Do people who see their work as a central part of who they are have more difficulties when their identity is threatened?

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Do people who see their work as a central

part of who they are have more difficulties

when their identity is threatened?

Author

Jill Verhoeven

Student number

11415525

Date

June 23, 2017

Master

Business Administration Leadership and Management

Institution

Amsterdam Business School of the University of Amsterdam

Supervisors

Dr. Stefan Mol and Hannah Berkers

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2 Statement of Originality

This document is written by Student Jill Verhoeven who declares to take full responsibility for the contents of this document.

I declare that the text and the work presented in this document is original and that no sources other than those mentioned in the text and its references have been used in creating it.

The Faculty of Economics and Business is responsible solely for the supervision of completion of the work, not for the contents.

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3 Abstract

There is an increasingly attention of scholars to investigate how employees react in times of change. However, little is known about individuals who may react more intense when their identity at work is threatened. The aim of the present study is two-folded. Firstly, this research examines whether people with callings and people who are obsessively or harmoniously passionate about their work experience more stress when their work is changing. Secondly, the present study investigates the role of obsessive and harmonious passion as mediators between calling and job stress. The research is among 164 Dutch teachers, who are characterized by their strong commitment and career orientation towards their job. The research is based on the combination of a survey and experimental vignette design, with the frame of change (as threatening or as non-threatening) as manipulation variable. Results of the study showed that people with a calling experience higher levels of obsessive passion as well as higher levels of harmonious passion. Besides, having a calling affected the level of stress indirectly through an increase in the level of obsessive passion. Furthermore, people with callings have more difficulties when their work is changing. However, this research had limitations that reduced the generalization of the results. Still, the present study is a basis for further research on how employees react under conditions of threat.

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4.2.2 Direct effects ... 33

4.2.3 Moderated mediation effects ... 34

5. Discussion ... 37

5.1 Theoretical implications and recommendations for future research... 38

5.2 Practical implications ... 41

5.3 Limitations ... 41

5.4 Conclusion ... 42

References ... 44

Appendix A - Experimental Vignette Design ... 54

Appendix B – Survey items ... 57

Appendix C – Measures ... 59

Appendix D – Factor analysis ... 60

List of figures and tables

Figure 1 Conceptual model and the interrelationships

Table 1 Means, standard deviations, correlations and reliability scores Table 2 Direct effects

Table 3 Moderated mediation effects Table 4 Moderation effect

Table 5 Experiment vignette design Table 6 Skewness and kurtosis test Table 7 Cronbach’s Alpha

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1. Introduction

The competitive pressures facing organisations have increased because of the upswing of digitization and innovation (Frey & Osborne, 2017). Therefore, many employees have dealt

with substantial job changes during the past decennia (Cameron & Green, 2015; Feldman &

Pentland, 2003). Work-related changes have long-lasting effects not only on employees, but on

organisations as well. As a results, scholars, and organisations have developed more and more

interest in understanding how employees react in times of change and how these reactions influence the organisation (Cameron & Green, 2015; Feldman & Pentland, 2003). An extensive literature on employees’ reactions to work-related changes has developed in recent years (Ashforth & Schinoff, 2016). Much of this literature has demonstrated the crucial role of work in people’s lives (Wrzesniewski, McCauley, Rozin & Schwartz, 1997). Furthermore, employees who see their work as important seem to have more difficulties when their work is changing (Cardador & Caza, 2012). One of the reasons could be that people feel that their identity is threatened, which effects organisations and individuals (Petriglieri, 2011).However, little is known about these individual factors that have negative consequences for individuals and organisations under conditions of threats.

Identity threat refers to potential harm that employees experience to the value, meanings, or enactment of their identity (Petriglieri, 2011). Previous research has shown that identity threat can lead to purposeful attempts to block organisational changes and more stress (Fiol, Pratt, & O'Connor, 2009; Steele, 1997). These serious consequences could in turn effect employees’ wellbeing.An important indicator of employee’s wellbeing level is the level of job stress (Pugliesi, 1999). Job stress is associated with unpleasant feelings that includes elements of depression, anxiety, and sadness, which in turn lead to other health related problems (Motowidlo, Packard, & Manning, 1986; Maslach & Jackson, 1984). Especially when people

feel that their identity is threatened, the level of job stress increases (Major & O’Brien, 2005).

People differ in the degree of flexibility to their work identity and thus how they respond to changes at work (Cardador & Caza, 2012). It seems that the stronger the identity, the harder it is to let go of that work identity or to reconfigure it (Maitlis, 2009; Ashforth, Harrison & Corley,

2008). Concepts that might explain why certain individuals react more intensely when changes at work occur, are the concepts of ‘calling’ and ‘passion’.

People with a calling orientation experience their work as intrinsically meaningful

(Cardador & Caza, 2012). Callings are often associated with positive outcomes, e.g. work satisfaction and intrinsic motivation (Wrzesniewski, 2010). Yet, recent studies have noted that

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callings are not always beneficial. Callings may even lead to detrimental effects. For instance, people with a calling may refuse to change and show rigid behaviour, because they identify very strongly with what they do (Dobrow, 2013; Bunderson & Thompson, 2009). However, there is still a lack of clarity about the conflicting outcomes of having a calling. The context of passion may help to explain when a calling might be bad and when it may be good (Cardador & Caza, 2012).

While calling usually derives from an earlier stage in someone’s life, because of a feeling of duty to society or destiny to make the world a better place, passion often develops during engagement of an activity (Bunderson & Thompson, 2009; Vallerand et al., 2003). Vallerand and colleagues (2003) distinguish between two types of passion: obsessive and harmonious. By obsessive passion the job controls the person, while the person controls the job by harmonious passion (Vallerand et al., 2003). Harmonious passion is related to positive wellbeing outcomes (Vallerand, 2010). Furthermore, people with a harmonious passion towards their work may be more flexible in a way that they experience change rather as a positive challenge than as a threat (Rousseau & Vallerand, 2008). In contrast, people with an obsessive passion could enhance inflexibility and negative emotions when their identity is threatened, which in turn lead to more stress (Donahue, Rip & Vallerand, 2009; Vallerand, 2010).

The present study extends previous work by investigating the level of stress for people who see their work as a central part of who they are, under conditions of threat. Therefore following research question is proposed: Do people who see their work as a calling and who are passionate about their work experience higher levels of stress when their identity is at stake, because of threatening changes at work?

This study aims to contribute to a better understanding of the conditions under which threat can trigger responses that lead to either problematic or beneficial consequences. As a result, organisations should be able to respond more adequately in times of change. This could promote employees wellbeing, which in turn lead to better performance (Harter, Schmidt & Keyes 2002). This report gives also more insight in the complex nature of calling and its relationship with both harmonious and obsessive passion.

The first section presents the literature review. This section explains the hypothesis development regarding the constructs under investigation. The research is based on the combination of an experimental vignette study and a survey study. These research methods are further described in the method section. Afterwards, the results of the study are presented. The paper ends with a conclusion and discussion that highlights the contributions of this model to the current identity scholarship.

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8 2. Literature review

The main goal of this section is to give a reflection of the current research about the central topics in this research. First, I give deeper insights about the impact of threat on one’s identity. Jobs stress as an indicator for employee’s wellbeing is the central topic in the second section. Afterwards, the complex nature of calling and the concept of passion are exposed and discussed. At the end of the chapter, the variables and their interrelationships are visualized in a coherent conceptual model.

2.1. The impact of threats

The importance of understanding the nature of identity threat and how individuals react to it have the attention among scholars (Petriglieri, 2011). However, scholars still disagree about what the nature of identity threat, exactly, is. Some refer to identity threat as psychological stress between a person and his or her environment that endanger the person’s wellbeing (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). While others refer to identity threat from a more internal perspective, e.g. ‘when their sense of self is called into question’ (Kreiner & Sheep, 2009, p. 32) and as a feeling or experience that threaten the individual’s personality (Breakwell, 1983). Branscombe and colleagues (1999) point out the group aspect of identity threat and divided identity threat into four classes: ‘(1) being categorized against one’s will, (2) group distinctiveness is prevented or undermined, (3) the group’s value is undermined, (4) one’s position within the group is undermined’ (p. 36). According to Petriglieri (2011), the most extensive definition is based on the diversity of the existing literature and describes identity threats at the individual level as ‘experiences appraised as indicating potential harm to the value, meanings, or enactment of an identity’ (Petriglieri, 2011, p. 644). The appraisal of threat refers to the process in which people evaluate an experience for their wellbeing and decide what to do in response to it (Smith, 1991). This definition of identity threat clarifies the dynamic aspect of identity threat, since a threat can arise from the present and often lead to potential harm in the future. Identity threat can also vary in degrees, is mutable and can change over time (Petriglieri, 2011; Markus & Wurf, 1987).

2.1.1 Different responses to threats

The sources of threats may help explain why people react differently when they feel threatened. It is acknowledged by different researchers that threats originate from three different sources: the individual, others or the material world (Petriglieri, 2011). Threats can originate from individuals themselves, because of conflicts with their own values and norms. In this case,

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employees have the feeling that their meanings and values are threatened because their identity does not align with their actual values and norms (Newman, 1988; Anteby, 2008). The second source of threats is ‘others’ in an individual’s life. This source is related to relationships between people (Fine, 1996; Van Maanen, 1997). This threat is particularly associated with organisations where strong or even demanding identities occur (Albert & Whetten, 1985). From a macro perspectives, threats could derive from prejudices that are believed as ‘normal’ in the society at large (Petriglieri, 2011). The third source of threat is the material world. This form of threat refers to external experiences that have traumatic effects on someone’s identity, such as a long-standing injury as a result of a car accident (Breakwell, 1983; Petriglieri, 2011). This form of threat could even lead to the inability for someone to enact with his or her own identity. The different sources of threats show how threats occur and are therefore critical in the explanation why people react in a certain way.

People respond to a threat in order to protect their own identity or they respond in a way that the threat has less harm to their identity (Petriglieri, 2011). These responses can take different shapes. For instance, people who react in a more protective way may tend to conceal their threatened identity in order to avoid potential identity harm. But they could also try to change the attitude of others who are the source of the threat and thus make use of the understanding and education capacity in a more positive way to reduce the potential harm to their identity in the future (Ellemers, Spears & Doosje, 2002). People who respond in a more restructuring way focus on changing an aspect of the threat, such as the importance or the meaning of the threat (Burke, 2006; Deaux, 1991). Reducing the importance of an identity threat attends to decrease the harshness of the threat’s potential harm. These different explanation of responses are the underlying reasons why identity threat can have negative as well as positive outcomes.

2.1.2 Negative consequences of threats

Threats often stem from conflicts within a person’s identity, between groups, or with the organisation. From an individual perspective, threats can cause antisocial behaviour, such as aggressive behaviour and social isolation (Aquino & Douglas, 2003; Ashforth et al., 2008). While employees try to protect themselves from threats, they can come in conflict with others at work (Fiol et al., 2009). Conflicts at work increase the level of stress and emotional distress (Wedge, 1986; Pachankis, 2007). Most of these individual consequences have problematic consequences for organisations. Employees tend to lose their flexibility and creativity when conflicts occur within the organisation (Williams & O’Reilly, 1998). Individuals who do not

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feel a connection with the organisation because of threats, are more likely to leave the organisation and start somewhere else (Weisenfeld, 1997; Côté & Morgan, 2002; Morris & Feldman, 1996). The work environment could also explain why someone may be less engaged with his or her organisation. A non-territorial workspace, which is a flexible workspace that is characterized by its clean-desk policy, has a significant influence on the feeling of loss of office personalization (Elsbach, 2003). Changes at work are on top of mind in many organisation, therefore Van Dijk and Van Dick (2009) conducted a study about the importance of management during change. Management plays an essential role in reducing the feeling of threat among employees. It seems that employees often resist change, because of the way they are managed. Resistance is often an employee’s reaction to a perceived threat to their work-based identity (Van Dijk & Van Dick, 2009). To conclude, identity threat is often related to negative outcomes for individuals, groups, and organisations. However, researchers did found evidence of responses under conditions of threat that have beneficial individual and organisational consequences.

2.1.3 Threats seen as opportunities

Scholars and organisations have developed more and more interest in how positive outcomes emerge from threats and identity conflicts (Roberts, Dutton & Bednar, 2009). Researchers have attempted to understand the conditions under which identity threat can trigger positive responses. They found empirical evidence of individuals that converted a threat into an opportunity for identity gain or growth (Kreiner & Sheep, 2009). While, identity gain refers to the attainment of a new identity, identity growth encourages the development of a positive identity. When someone possesses a positive identity, someone has integrated the following dimensions: ‘competent, resilient, transcendent, and holistic’ (Kreiner & Sheep, 2009, p. 24). People with this head-on attitude recast threats into opportunities and are therefore more likely to advance from the situation instead of being harmed by it (Kreiner & Sheep, 2009). People in the process of reframing identity threat look at issues they encounter through a positive lens. This can be accomplished by infusing the threat with positive elements and values, such as religious beliefs, groups or occupational ideologies, past experience or current opportunities (Kreiner & Sheep, 2009). In the end, people experience healthy identity change by turning the threat into an opportunity. To conclude, people can minimize threats, when they are able to see the threat rather as an opportunity than as a threat to their identity. However, identity threats are often associated with negative wellbeing outcomes, such as job stress. The role of job stress as an indicator for the wellbeing of employees is further explained in the next section.

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2.2 Job stress as an indicator of employees’ wellbeing

The wellbeing of employees is in the best interest for organisations, because it has been shown to have a major impact on organisational performance (Harter et al., 2002; Wright, Cropanzano, & Bonett, 2007; Van De Voorde, Paauwe & Van Veldhoven, 2012). The wellbeing of employees is defined as the way people feel about themselves (Van Dierendonck, Haynes, Borrill & Stride, 2004). Employee’s wellbeing does not only influence the performance of an organisation, but has also significant effect on someone’s personal life. Considering that a substantial part of people’s life satisfaction results from work (Wrzesniewski et al., 1997). Many determinants predict employee wellbeing, such as role overload, health, job satisfaction, life satisfaction, stress, burn-out rate, and emotional exhaustion (Coverman, 1989; Schaufeli, Taris & Van Rhenen, 2008). Empirical research showed that one of the most important indicators to measure employee’s wellbeing is the level of job stress (Pugliesi, 1999). In the present study job stress is described as ‘an unpleasant emotional experience associated with elements of fear, dread, anxiety, irritation, annoyance, anger, sadness, grief, and depression’ (Motowidlo et al., 1986, p. 618). Most researchers generally use this definition or an adapted version of it when referring to jobstress. According to Parker and DeCotiis (1983, p. 160), job stress can be seen as a ‘feeling of discomfort’. Other studies mentioned job stress as a reaction of an employee that occurs because of work-related threat (Gil & Caspi, 2006) or as a reaction to the characteristics of work that are physically and emotionally threatening (Jamal, 2005). To sum up, there is no universally accepted definition of job stress.

2.2.1 The derivation of stressors from different sources

Despite the vagueness of how to conceptualize job stress, one thing is clear among scholars; job stress is an internal response caused by one or multiple ‘stressors’ (Jamal, 2005). An stressor is an event that causes stress. Stress occurs in situations in which an individual is committed to a challenge, but he or she does not possess sufficient skills and/or resources to successfully manage the challenge (Quillian-Wolever & Wolever, 2003). On the one hand, stressors can occur because of internal work-related issues, e.g. high workload and conflicts with colleagues (Ray & Miller, 1991). On the other hand, stressors can arise because of external events, such as new use of technologies or a lack of job security as a result of mergers (Fonner & Roloff, 2012; Erickson, Pugh & Gunderson, 1972). However, causes of job stress are not necessarily work-related. Someone’s personal life could also affect the level of stress or stress could evolve from the personality of employees.

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Many researchers have tried to understand how someone’s personality influence reactions when stressful events occur (Bolger & Schilling, 1991; Judge et al., 1999; Bono et al., 2002). Neuroticism is one of the big five personality factors that determines most of the psychological distress (Bolger & Schilling, 1991). The remaining personality factors are extraversion, agreeableness, openness, and conscientiousness (Judge, Higgins, Thoresen & Barrick, 1999). However, especially neuroticism is interesting to mention in this study, because people high on neuroticism experience often more negative emotions, such as depression and anger (Bono, Boles, Judge & Lauver, 2002). Besides, those who score high on neuroticism respond worse to stressors and are assumed to see changes usually as threatening compared to people who are low on neuroticism (Tamir, Robinson & Solberg, 2006). To conclude, stressors can derive from different sources. These stressors can have important health and wellbeing effects for individuals.

2.2.2 Reactions to job stress

There is empirical evidence that job stress provokes physical and mental health issues (Maslach & Jackson, 1984). Job stress leads to health problems, such as high blood pressure, headaches, stomach-aches and in extreme situations, stress can result in heart attacks (Ganster & Schaubroeck, 1991). Moreover, job stress is related to the onset of mental problems, such as depression and anxiety (Gil & Caspi, 2006). One concept that is often associated with job stress, is burnout. Burnout occurs when someone has contact with stressors for a longer period. Nowadays, one out of seven Dutch employees experience symptoms of burnouts (CBS, 2015). Job stress does not only results in negative outcomes for employees, but also affects organisations. From an organisational perspective, stress reduces organisational commitment, leads to higher employee related costs, less productivity, and thus a decrease in performance (Motowidlo et al, 1986; Parker & DeCotiis, 1983; Van Dierendonck et al, 2004; Gil & Caspi, 2006).

Researchers already paid attention to people who may experience more or less job stress in general. For instance, people having a calling is associated with lower levels of stress, because people with a calling see their work as a personal fulfilment. The following section gives an overview of the existing literature on callings and why people with callings are more likely to experience positive wellbeing outcomes, such as lower levels of stress.

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2.3 The complex nature of ‘having a calling’

Individuals differ in their view towards the work they do. It could be that one possesses multiple views of relations to their work, however most people see their work as either a Job, Career or as a Calling (Wrzesniewski et al., 1997). These subjective experiences of work are important in order to understand the role of work in people’s lives (Wrzesniewski, 2010). People who fall in the Jobs category see their work as a material benefit, which they can enjoy in their spare-time (Wrzesniewski et al., 1997). The main interest is not expressed by the work itself. In contrast, people who fall in the Career category are not only motivated by the monetary benefits, but mark their success mainly because of their achievements within their work (Wrzesniewski et al., 1997). These advancements often lead to more power and a higher social standard. A person with a Calling does not work for the financial gains, but rather for the personal fulfilment that the work brings (Wrzesniewski et al., 1997). It is therefore no surprise that scholars and organisations have developed an increasing interest in the concept of calling and what makes people with callings different from others. In some occupations, such as teachers and medical workers, the prevalence of callings is higher than in other occupations (Lobene & Meade, 2013;

Wrzesniewski et al., 1997). Still, someone’s calling is not necessarily dependent on the occupation, because people who do the same work experience their work differently (Wrzesniewski et al., 1997).

The overall sense of calling is clear, however the explicit meaning of calling has been discussed by many researchers (Wrzesniewski, 2010; Duffy & Dik, 2013). There is no universally accepted meaning of the term ‘calling’. This results in different understandings and assumptions regarding the meaning of ‘a calling’ (Wrzesniewski, 2010). These different angles can cause some confusion, however researchers agree that a calling is something individual and personal (Bunderson & Thompson, 2009). Many definitions of calling derive from earlier religious works or social sciences (Wrzesniewski, 2010).

2.3.1 Calling: religious entity and social entity

The concept of ‘calling’ was originally used in a religious context (Wrzesniewski et al., 1997). As a religious entity, calling is about the understanding that individuals were ‘called’ by God to carry out the will of God and to do more moral and social work (Weber, 1958, 1963). According to this perspective, callings are revealed by God. The modern sense of calling does not only focus on the will of God, but also on the spiritual significance and other external religious sources (Dik & Duffy, 2009; Wrzesniewski, 2010). According to Dik and Duffy (2009), the content of the external sources that motivates someone for a job, stays open. This

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could range from the will of God, to the needs of society or just because of fate. Over time, the reference to God has become more vague. However, even without the explicit term of God, there is often a connection with a religious entity. For instance, Bunderson and Thompson (2009) explained a calling as the expression of one’s duty or destiny on earth. This approach is also known as the neoclassical type of calling (Bunderson & Thompson, 2009). The concept of calling has taken other forms in the modern-day. Researchers adopted a more secular conceptualization of calling, emphasizing the personal fulfilment and socially valuable nature of work (Steger, Pickering, Shin & Dik, 2010).

According to the social sciences, a calling refers to the personally and socially held beliefs about work (Baumeister, 1991; Bellah, Madsen, Sullivan, Swidler & Tipton, 1985). People are connected to their work in a way that it fulfils their unique purposes in life (Wrzesniewski, 2010). This modern approach generally focus on the inner drive (Duffy & Dik, 2013). According to Dik and Duffy (2009), there are three components that characterize callings in the work domain. The first component is the notion of external summons, which is about the feeling of being ‘called’ towards a specific type of work. This could come from any type of external force, e.g. need for society or one’s relation with a country. The second component refers to the view towards work as a source of purpose in life. This component is more aligned with the features of the religious entity of calling. The third component concerns the prosocial motivation of individuals; how they use their careers to help others. Dik and Duffy’s (2013) interpretation of calling helps understand the underlying thoughts of callings from a social perspective. In addition, the combination of the three components distinguish callings from other similar constructs, such as work commitment and meaningful work (Duffy & Dik, 2013).

There is still an ongoing debate among researchers about the exact definition of calling (Hirschi, 2012). However, the current views of calling have some elements in common, such as the sense of purpose that a calling entails and the meaning of work. Cardador and Caza (2012) developed a definition - based on the literature of Duffy and colleagues (2011), Bunderson & Thompson (2009) and Wrzesniewski and colleagues (1997) - combining the most relevant dimensions of calling. Therefore, I use the following definition of calling in this study: ‘a view towards work in which one expects the work to be intrinsically meaningful and sees the work as making a difference in some way’ (Cardador & Caza, 2012, p. 341). According to this definition a calling is observed from a static perspective. Which brings us to another disagreement among researchers; the construction of calling and how it develops over time.

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2.3.2 Static versus dynamic

The general view of calling is based on a static construct, i.e. you simply have a calling or you do not have a calling (Bunderson & Thompson, 2009; Wrzesniewski et al., 1997; Duffy & Sedlacek, 2007). The static view is more about searching for a calling and then finding it. And when someone finds his or her calling, this calling is a predictor of important career and life decisions (Dobrow, 2013). The static view is binary and does not include development of calling over time. In contrast with the static view, the dynamic view refers to the experience of callings as a process that often changes and develops (Dik & Duffy, 2009). People are advised to engage in activities that help developing a calling. There is a lack of extant literature regarding sources of how callings actual develop over time. However, prior research showed the limited role of the perceived sources of callings in the degree to which an individual is satisfied with work or is living out her or his calling (Dik & Duffy, 2009).

2.3.3 The ‘dark side’ of calling

Besides the interest in examining the phenomenon of callings, scholars have payed increasingly attention exploring calling as a predictor of work-related outcomes. One of the reasons for the upcoming interest is because of the conflicting outcomes of ‘having a calling’. Although studies have provided considerable evidence regarding the positive effects of ‘having a calling’, recent studies have also reported potential drawbacks of callings (Dobrow, 2013; Bunderson & Thompson, 2009). Bunderson and Thompson (2009) described the reflection of the difficult and positive experience of having a neoclassical calling as a ‘double-edged sword’ (p.32). The downside of calling may occur when employees feel required to put all their energy in order to meet the expectations of their job. Their job is so important for them that they are willing to put themselves in a vulnerable position (Duffy, Autin, Allan & Douglass, 2015). Furthermore, Dobrow (2013) found that musicians with a high calling orientation overestimated their own ability and skills. This lead to highly disappointments when musicians did not met the talent to succeed (Dobrow, 2013). Cardador and Caza (2012) noted the influence of calling on workaholism and the difficulty to balance work and non-work activities.

These studies assumed that the downside of having a calling might have a negative influence on employee’s wellbeing. However, researchers made more suggestions than really definitive conclusions (Wrzesniewski, 2010). The majority of the studies about the ‘dark side’ of calling is qualitative or cross-sectional, limiting the ability to generalize the results of the studies. To conclude, still little is known about the ‘dark side’ of callings. At the moment, the

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empirical evidence of positive wellbeing outcomes from callings are more convincing in the overall literature.

2.3.4 The ‘bright side’ of calling

It is often assumed that having a calling is a very positive condition (Dobrow, 2013). Duffy and Dik (2013) reviewed over 40 studies to examine the outcomes and predictors of ‘having a calling’. They concluded that callings are related to life, health, and work satisfaction (Dobrow, 2013; Wrzesniewski et al., 1997; Wrzesniewski, 2010; Duffy, et al., 2015; Duffy & Dik, 2013). People with callings are also associated with higher level of intrinsic motivation at work (Wrzesniewski, 2010). Besides, those with callings view their work as more meaningful, are more committed to their work, and experience a lower level of withdrawal intentions (Duffy, Allan & Dik, 2011). Different studies have also found a moderate to strong link of calling to meaningful work, organizational commitment, occupational identity and self-efficacy, person– job fit, and work engagement (Duffy & Dik, 2013; Cardador, Dane & Pratt, 2011; Duffy, Allan, Autin & Bott, 2013; Duffy et al., 2011;Hirschi, 2012). However the direct relationship between calling and job stress is, as far as I know, barely investigated. Bunderson and Thompson (2009) stated that, those with callings are less likely to experience stress and depression. Because those with calling orientation are more attached through the work itself, compared to people who have a career or job orientation (Wrzesniewski et al., 1997). It is the inner drive why someone with a calling chose for an occupation. Furthermore, Treadgold (1999) found that someone with a calling experiences lower levels of depression and stress. Therefore, I assume the following hypothesis:

H1. There is a negative relationship between calling and the level of job stress.

Although having a calling is generally viewed as a very positive condition, work-related changes may impact the relationship between calling and stress. In other words, people with callings may experience more stress when their work is changing.

2.3.5 The interaction effect between calling and job stress

It is clear among scholars that people respond in different ways when they feel that their identity at work is threatened (Petriglieri, 2011). However, less attention has been given to people with callings and whether they experience more difficulties under conditions of threat. As mentioned before, people with callings define their attachment to the work domain through the work itself, rather than through salary or the status of their occupation (Wrzesniewski et al., 1997). Yet, individuals differ in the degree of how flexible they are when they need to change who they are

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at work. According to Cardador & Caza (2012), people differ in the degree to which they are willing to engage with and initiate changes to their identity at work. People with callings seem to be more unwilling and reluctance to change their work identity. This may derive from rigid behaviour that takes place when someone resist to change (Briscoe & Hall, 1999; Cardador & Caza, 2012). Rigid behaviour stems from a view of who someone is at work and the unwillingness to change this (Briscoe & Hall, 1999; Cardador & Caza, 2012). People with callings are associated with rigid behaviour under conditions of threat. As a result they may experience changes as more stressful, especially when there is a threat to the values that the individual holds essential to the self. In other words, in particular when the perceived threat pertains the identity or self this will be seen as stressful.

Furthermore, people with a calling may have more difficulties to respond to challenges, changes, and stressors that are common to professions than people without callings. Researchers have noted that those with callings are less flexibility in their work, because they develop a ‘career tunnel vision’ and career foreclosure (Dobrow, 2013; Dobrow & Tosti-Kharas, 2012). In addition, they may oppose management actions that threatens their professional ideal (Bunderson & Thompson, 2009). Especially when these actions have consequences for their daily experience of work (Cardador & Caza, 2012). People with callings can have more problems receiving feedback and to execute actions imposed by others (Cardador & Caza, 2012). It is likely that this increases stress and a shift in one’s interpretation of the meaning of work (Carver & Scheier, 1991; Park & Folkman, 1997). In the end, these factors can result in reduced personal wellbeing. Given the existing theoretical background, the present study aims to test the following hypothesis:

H2. The negative relationship between calling on job stress will be moderated, so that this relationship is weaker for people who experience change as threatening than for people who experience change as non-threatening.

In the next section, I give academic insights in order to better understand the underlying link between the concepts of calling and passion and how the two types are related to the ‘dark side’ as well as to the ‘bright side’ of calling.

2.4 The dualistic model of passion: harmonious and obsessive passion

The term passion refers to many different contexts. People can be passionate about a sport, relationship (love), education, work and so on. According to Vallerand et al. (2003, p.757) passion refers to ‘a strong inclination towards a self-defining activity that one likes (or even

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loves), finds important (or values highly), and in which one invests time and energy’. Passion plays an important aspect in many people’s lives (Vallerand, 2010). One expects that the concept of passion would have been extensively investigated. However, little was known about the concept of passion and its related outcomes until recently (Vallerand, 2010).

Most empirical studies in history were about the romance that passion occurred (Hatfield & Walster, 1978) and concepts that were seen as closely related to passion, e.g. commitment and emotion (Meyer & Allen, 1997; Rony, 1990). These concepts have two aspects in common: emotional attachment and engagement towards an activity. Nonetheless, the definition of passion is characterized by another important component: the internalization of an activity in one’s identity (Vallerand et al., 2003). For example, people that are very passionate about tennis, do not only play tennis. They see themselves as tennis players, because tennis is integrated in their lives. The dimension of value is thus essential to distinguish passion from other related concepts were intrinsic motivation is important (Forest, Mageau, Sarrazin & Morin, 2011).

The last reason why passion differ from ‘similar’ concepts is based on the two types of passion that have been distinguished. The assumption that someone’s passion brings the best and the worst in people already existed a long time ago (Glasser, 1976). Different philosophers had different views about the meaning of passion (Rony, 1990; Vallerand, 2010). This resulted in two perspectives towards the concept of passion. The first perspective considers passion as something that should be avoided, because someone’s passion can take control over someone. The second perspective shows the harmonious side of passion which is thoughts to result in positive emotions (Vallerand, 2010). Based on these perspectives, Vallerand and colleagues (2003) proposed two types of passion. The dualistic model of passion distinguishes these types of passion through two different processes that take place in terms of how the passionate activity is internalized -controlled internalization versus autonomous internalization - in one’s identity, each of them resulting in obsessive or harmonious passion (Carbonneau, Vallerand, Fernet & Guay, 2008).

2.4.1 Harmonious passion versus obsessive passion

Harmonious passion is the ‘motivational force that leads the person to engage in the activity willingly and engenders a sense of volition and personal endorsement about pursuing the activity’ (Vallerand and Houlfort, 2003, p.178). Harmonious passion is the result of autonomous internalization, which happens when someone has freely accepted an activity to be important for one’s identity (Vallerand, 2010). In addition, someone has to practice his or her

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passion, without any suppression or the urge to control it. The passionate activity should be in harmony with other aspects in a person’s life (Vallerand et al., 2003). Hence, people with a harmonious passion engage in a more flexible manner towards an activity (Rousseau & Vallerand, 2008). They can even disengage from their passion, when it becomes a negative aspect in their lives.

Whereas people with harmonious passion are willingly engaged with an activity, people that possess an obsessive passion are experiencing ‘a motivational force that pushes them towards the activity’ (Vallerand & Houlfort, 2003, p.178). Obsessive passion is the result of controlled internalization, which happens when someone experiences a lack of control over the passionate activity (Vallerand, 2010). He or she feels the obligation to engage in the activity. This derives from the internal and/or external pressure that makes someone emotionally dependent of the activity. It eventually takes too much space in the person’s identity, which causes conflicts with other activities in the person’s life (Vallerand et al., 2003; Vallerand, 2010). These two types of passion have gained the interest of researchers. The next section shows the negative and positive outcomes depending on the type of passion.

2.4.2 Outcomes of harmonious and obsessive passion

Most of the research in this field has tried to obtain in-depth information on how harmonious and obsessive passion are related to behaviour, health, and wellbeing (Vallerand, 2010). Harmonious passion is characterized by the facts that a person can freely decide when to engage in the activity. This brings a sense of flexibility and thus the ability to balance other life activities. Harmonious passion allows a person to fully engage in an activity with an open mind and secure sense of self-esteem (Vallerand, 2010; Hodgins & Knee, 2002). A harmoniously passionate person experiences the affective rewards both during as after the engagement in an activity, which in turn lead to higher levels of wellbeing (Vallerand et al., 2003).

In contrast with harmonious passion, obsessive passion refers to the internal pressure that arouses negative emotions, e.g. inflexibility and persistence towards an activity (Vallerand, Paquet, Philippe & Charest, 2010). Through this internal control, someone develops an egocentric self-structure, which causes reckless activities (Vallerand et al., 2003; Hodgins & Knee, 2002). This rigid persistence could have some benefits, e.g. an increase in the performance and more involvement. However, this will be at the cost of the individual. For instance, an employer may take advantage of the situation by exploiting the employee (Vallerand et al., 2010). Research of Rip, Fortin and Vallerand (2006) showed the negative consequences for ballet dancers who had an obsession towards dancing. These ballet dancers

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had no intention to stop dancing, even when they were injured. This highly increased the risk to develop a chronic injury (Rip et al., 2006). By contrast, harmoniously passionate ballet dancers were able to stop dancing when they were at risk to develop an injury.In the long-term the health condition of harmoniously passionate ballet dancers were more reliable and constant compared to the health condition of obsessively passionate ballet dancers (Rip et al., 2006). Research in online gaming also found a significant differences between the two types of passion and player’s addition to gaming. Lafrenière and colleagues (2009) revealed that obsessive passion was associated with negative physical symptoms, e.g. sleep disorders and loss of appetite. Whereas, harmonious passion was unrelated to these outcomes.

Vallerand and Houlfort (2003) were the first researchers that examined the impact of the two types of passion in a work-related setting. Harmonious passion promotes healthy adaptions and optimal functioning in the work domain (Vallerand and Houlfort, 2003). In addition, companies can improve mental health by nourishing a harmonious passion towards work (Forest et al., 2011). Carbonneau and colleagues (2008) investigated the concept of passion and its relation with wellbeing criteria among teachers. Results, based on a cross-sectional study, revealed that an increase in harmonious passion results in a decrease of burnout symptoms over time and an increase in work satisfaction. Furthermore, changes in obsessive passion were unrelated to these outcomes (Carbonneau et al., 2008). However, other studies found prove where obsessive passion was linked to negative wellbeing outcomes. Vallerand and colleagues (2010) mentioned the significant differences in the level of conflicts between harmonious and obsessive passion. Someone with a harmonious passion tends to be relatively free from conflicts with other non-work activities. They are able to take the needed time to recover from work when away from it. This eventually helps to prevent burnouts. The same authors also revealed that harmonious passion in the workplace is the antidote to burnout, because of the energy to fully engage in one’s work, which enhances work satisfaction (Vallerand et al., 2010). Conversely, obsessive passion is one of the causes of burnout, because it enhances conflicts between work and non-work domains (Vallerand et al., 2010; Vallerand et al., 2003; Vallerand, 2010; Freudenberger & North, 1985; Sonnentag & Zijlstra, 2006). A burnout is generally the consequence of being exposed to job stress (Schaufeli & Peeters, 2000). It is job stress that turn into a burnout after a certain amount of time (Maslach & Jackson, 1984). Based on the earlier mentioned argumentations, I assume the following hypotheses:

H3. There is a positive relationship between obsessive passion and the level of job stress. H4. There is a negative relationship between harmonious passion and the level of job stress.

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To conclude, harmonious passion is associated with positive outcomes regarding behaviour, health, and wellbeing. Researchers also found empirical evidence that obsessive passion is associated with either negatively related or unrelated to behaviour, health, and wellbeing. The two sides of passion may help reveal why callings are related to positive as well as to negative outcomes. The similarities and differences between the concepts of passion and calling are further explained in the next section.

2.4.3 The relationship between calling and the two types of passion

For those with callings, work is their passion (Wrzesniewski et al., 2003). It is their passion in which they invest energy and time (Vallerand, 2010). Therefore, it is no surprise that callings are often associated with feelings of passion (Berg, Grant & Johnson, 2010). The aspects of intrinsic value, fulfilment, and self-realization are important in the concept of passion as well as in the concept of calling (Vallerand, 2010). Both concepts contribute significantly to shaping a person’s identity and are related to the feeling of strong identification towards a job or activity (Bunderson & Thompson, 2009, Vallerand et al., 2003).

Despite the similarities, the concept of passion and calling differ in some ways. Callings involve a sense of meaning that work contributes to the world, while the concept of passion does not necessarily include a social component (Wrzesniewski, 2010). Passions are marked by the experience of an activity that individuals like or even love, which may incorporate the experience of work as a calling (Vallerand et al., 2003; Wrzesniewski, 2010). Another important distinction is related to the time period of the development of passion and calling. A calling usually derives from an earlier stage in someone’s life. For instance, many students are looking for their calling in order to decide their study and/or job that fits with who they are (Duffy & Dik, 2013). Different studies revealed that students who perceive a calling to a specific career are more confident about their career choices, have a better career planning and are more positive about their career path (Duffy & Dik, 2013; Duffy & Sedlacek, 2007; Steger et al., 2010; Hirschi & Hermann, 2013). Whereas, someone’s calling is used to make important life and career decisions, a passion towards an activity (e.g. work) develops over time during the practice of the activity. For instance, many teachers choose their work because of their calling, but they develop a (harmonious/obsessive) passion towards their work when they actually teach. During their career their work becomes their passion. Depending on the type of passion these teachers can experience positive or negative wellbeing outcomes. Whereas, passion is divided into two categories, calling is ‘still’ seen as a singular concept. Most people experience the beneficial consequences of callings on their wellbeing. These positive outcomes

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of callings are more aligned with the effects of harmonious passion on wellbeing criteria. Yet, the ‘dark side’ of callings shares common characteristics with obsessive passion. The aforementioned arguments result in the following hypotheses:

H5. There is a positive relationship between calling and obsessive passion. H6. There is a positive relationship between calling and harmonious passion.

As mentioned in this section, I assume that people with callings have higher chances to develop an obsessive or harmonious passions towards their work. I also propose obsessive and harmonious passion as mediators between calling and job stress. The mediating role of obsessive and harmonious passion is further explained in the next section.

2.4.4 The mediating role of obsessive and harmonious passion

Despite the earlier mentioned connection between callings and the two types of passion, to the best of our knowledge research has not really examined the two types of passion as mediators. However, building on the existing literature, I suggest that obsessive and harmonious passion are mediators in the relationship between calling and job stress.

Scholars have considerable evidence for direct and indirect relationships between calling and employee’s wellbeing (Duffy & Dik, 2013). The extant literature also identifies obsessive and harmonious passion as a predictor of wellbeing related outcomes. Still, most available work does not investigate the relationship between calling and the two types of passion. The link between calling and passion is investigated among teachers (Serow, 1994). Many teachers see their work as their calling and are very passionate about it (Serow, 1994). However, teachers have been listed as one of the most stressful professions (Kyriacou, 2001). Scholars have developed increasingly interest examining how teachers experience higher levels of wellbeing from a professional lives while others experience their work as too absorbing and end up suffering (Nias, 1989; Crosswell & Elliott, 2004). Teachers have a higher chance to see their work as their passion. Yet, some of them may have developed an obsessive feeling for their work. They are emotionally dependent on the job. Instead of more job satisfaction and higher levels of wellbeing, these teachers experience higher levels of stress and have more conflicts with other non-work domains. On the contrary, teachers can also develop a more harmonious view against their work, which allows teachers to live memorable experiences. When this happens, teachers are more in harmony with their work and other factors in life. Consequently, teachers experience less stress and burnout symptoms, and higher level of wellbeing (Caprara, Barbaranelli, Borgogni & Steca, 2003; Farkas, Johnson, & Foleno, 2000;

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Carbonneau et al., 2008). Given the aforementioned theoretical explanation, the following hypotheses are proposed:

H7. Having a calling affects the level of stress indirectly through an increase in the level of obsessive passion.

H8. Harmonious passion mediates the relationship between calling and the level of stress. The mediation effect establish the role of obsessive and harmonious passion in the relation of calling on job stress. However, what happens when the work is changing? The conditions under which moderation occurs is further examined in the next section.

2.4.5 The interaction effect between the two types of passion and job stress

There is a lack of research on how work-related changes influence the level of stress for people with an obsessive or harmonious passion towards their work. However, I assume that people with an obsessive passion towards their work have more difficulties when the work is changing, especially when these changes threatens their identity. Someone with an obsessive passion generally experiences higher levels of stress (Vallerand, 2010). The effect between obsessive passion and job stress will be strengthened when these people are involved in changes that are threatening. A person with an obsessive passion shows often rigid behaviour and is more defensive to new information and experiences (Vallerand, 2010). Besides, obsessive passion is positively related to ego fragility under conditions of threat. People with an obsessive passion score high on neuroticism, which is an important determinant of job stress (Stephan et al., 2009). Those high on neuroticism experience more negative emotions, such as anger, impulsiveness, and vulnerability (Bono et al., 2002). The negative effects are more likely to take place when one’s sense of identity has been threatened (Rip et al., 2012; Donahue et al., 2009). As a result, these threats influence the relationship between obsessive passion and job stress.

In contrast with obsessive passion, harmonious passion is linked with contexts where individuals feel free to value the activity instead of feeling pressured (Rip et al., 2012). Harmonious passion promotes flexible involvementin a activity (Vallerand et al., 2010; Rip et al., 2006). Individuals with this type of passion are more in harmony, because of the ability to shape their identity in ways that secure it against self-identity threat (Steele, 1988; Steele, Spencer, & Aronson, 2002). People with a harmonious passion have a higher level of self-esteem (Deci & Ryan, 1995; Lafrenière, Bélanger, Sedikides & Vallerand, 2011). Besides, under conditions of threat, they react more peacefully and show less hostile behaviour than

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people with an obsessive passion (Rip et al., 2012; Donahue et al., 2009). I expect people with a harmonious passion to see changes more as a positive challenge when change is framed as an opportunity. People with a harmonious passion experience non-threatening changes with a more open perspective. Such people will encourage and contribute to job related changes. However, when changes are framed as threat they may have some struggle shaping who they are at work, which in turn lead to more stress. Building on the existing literature, the following hypotheses are proposed.

H9. The positive relationship between obsessive passion on job stress will be moderated, so that this relationship is stronger for people who experience change as threatening than for people who experience change as non-threatening.

H10. The negative relationship between harmonious passion on job stress will be moderated, so that this relationship is weaker for people who experience change as threatening than for people who experience change as non-threatening.

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2.5 The theoretical framework

This study extends previous work, by adopting a theoretical model that contributes to the current understanding of calling and its direct and indirect effects on job stress via harmonious passion and obsessive passion under conditions of change framed as threatening and change framed as non-threatening. The moderated mediation model is depicted in figure 1.

Figure 1. Conceptual model and the interrelationships

Frame of change: Threatening vs. Non-threatening Calling Harmonious passion Obsessive passion Job stress

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This section presents the method of the study. First, detailed information about the sample is given. Afterwards, the procedure and design of the study are discussed. The section ends with the instruments used to operationalize the different constructs.

3.1 Sample

3.1.1 Teachers

The population for this study are teachers working in The Netherlands1. There are multiple reasons why this particular occupation is included in the present study. Teachers are often associated with a strong identity and positive attitudes towards their work, such as commitment, motivation, and job satisfaction (Caprara et al., 2003; Carbonneau et al., 2008). For instance, many teachers see themselves as passionate hardworking professionals, who are highly motivated and have responded to their calling (Farkas et al., 2000). However, teachers have to deal with complex issues, such as student misbehaviour, a high workload, and a lack of support from the schoolboard (Ingersoll, 2001; Greenglass & Burke, 2003). Resulting in daily difficulties and high levels of stress (Wilhelm, Dewhurst-Savellis & Parker, 2000). It is therefore no surprise that teachers has been listed as one of the most stressful professions. At least 25% of the teachers report that teaching is a very stressful job (Kyriacou, 2001). In the Netherlands, one out of five teachers gets a burnout, which is way above the occupational average (Boonstra, 2016). Thus, despite the fact that many teachers find personal satisfaction in their work, teachers also report high levels of job stress (Chaplain, 2008; Schwarzer & Hallum, 2008; Carbonneau et al., 2008). In addition, teachers have undergone work-related changes within the sector, such as digitization of teaching methods. Being a teacher is a complex and demanding job and therefore an interesting topic for the present study and many other social studies.

3.1.2 Sample selection and final sample

There is no complete list of all cases in the population, therefore a non-probability convenience sample was used. The respondents were reached by different approaches: on individual level (e.g. Social Media) and on the group level (e.g. contacting schools/accountancy offices). Contact was made with multiple cases in the population, and these cases were asked to identify

1_{The data was collected among two occupational professions, accountants and teachers. However, the}

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further cases, and so on. This technique is also known as the snowball technique (Neuman, 2012). The aim was to collect data from at least 100 teachers, in the end 164 teachers filled out the complete survey.

The final sample consists of 164 respondents. However there were some missing values, in these cases the missing data were coded 999. The final sample includes 57 men and 103 women, which is respectively 36% and 64% of the respondents. Consistent with the results reflecting the Dutch population, more women work as teachers. This difference of women compared to men is mainly because of the high number of women working in the primary education (CBS, 2016). The age ranges from 21 to 67 years, with an average of 44 years, and a standard deviation of 13.33. Of the respondents 35% worked fulltime (more than 36 hours a week), which is lower than the actual share of teachers that work fulltime (42%) (CBS, 2016). The tenure varies from less than one year to 45 years, with an average tenure of 13 years. About 35% of the respondents worked as teacher in the primary education, 48% of the respondents worked in secondary education, 13% worked in the vocation or scientific education and the remaining 4% recently worked in the education sector.

3.2 Design and procedure

This Master thesis is part of a research project about work identity at the Leadership and Management department of the University of Amsterdam. The research project is developed with six other Master students and PhD candidate Hannah Berkers. The research is based on the combination of an experimental vignette study and survey study. This combination makes it possible to use controlled manipulation and gives an indication of the effects of the manipulation on other variables. A survey study is characterized by it high degree of external validity, because of its ‘claim of representativeness’ and the ‘multivalent measurements’ (Atzmüller & Steiner, 2010, p. 128). However, this type of research goes with low internal validity caused by the multicollinearity between variables. An experimental study is unique thanks to its high level of internal validity (Atzmüller & Steiner, 2010). It enables controlled intervention. Experimental vignettes are often used in social sciences in order to examine attitudes, beliefs, and intended behaviour (Atzmüller & Steiner, 2010). Another advantage of an experimental vignette study is that the combination of variables can be randomly assigned as long as they together reflect a comprehensive design of all variables. The last benefit is that experimental vignette study allows to compare different samples under certain conditions (Wilks, 2004).

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In the research project about work identity, the experimental vignette study contains the manipulation of change (i.e. non-identity related or identity related) and the way the change is framed (i.e. as opportunity or as threat)2. The experimental design and scenarios are presented in Appendix A. Each scenario consists of different vignettes, combining the manipulation of the type of change with the way the change is framed. There are multiple reasons why the experimental context is suitable in this research with the sample of Dutch teachers. The teaching sector has experienced a number of changes in recent history, which increased the study’s face validity. Hence, the vignettes closely mirrored real-life experiences. This study makes it possible to specify and control the conditions much more than in real-life field research. There are increasing number of changes and regulations, making the vignette experiment quite realistic in the teachers’ eyes (Atzmüller & Steiner, 2010). Additionally, education is a part of the political and public debate in the Netherlands.

The present study used short constructed stories as vignettes. Participants were asked to respond as if they were experiencing the situation that was described (Finch, 1987). Each vignette represented a hypothetical situation (Aguinis & Bradley, 2014). Every participant was randomly assigned to one (of the four) scenario. Most of the vignette studies in the social sciences used the same setup for randomly assigned vignettes. Randomly assignment has the benefit to ensure roughly equivalent spread of attributes across all groups (Atzmüller & Steiner, 2010). The vignettes in this study were made by PhD candidate Hannah Berkers, under supervision of Dr. Stefan Mol. To ensure the variation and reliability of the different scenarios the vignette were tested among teacher, accountants and 60 students from the Faculty of Economics and Business. The results of these pilots were used to revise and finalize the vignettes.

Respondents were invited via email to fill out the questionnaire. The questionnaires were available in Dutch, because the distribution was among Dutch teachers. The data collection started in mid-March 2017 until mid-April 2017. One bol.com voucher of €100,- was used as an incentive. Despite the fact that some participants gave their email address, the data was treated confidentially and only used for research purposes. Besides, the surveys were formally approved by the ethical commission of the Faculty of Economics and Business of the University of Amsterdam. The introduction of the questionnairepresented relevant information about the survey, including the length of the survey (approximately 20 minutes), procedural

2_{In the present study, only the frame of change is used for analysis and therefore relevant to discuss in this}

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information and ethical aspects. Before reading the vignette, respondents were asked to answer questions about their intentions and attitudes towards their work, the pre-manipulation measures. After reading the vignette, respondents were asked to answer questions consisting of manipulation checks, control variables (e.g. gender, age, tenure) and post-manipulation measures.

3.3 Measures

3.3.1. Explanation of the variables

The measurements and choices made regarding the measures are further explained in this section. The constructs are measured on a 5-point Likert scale, because a 7-point Likert scale would make the questionnaire too long. In addition, there is no standard for the points on scales

(Krosnick & Presser, 2010). Most researchers use 5-point or 7-point scales. A 5-point scale is commonly used in long questionnaires. However, to maximize validity and reliability, a 7-point scale would be preferable. This increases the potential that participants do make fine distinctions (Alwin, 1992). Still, this is only true if people do make use of the full scale, which often not occur with long questionnaires with long scales (Krosnick & Presser, 2010). Another adaption concerns the translations of the items. All items were translated into Dutch, using back-forth translation. Some items were adapted and shortened from the extant literature, so that these were aligned with the scenarios.More detailed information about the scales are given in Appendix B and C.

Threatening versus non-threatening is a binary variable that indicates how the change is framed, as threat or as opportunity (non-threatening). Of the respondents 80 received a scenario where the change was framed as non-threatening and 84 respondents received a scenario where the change was framed as threatening. The manipulation was processed in the vignettes of the different scenarios. The scenarios where change is framed as threat contain information about a threatening situation that could occur. The threatening situation describes the urgency for teachers to cooperate in the change. Otherwise they would become redundant and outdated. Even without the cooperation of teachers, the change – integrating technology in education – would be continued. Another element of the manipulation is the sense of urgency; by pointing out the relevancy to stay in business in the continuously changing environment. The remaining vignettes include the situation where change is framed as non-threatening. In these scenarios the change is described as opportunity for teachers to play a leading role during the change. Teachers could broaden their horizons and accomplish a valuable position in the long run. A

Do people who see their work as a central part of who they are have more difficulties when their identity is threatened?