Cockpit Country, of which the Maroons are the most prevalent. According to the Maroon community itself, they have not obtained proper recognition from the government:

“Cockpit Country was earned by the Maroons. They [the Government] hated us, they don't respect our territory, they don't respect our land. They ignore our rights, as Maroons in this land. They have not treated us as human beings; they ignore our victory over the British. Jamaica could be a better place if they respect the Maroons” (Webber & Noel, 2013. P.66).

From this, it can be deducted that certain actors have not been treated with respect. And as discussed previously, some communities and people have not been involved equally in decision-making processes, meaning their influence in the process was minimal. All this implies that within this case, recognition of certain actors, in this case the local indigenous communities, was not present.

The third aspect of environmental justice is participation, which is related to recognition. If a community is not recognized, they do not participate (Schlosberg, 2004). The permits that allowed the mining company to operate were given out by the government of Jamaica in 2006, without consultation of the Jamaican public (Figueroa, 2018). The communities that would be affected by the mining operation were not able to participate in the decision-making process. Furthermore, in 2015, the mining company Noranda illegally crossed boundaries set by the permits, but little was done about it. Only when the Cockpit Country Stakeholders Group (CCSG) started raising awareness about the subject, and people came together to protest against the mining activities, the government agreed to create a protected area where mining was not to be allowed (Linton, 2017).

CONCLUSION & DISCUSSION

The research question of this paper was What are the social and ecological consequences of bauxite mining in Cockpit Country, Jamaica? The answer to this question was formulated through integrating knowledge from three different scientific disciplines in order to gain a more holistic view on the issue. The approaches chosen in the natural sciences were an analysis on chemical pollution using historical chemical samples and an analysis of the change in deforestation rates and the change in forest fragmentation over time. These analyses indicated, albeit based on small sets of data, that bauxite mining has serious impacts on the functioning of local ecosystem services. Because Jamaican livelihoods (especially that of locals) depend on the functioning of these ecosystem services, this aspect of the research formed the bridge to the social sciences. The approaches chosen in the social sciences were mainly literature studies that led to several important insights. First, mining corporations in Cockpit Country accumulate wealth by displacing the local communities and exhausting the ecosystem from which these communities derive many important services for their livelihoods. This is a prime example of accumulation by dispossession. Second, the environmental goods and bads of the

mining activities were not not distributed equally, which means the Cockpit Country case is a good example of environmental injustice.

The answer to the research question is not straightforward, since connecting the methods and findings of the three disciplines to create a coherent, integrated research was far from self-explaining. The study was framed as such that the findings of the natural sciences formed the foundation on which the social scientific explanations would rest. However, the used data on chemical pollution, deforestation and forest fragmentation were not exclusively from bauxite mining. This caused the foundation for the social explanations to be less solid than aimed for. Therefore, it is not possible to conclude this study with hard claims. Nevertheless, this study did reveal how chemical pollution, deforestation, habitat fragmentation, accumulation by dispossession and environmental justice are related. Furthermore, it provided insights in how findings from the natural science realm could function as foundations to strengthen social scientific claims, and the other way around; to understand natural phenomena in relation to socio-economic or political decisions or structures. The results of this study might not make it able to conclude with hard claims, but there are enough indications that the situation regarding bauxite mining in Cockpit Country is far from stable. The study also implies that if chemical pollution, deforestation and forest fragmentation do come mainly from bauxite mining practises, a more extensive study on the consequences of these impacts on the functioning of ecosystem services could provide disempowered groups with munition in the legal-political arena. This study therefore opens the way to dig deeper into the social and ecological impacts of bauxite mining. The last words about bauxite mining in Cockpit Country have not been said yet.

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APPENDIX

Appendix I.

Appendix II.

Tables 2: All average chemical concentrations in Jamaican soils vs the average concentrations of the world (Lalor, 1996)

Appendix III.

Table 3. Risk assessment of the bauxite residue and mining residue (Sigma Aldrich, 2020).

Compound Hazards H-Statements Control parameters*

determined over an 8 hour period.

Iron(III)oxide (Fe2O3)

H315: Causes skin irritation. H319: Causes serious eye irritation. H335: May cause respiratory irritation. H372: Causes damage to organs through prolonged or repeated exposure.

No limit set, only harmful in very pure form.

Silicon dioxide (SiO2)

H319: Causes serious eye irritation. H335: May cause respiratory irritation. H373: May cause damage to organs (lung) through prolonged or repeated exposure (if inhaled)

No limit set, only harmful in very pure form.

Calcium Oxide (CaO)

H315: Causes skin irritation. H319: Causes serious eye irritation.

1 mg/m^3

Titanium dioxide (TiO2)

H351: Suspected of causing cancer. No limit set, only harmful in very pure form.

Sodium oxide (Na2O)

H319: Causes serious eye irritation. H335: May cause respiratory irritation.

No limit set, only harmful in very pure form.

Sodium Hydroxide (NaOH)

H290: May be corrosive to metals. H314: Causes severe skin burns and eye damage.

1 mg/m^3

Aluminium (Al)

H228: Flammable solid (pure form). H261: In contact with water releases flammable gas (pure form)

No limit set, only harmful in very pure form.

Arsenic (As) H301 + H331: Toxic if inhaled or swallowed

H350: May cause cancer.

H410: Very toxic to aquatic life with long lasting effects.

0.0028 mg/m^3

Cadmium (Cd)

H330: Fatal if inhaled.

H341: Suspected of causing genetic defects.

H350: May cause cancer.

H361: Suspected of damaging fertility or the unborn child.

H372: Causes damage to organs through prolonged or repeated exposure. H410: Very toxic to aquatic life with long lasting effects.

0.004 mg/m^3

Lead (Pb) H302 + H332: Harmful if inhaled or

swallowed

H351: Suspected of causing cancer. H360: May damage fertility or the unborn child.

H373: May cause damage to organs (lung) through prolonged or repeated exposure (if inhaled).

H410: Very toxic to aquatic life with long lasting effects.

0.15 mg/m^3

Zinc (Zn) H410: Very toxic to aquatic life with long

lasting effects.

No limit set, only harmful in very pure form.

*These values are obtained from Sigma Aldrich, and reflect the threshold values that have been recommended by the WHO and integrated in global labour contracts.