A fish trader’s journey : the scene and the practices of women fish traders organising the artisanal marine fish value chain in Ghana

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A fish trader’s journey

The scene and the practices of women fish traders

organising the artisanal marine fish value chain in

Ghana

Master Thesis Environmental Geography

Student: Joel Boele (10254536)

Supervisor: Joeri Scholtens

2

nd

reader: Eric Chu

Date: June 2016

Textbox 1

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Abstract

This research covers a qualitative analysis of the artisanal marine fish value chain in Ghana and how women fish traders, are organizing the trade, of mainly processed fish, from landing site to the consumer. During a two month fieldwork fishmongers are interviewed in their fishing communities and fish traders as they sell fish at the

markets in Accra, the capital, and Kumasi, the second largest city in the country. First, the main actors, facilitators and context of the fish value chain is explored and qualitatively described, according to both primary and secondary data. Second, the role of women in the fish value chain is described according to the different ways women are connected to the fishermen. Third, the distribution patterns in Ghana of fish trade are mapped to examine whereto fish is traded, from landing site to markets in Ghana. Women trader are the main actors distributing fish in the country, which allows physical access to fish for the Ghanaian population, contributing to direct food security.

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1. Introduction

1.1 Artisanal marine fisheries

This thesis aims to develop a deep understanding of the fish trade practices in the artisanal marine fisheries in Ghana. The activities that come about after production and before consumption of the fish are qualitatively researched. According to a research that measures the importance of the fisheries sector based on its

contribution to a country’s national diet, employment and GDP, Ghana is one of the most fish dependent countries in the world (Barange et al., 2014). Forty-five per cent of the fish sold at the market in Ghana is produced in the Western Region of the country, mainly distributed to the domestic market in the form of smoked fish (Gordon, Pulis, & Owusu-Adjei, 2011).

Different papers suggest that the fishery sector in Ghana is in crisis, due to a stagnating catch and a growing population (Béné & Heck, 2005; FAO, 2012;

Campling & Havice, 2014). However the sector is of massive importance it has a huge potential to develop itself more extensively, while being a cheap and nutritious source of food (Thorpe, Reid, Anrooy, & Brugere, 2004; Béné et al., 2016; Kooiman, Bavinck, Jentoft, & Pullin, 2005).

Globally, capture fisheries show a negative trend since the 1990s due to three related components that interact at the same time; first, the collapse of the fish stocks throughout the world, secondly, overcapacity (one of the causes of the first

component, due to the increased amount of vessels and fishermen), and thirdly, bad management of the sector (Kooiman et al., 2005).

Small scale fishing practices play an important role in the daily lives of fishing communities, as they facilitate employment throughout the whole fish value chain, while ensuring local access to food. (Failler, Beyens, & Asiedu, 2014; Béné et al., 2016). It is not only a sector to generate income, it is the way of life in the fishing villages (Ommer, 1999); fishing and the allied activities define the lives in these communities and the social structures (Thompson, Wailey & Lummis 1983). As fishing practices are locally influenced and originated, they may differ throughout fishing communities in different countries and landing sites (Johnson & Bavinck, 2010). The Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO) (n.d.b) defines artisanal fisheries as following:

traditional fisheries involving fishing households (as opposed to commercial companies), using relatively small amount of capital and energy, relatively small fishing vessels (if any), making short fishing trips, close to shore, mainly

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for local consumption. In practice, definition varies between countries, e.g. from gleaning or a one-man canoe in poor developing countries, to more than 20-m. trawlers, seiners, or long-liners in developed ones. Artisanal fisheries can be subsistence or commercial fisheries, providing for local consumption or export. They are sometimes referred to as small-scale fisheries. (FAO, n.d.b,

p. 1).

Small scale and artisanal fisheries in this research represent the same, as the focus is on fish caught by traditional means on small vessels (FAO, n.d.b). Hereafter the sector will be referred to as artisanal fishing sector.

As these fishing communities depend on fishing extensively, they are very vulnerable to changes within the sector. Development of the fishing sector should not be at the cost of these vulnerable households, but rather, focus on sustaining their livelihood, to enhance their food security and sustain their access to natural

resources- while these may even further deplete due to overexploitation and climate change (Béné & Heck, 2005). Fish can contribute to food security and poverty reduction, just as it may increase economic growth and nutrition (Béné et al., 2016).

Trade is hereby very important as it facilitates fish to go from landing site to consumer and generates large amount of employment possibilities, accounting for both the indirect and the direct food security (Gordon et al., 2011). It assess these processes through the lens of the local community to draw conclusions on the importance of the artisanal fisheries. Due to the extensive amount of people

participating in the artisanal sector, small scale fishing practices are conducted on a large scale, which is incredibly important for the local fishing communities.

The WorldFish Center and the Integrated Coastal and Fisheries Governance team worked together to assess the value chain of smoked marine fish from the Western Region in Ghana. The program contributes to the following vision:

“Ghana’s coastal and marine ecosystems are sustainably managed to provide goods

and services that generate long-term socio-economic benefits to communities while sustaining biodiversity.“ (Gordon, Pulis, & Owusu-Adjei, 2011, p. 6).

1.2 Research Objectives and questions

This thesis explores the artisanal marine fish value chain through the perspective of women fish traders in Ghana. The focus of this research is on the entire fish value chain from where the fish is landed until it is bought at the market by its final

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different actors in the fish value chain, the second is to understand the role of women traders, and the third, is to analyse how fish trade contributes to food security as it is distributed in the country. The research will be conducted on village level in Greater Accra and Western Region of Ghana. The market level research will be conducted on four markets in Kumasi and Accra.

The main research question is as follows:

How do women traders in Ghana organise the artisanal marine fish value chain in order to distribute fish from landing site to consumer?

In accordance with the research objectives the following sub questions are used to guide this research:

Who are the different actors organising the artisanal marine fish value chain? What is the role of women traders in the artisanal fish value chain?

How do spatial distribution patterns of fish trade contribute to food security in Ghana?

In order to answer these questions, qualitative and spatial research is conducted, therefore the research questions are open ended as they aim to describe a phenomenon: traders in the artisanal marine fish value chain in Ghana.

1.3 Relevance

This research aims to understand the actions conducted after fish is caught and how these actions are influenced by local factors. Different papers asses fish value chains and look at different scales of fisheries, but less attention is given to the artisanal fish value chain (Failler et al., 2014). Fishing practices and landing activities have been studied extensively, however, the low-price fish value chains, including a the traders and processers conducting a range of activities, are given a lot less attention (Failler et al., 2014). Understanding a low-price fish value chain in Ghana, may contribute to the recent debates on management of fisheries for food security (Kooiman et al., 2005; Degnbol et al., 2006). Recent studies claim that fisheries are in crisis, while they play a major role for the indirect and direct food security of developing countries (Campling & Havice, 2014; Kooiman et al., 2005). Literature tends to focus on efficiency, profitability or new management techniques. Other value chain

assessments focus mainly on tilapia, tuna or industrially smoked fish (Failler et al., 2014; Béné et al., 2016). Less attention is given to the artisanal scale fisheries the

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low-price fish value chains, which are most relevant from a food security perspective (Kooiman et al., 2005; Lem, Bjorndal, & Child, 2012).

Therefore, it is necessary to understand the importance of the artisanal fish sector and its participants. The fishing sector is subjected to changes influencing satisfaction and attitudes of the different actors in the sector. It is important to look at fisheries as a social identity shaping the social and cultural lives of participants of the fishing sector, rather than through the conventional economic lens (Weeratunge, Snyder, & Sze, 2013).

A value chain analysis identifies the potential of the sector to increase the value of the product, and discusses the ways in which such a product could be

improved or made more efficient within the chain. A lot of information exists on fishing practices on sea and at the beach landing sites, information gathered from fishermen and governmental officials (Gordon et al., 2011). Actors further into the chain, as fish is traded to the markets, are given less attention. Papers looking at value chains assess a wide variety of academic literature, but lack the information of local actors. This research aims to focus on the opinions of local informants and actors to

qualitatively describe the importance of fish in the daily lives of fish value chain participants.

1.4 Thesis outline

In order to create a framework for analysis, this thesis will start with a theoretical framework. The first part of the chapter will focus on fish value chains, the second part on gender division of labour in fisheries. The third chapter will explore the fishing sector in Ghana according to secondary data, to give some background information about Ghana itself and the main fishing practices. The fourth chapter covers the methodology, explaining the methods used, the research area and how fieldwork is conducted. The fifth, sixth and

seventh chapter analyse both primary data and secondary data, and all aim to answer one of the sub questions as posed above. Finally the eight chapter will discuss results, limitations and recommendations for further research.

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2. Theoretical framework

2.1 The fish value chain

The fish value chain describes the value-adding activities converting inputs into outputs, and how the value chain is constructed is entirely dependent on the country and region (De Silva, 2011). The fish value chain is a highly integrated system of production and marketing that includes working practices as well as rich and deep relationships between the actors along the value chain (Overa, 1992). Although there is no value chain without its supply chain, these are both interchangeably used. This part will first explain the differences between the supply and the value chain.

The supply chain only covers the network of businesses in which products move from production to consumption, focussing on efficiency and logistics to market the products. Supply chains therefore focus on profits, and maximizing them. One of the tools is cutting down the links in the chain (Bjorndal, Child, & Lem, 2014). A value chain can be seen as a further developed supply chain, as it aims to provide mutual benefits for all the actors in the chain. It ads value or creates value, through increased prices and expanding markets. The value chain therefore includes production, transport, market information and management. The final product at the end of the value chain satisfies a certain demand at a certain time in a certain place (KIT, Agri-ProFocus & IIRR, 2012). Kaplinsky and Morris (2002, p.4) define the fish value chain as :

The full range of activities which are required to bring a product or service from conception, through the different phases of production (involving a combination of physical transformation and the input of various producer services), delivery to final consumers and final disposal after use.

In other words; the system of production, processing and marketing from start to final

product. As the product proceeds in the chain, its value increases, it becomes more attractive and accessible to its consumers, whilst simultaneously, investments are also increasing, and the costs accumulate. (KIT et al., 2012).

When looking at value chains in a systematic way, actors, supporters and a chain’s context can be distinguished (Agri-ProFocus & IIRR, 2012). Supporters provide services for the main actors of the chain, these can be individuals as well as organizations. Together they work in the chain context, which facilitates the performance of a value chain. (KIT, et al., 2012). Context of the fish value chain in Ghana will be further explained in the next chapter.

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Figure 2 Theories and system of value chain (from Nunoo, Asiedu, Amador, Belhabib, & Pualy., 2014)

As shown in the figure above (figure 2), different activities and inputs are necessary to facilitate the actors of the chain. The efficiency and performance of the fish value chain is influenced by its context. These include policies, infrastructure, financial services and climate. While these factors do not influence the final product, they influence how the value chain operates. (Kaplinksy & Morris, 2002). The Main actors who consist of the producers, sellers and the buyers, of course, directly influence the product, considering they are actual owners of the product at a certain stage (KIT & IIRR, 2010). The chain supporters usually operate around the chain actors; supporters may provide financial services, such as lending money, or selling on credit, but also provide non financial services, which could include labour on site or transportation assistance. For example, If a processor smokes the fish for a fee, she is a chain supporter instead of a chain actor. The value of the product increases due to processing or transport in order to make it more suitable for its final consumer (KIT & IIRR, 2010). Analysing a value chain emphasizes how activities are carried out, how this creates value along the chain and how this is shared between the different participants (Kaplinksy & Morris, 2002). This systematic approach to value chains will be used to analyse the artisanal fish value chain in Ghana. This requires identifying the different actors, the connections between the actors, the information they share and how their relationships are developed (Making Markets Work Better for the Poor (M4P), 2008). Gordon et al discusses the ways in which value chains are “usually characterised by repetitive interactions and certain amount of organisation linked to

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this” (Gordon et al., 2011, p.26). A value chain is organised through governance and power relations within the chain (Gordon et al., 2011). Value added to the fish as it follows the chains of the fish value, can be seen as added effort to an open access resource. It is important to assure that the added value will return in benefits (FASDP, 2011).

When looking at the fish value chain and the local economy it facilitates, it is not only important to note the huge amount of people involved directly, but also those involved in the related activities and to which extent it is a driver of other activities (Gordon et al., 2011). Supply and demand are important drivers of the fish value chain, the following part will discuss their most important governors. These are to a great extent influenced by the context wherein a fish value chain operates.

2.1.1 Demand

Global fish demand increased significantly during the last four decades (FAO, 2012). Demand throughout the world differs due to the geographical availability of fish species, the different methods of fishing applied and the way actors operate in the fish value chain. Nowadays, due to globalisation, fish products may travel further, and pressure on fish stocks and the fish value chain may increase due to increased export rates. The demand of fish typically grows due to an increased population. Locally food habits are influenced by ethnicity, different socio-cultural values and religious influenced diets. (De Silva & Yamao, 2006; De Silva, 2011). Other important drivers of demand are price and quality of the fish, the convenience of the product, the seasonality, variety of supply, nutrition, food safety and hygiene (DeSilva & Yamao, 2006).

Recently technology is having a huge influence on fish demand, as buyers and consumers can contact their suppliers and get market information. Improved transportation decreases transport time and increases the quality of a fish produce when it reaches the market. Inputs as transport and labour are adding value, but also have certain price. It depends on the buyers and their demand if they are willing to pay this price (DeSilva & Yamao, 2006; DeSilva, 2011; Gordon et al., 2011).

2.1.2 Supply

Supply here is defined as the fish supply by the fishermen. The supply of fish does not only affect the availability of a product at the market, supply also has major impacts on the value chain actors, the price and therefore the demand. Many different factors influence the fish supply, as seasonality, climate, demographic factors, economic status, fuel prices and policies. Demographics influence the availability of labour in order to generate the supply, while climate defines the circumstances wherein one is operating to create a certain supply,

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whereas policy guides the fishing practices. Finally, the economic state of a country or landing site may influence the facilitations and infrastructure of the supplying area (Silva & Yamao, 2006).

Supply chains differ between countries, due to socio-economic aspects, environmental setting and cultural aspects. Fish species differ per location, as well as

harvesting practices, and the length and complexity of a supply change varies per country or location, depending on the distance a fish may travel and if it is exported or not (Gordon et al., 2011).

2.2 Gender division of labour in the fishing sector

According to the FAO (n.d.a), 80% of fish in Western Africa is marketed by women, in

processing factories in India 60% per cent of the workers are women, and in Vietnam 80% of work in aquaculture is done by women.

Around 54.8 million people are operating in capture fisheries and aquaculture worldwide, and three times as many participate in downstream and upstream activities. Women account for half of the global fisheries’ labour force within the pre- and post-harvest sectors. Over 90 per cent of capture fisheries labourers are employed in small scale fisheries around the world. The small scale sector accounts for almost half of the global fish production and is the main supplier of fish for the developing world. It is especially these small scale fisheries in which women play an important role (FAO, 2012).

The capture of fish is mainly a male domain, and women depend largely on the supply of fishermen to conduct their work (FAO, 2012). Women working in the fisheries sector often lack access to credit or resources, have less influence on policy and decision making and receive less marketing information or training (FAO, n.d.a; Bennett, 2005). Next to this, women are labelled less flexible, due to their domestic tasks and reproductive

responsibilities (Kent & Simon, 2003). In the fishing community women are the caretakers of the family and maintain social networks. Women may also work in non-fishery sectors, and supplement the household income of a family depending on fisheries (Weeratunge et al., 2010). Although the role of women and their responsibilities are evolving, much of their contribution remains unvalued. (FAO, n.d.a; Bennett, 2005). Due to the gender division of labour, experiences and expectations of women and men differ in the fishery sector; women and men have different specialisations and knowledge about different parts of the fish value chain. To what extent this happens, depends not only on the country or the level of

urbanisation e.g., but also varies between women, as they differ in age, ethnicity or culture (Kent & Simon, 2003; Weeratunge et al., 2010).

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Men dominate the fishing sector around the world, however in countries such as Ghana and Senegal, women may have direct power over fishing practices. These are powerful women fish traders that finance vessels and fishing operations, and therefore perform as financers of the sector. As fisheries are changing and fishing sectors in developing countries are evolving, women and men are affected differently, and power relations between then are modified (Grafton, Hilborn, Squires, Tait, & Williams, 2010). Nowadays the understanding that women have less access to resources, makes some women form groups or associations to deal together with constraints they face. However these groups are usually small and operate on a local basis (Kent & Simon, 2003). Recently, the participation of women in the sector has increased and thus their roles have changed; not only have women created more awareness through voicing their own concerns as workers in the sector, they have also been discussing the quality of life in fishing communities, lack of access to sanitation, education and health facilities (wif.icsf.net/).

Although the important roles of women in the sector have been recently recognized, this is hardly ever reflected in data. What is known and documented is the range of activities women are engaged in in fishing communities around the world (Weeratunge et al., 2010).

Broad documentation and specified data on women’s roles are not prevalent. Bennett (2005) identifies three factors causing this gap: first, the focus is usually on the production side of the sector, since the main political agenda’s tend to focus on the problems due to over-exploitation and targets of production. Secondly, research that aims to be gender-neutral, fails to include the influence of women giving birth. And thirdly, the aggregation of fishery data with agricultural data, lacks the desegregation of data on gender in this field (Bennett, 2005).

However, without women and their practices, the production side of the chain would be a malfunction. Women process and market the fish of the small scale sector on a large scale, directly catering food that is in inexpensive but high in animal proteins, especially for poorer households (Kent & Simon, 2003). Therefore, it is important to give more attention to women in fishery management and asses their contributions. (Bennett, 2005). Indeed, women facilitate the distribution of fish through trading fish onto different markets, and create

physical access to food for the local population. Food security as defined by the 1996 World Food Summit: “ Food security exists when all people, at all times, have physical and

economic access to sufficient safe and nutritious food that meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life”. This can be divided in four dimensions: the

physical availability of food, the economic and physical access to food, food utilization and the stability of these three over time (HPLE, 2014, p. 23). The focus within this research will be on the physical access to food as facilitated by the markets in Ghana.

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3. The fishing sector in Ghana

3.1 Fish for food security

Ghana, being a county of 27 million (http://data.worldbank.org/country/ghana) has a fast growing population to feed. Population growth is one of main drivers of an increased demand for fish (De Silva, 2011). The fishing sector accounted for 7 per cent of Ghana's agricultural GDP and 1.7 per cent of the national GDP in 2011 (Kassam, 2014). Fisheries in Ghana generate US$ 1 billion per year, a contribution of 4.5 per cent to Ghana’s total GDP. Fish, being the cheapest and preferred source of animal proteins (Failler et al., 2014), accounts for over 63 % of animal proteins intake in Ghana (Béné et al., 2005; Failler, 2014). Fish can be a ‘rich food to poor consumers’, especially low price fish, which is of great importance for many developing countries. Not only now, but especially for its future generations (Béné & Heck, 2005; Béné et al. 2016).

The fishing sector in Ghana depends on resources from marine, inland and aquaculture fisheries, the first being the biggest and most important one, due to Ghana’s geographical location. Ghana is located in Western Africa along the Gulf of Guinea (See figure 3), having a coastline of about 559 km long, with an Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) of 200 maritime miles1 (Kassam, 2014). The capital of Ghana is Accra, located on the coast in the center (see figure 3 ), while its second biggest city is Kumasi located in the south, more to the middle of the country, this city is by locals often referred to as the center of the country (personal communication, May 2006). Ghana is divided in 10 different regions. Accra is located in the Greater Accra Region and Kumasi in the Ashanti Region.

1

1 nautical mile is 1852 meters

Regions of Ghana (Ghanaweb.com)

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A significant part of the population is employed in the fishing sector (Béné & Heck, 2005), an estimated 370.000 fishermen, processers, traders and boat builders work in the fishing sector, which constitutes the direct source of livelihood for 2.2 million people (Failler et al., 2014; FASDP, 2011).

The inland fisheries, located on lakes, rivers and reservoirs are completely artisanal. Fish from inland fisheries is usually more expensive, which are usually larger species and take longer to transport to the main markets. Aquaculture is slowly making its way into the fishing industry of Ghana, but only accounts for a small percentage of the present fish production (FASDP, 2011) (See figure 4). The marine sector on the other hand is to be divided in the industrial/deep sea, tuna, semi-industrial/inshore and small scale artisanal sector (Failler et al., 2014; FAO, n.d.b). The latter is mainly rural in character as it is dominated by artisanal fishers (Failler et al., 2014). Ghana is an important fish exporter operationalized by industrial fisheries, but in total the country is a net fish importer to supplement the extensive domestic fish demand (Failler et al., 2014).

Figure 4 shows the division of volumes of fish per part of the fish value chain: production, processing, transportation and market. What stands out of this figure is the relative importance of the marine domestic artisanal fish production in both the Ghanaian EEZ and other EEZ2, with a total production of 260.000 tonnes per year. The fish is then processed by local fish mongers, who process and distribute the 260.000 tonnes of marine fish. This is transported locally and finds both national markets as neighbouring countries. All fish production in Ghana accounts together for 622.000 tonnes of fish for Ghana and its neighbouring countries, 42 % of this fish comes from the artisanal domestic marine capture fisheries according to this figure3. Which underlines the importance of the artisanal fishery sector in Ghana (Failler et al., 2014). The domestic production, the processing done by the local fish mongers, the local means of transportation and the national market constitute the main scope of this thesis (See colored squares in figure 4).

2_{EEZ of the neighbouring countries as Togo, Benin or Cote d’Ivore} 3

22.000 + 600.000 = 622.000 at final market in Ghana and neighbouring countries. 260.000 from artisanal marine production.

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Figure 4 Volume of fish in tonnes from production to market, colours indicate the actors of focus within this research (Failler et al., 2014).

Due to low catches from traditional fisheries and a fast growing population, huge amounts of fish is imported to close the gap (Onumah & Acquah, 2010), the past 20 years show a major increase of imports, Ghana being the 3rd largest global importer of volume low value frozen pelagic blocks (Gordon et al., 2011). Aquaculture is seen as a solution to increase Ghana’s fish production, and is an important strategy for the government of Ghana to bridge the demand-supply gap in Ghana and increase export. Although finance and subsidisation of the sector have been prevalent since 1980s, no technological

improvements or boost of production are experienced (Onumah & Acquah, 2010). Artisanal

marine fish production

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Different papers suggest that the fishing sector in Ghana should develop itself more extensively, as it can contribute to its economy, and fish is a cheap nutritious source of food (Thorpe et al., 2004; Béné et al., 2016). Especially in poorer households, pelagic fishes (sardines, anchovies e.g.) are well consumed. These species account for the low-price fishes (Béné & Heck, 2005; Béné et al. 2016; Torpe et al., 2004; FAO, n.d.b; Failler et al., 2014). The focus within this research is on the small scale artisanal caught low-price fish and the value chain, as it employs a huge amount of people and is a major source for both indirect food security and direct food security (Béné & Heck, 2005).

Results from researches around the world claim that the fishing sector is in crisis as fish stocks are depleting, the catch stagnating and population rocketing. Next to this the fishing environment is under pressure, due to climate change, overfishing and pollution. This, in result can cause implications for food security (Thorpe et al., 2004; Béné et al., 2016). Development of the fishing sector should not be at the cost of poorer households, being the most vulnerable to these changes, but enhance their food security (Béné & Heck, 2005; FAO, n.d.b). Fish, sometimes being the only affordable or accessible animal protein (Béné & Heck, 2005), plays an important role for food security and poverty alleviation of poorer households, facilitating economic growth and improvement of nutrition (Béné et al., 2016). Fish is not only important for the direct food security, it is also a very important source of indirect food security, through wages and employment in the processing and trade sectors of the fish value chain (Béné & Heck, 2005). Fish trade is very important as a source of

employment, as for women in the fishing villages it is usually one of the few opportunities for employment. Also further into the country fish needs to be traded, for many people outside the fishing communities fish trade can also facilitate employment (Failler et al., 2014; Béné et al., 2016).

Food security will be researched indirectly in this thesis as this research describes how fish is traded to its consumer, but does asses access or availability of food directly (Failler et al., 2014; Béné et al., 2016). In facilitating its important role direct and indirectly for food security, traders in the small scale fishing sector in Ghana encounters several problems. Food security is partly dependable on the distribution of the fish production. Distributional issues may also cause implications for the economic development of the fish value chain, influencing indirect food security (HPLE, 2014).

3.2 The artisanal marine fishing sector

3.2.1 Production

The artisanal fish chain is a small scale, low value, fish chain. Artisanal fishing practices are characteristic in the use of certain gears, operated from wooded dug-out canoes, differing in size. Gears can be as simple as hook and line, but beach and normal seine nets are also

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used, as set nets and drifting gillnets (Failler et al., 2014).

The marine fish sector in Ghana, is dominated by a significant amount of artisanal fisheries. A chain of activities is involved to get a fish from the sea to the market, starting with the inputs of fishermen. Fishermen purchase canoes, nets and petrol, to organize their fishing trips and supply the fish to the landing site. On every boat a number of fishers is employed, depending on the size, crew members can range between 2 up to 30. Profits are shared between the crew members, with a larger share for the boat owners (Gordon et al., 2011). An artisanal fisher uses many different inputs to catch fish, due to the cultural and ethnic inclusiveness of the practices, the artisanal fish practices did not change extensively over the years (FAO, 2012). Fish is landed on about 334 beaches, around 195 fishing

villages, by more than 13.000 dug-out canoes, operated by 140.000 fishers (according to the 2013 Census) (Failler et al., 2014).

Ghanaian maritime fishers depend on the seasonal coastal upwelling, generated by the oceanography of the Gulf of Guinea. The major upwelling is between July and

September (3 months) and a minor upwelling in December and March for about three weeks. (Failler et al., 2014; Gordon et al., 2011). The lean season is most existent from April through June (Teutscher, 1990). The upwelling in the main season significantly increases the fish production, especially for small pelagic species, as sardinellas (Gordon et al., 2011). As shown in figure 5 below, the main species caught in Ghana are sardinella, anchovy, mackerels and buritto (Failler et al., 2014). Sardinella, both round and flat, are most commonly caught. Tuna, red fish, sea bream and cassava fish are also caught. Less frequently fishers catch swordfish and marlin (Gordon et al., 2011).

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Name Local Name Picture Size (Mean in cm at maturity) Usually consumed Round Sardinella Eban Kankama 14,4 Smoked, fresh

Anchovy Bornu, Keta

schoolboys

9,7 Smoked,

dried

Mackerel Tuna 26,1 Smoked

Burrito / Grunt

? 25 Rotten,

Dried

Figure 5 Four main marine fish species Ghana according to Failler et al. (2014). (based on fishbase.se, retrieved June 2016)

Despite its strong seasonality, the marine capture fisheries account for 73% of the total annual fish production (Failler et al., 2014). Due to the upwelling system, the amount of pelagic species may fluctuate significantly between the years, records show years of near collapse of the sardinella catch (e.g. 1978), whereas some years are known to be

remarkable sardinella years (e.g. 1992) (FAO, n.d.b). Variations are reflective to

environmental variability, exacerbated by the increasing pressure of the fishing sector, due to climate change and overexploitation (Rykaczewski & Checkley, 2008).

Most fishers fish daily, with one rest day per week, which is Tuesday in most places, especially in the small fishing communities. During the low season, fishers may not go fishing at all, since the costs of a fishing trip won’t be covered by the profit of the small catches (Gordon et al., 2011).The Ghanaian Ministry of Fisheries and Aquaculture Development estimated the number of canoes operating in 2007 at 12.000, harvesting the same volume of fish as in 1990 with only 8000 canoes operating, see figure 6. According to the Ghanaian Ministry canoes are operating below their potential harvesting capacity, as the catch rates per canoes have dropped by one third over the last decades. Between 1990 and 2015 the fleet increased from 8000 canoes to over 11000 canoes, accounting for 254.000 Mt of fish catch. The maximum sustainable yield is estimated at 239.912 Mt annually. An amount

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acquiring only 9000 artisanal canoes (MOFAD, 2015). There are now more vessels, but the amount of fish caught by the artisanal sector is going down (FASDP, 2011).

Figure 6 Rates of catch and canoes 1987-2007 (From FASDP, 2011)

The efforts for artisanal fishing have increased, but the catch per unit of harvesting effort is declining (see figure 6), this has been of major concern for the Department of Fisheries. Due to the deeply rooted pelagic fishing practices and the upwelling system, the Ghanaian fishing sector did not collapse, second the inefficiency of the harvesting sector is very low, due to the lack of facilities causes catches to stay relatively low per vessel (FASDP, 2011). The ministry of fisheries and aquaculture development fisheries commission (2015) documents an even further decrease in pelagic marine fish landings, while artisanal vessels are still estimated around 12.000. The costs to catch fish and manage the sector is

exceeding the profits they return, due to the lack of investments in managing the sector and the increased amount of vessels catching fish in the Ghanaian waters. The last ten years the income of each canoe in the small scale marine fisheries has dropped by 40 %. Creating a situation whereby there is little money left to invest, money to improve the quality of the catch and the gear (vessels, nets) used. This in result causes fishing communities to get poorer, and their profits to decrease even more, since they lose capital to invest in the sector (FASDP, 2011).

3.2.2 Fish consumption

Fish in Ghana, is sold fresh, dried, semi-dried, salted, fried, fermented and smoked, smoked fish is the most consumed, due to its preferred flavour, species as mackerel, sardinella and tuna are consumed as a delicacy when smoked (Failler et al., 2014). Smoked fish is mainly bought at the regional markets, where the supply is well managed and surpluses kept as low as possible. Large suppliers will divide the marketing of their supply over different days, which is easy to manage with smoked fish, as its quality can be preserved for a while (Gordon et al., 2011). The consumption of, in particular fresh fish, increases significantly

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during the main fishing season especially in villages close to the coast. In the low season fish is mostly smoked sold, when only small amounts of fish can be bought at the landing side at the beach or from the cold stores, so traders and processors intent to stock up the fish supply (FAO, 2004).

Smoked marine fish is most prevalent in the Western Region, being the main supplier for the domestic market, as the demand is very high. Covering 30% of the Ghanaian

coastline, but only 10% of Ghana’s population, this region produces fish for the whole country and beyond. Final markets of importance are Kumasi and Accra, however once fish is processed, it can also be traded anywhere in the county. Most of the fish caught in the Western Region will enter the fish value chain processed, mainly smoked (Gordon et al., 2011).

3.3 Unsustainable fishing practices

Due to a decreased fish catch, profits of fishermen and the actors further in the chain declined, as their supplies became less. Fishermen, in order to boost their catch, and to be able to land fish also in the lean season, increased the use of illegal fishing practices. Illegal unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing consist of three components. Firstly illegal fishing using illegal fishing practices. Secondly unreported fish, which is catch that is misreported or not reported at all. And third unregulated practices conducted by unlicensed vessels (Falaye, 2008). One of the popular methods of IUU fishing is SAIKO fishing, a practice whereby artisanal canoes without nets go to the deep sea to buy frozen by-catch from large trawlers. This is a very lucrative and assure business, practised extensively at the Greater Accra, Western and Central Regions of Ghana. The by-catch of these large trawlers mainly consist of juveniles (Asare, 2015).

The biggest problem fighting IUU fishing is due to weak enforcement, due to

inadequate personnel, poor logistics, lack of education, political inference and greed, other contributing factors to illegal fishing practices are overfishing and overcapacity. In the end the poverty of the fishing communities increased, which makes it even more appealing for fishing communities to apply illegal activities. Because at the same time the demand for fish is increasing, while SAIKO fishing makes harvests for fishermen secure, accompanied with the perceived legitimacy of this activity, make fishermen unaware of the unsustainable and damage of this activity to the marine fish environment. Effects of IUU fishing and Saiko will eventually destroy the livelihood of the artisanal fish community, who lack alternative sources of income. The main problem however is that especially juveniles are target of the illegal fishing practices, causing the spawning population decrease, which causes as decline in

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sardinellas during the upwelling season (Asare, 2015). Asare (2015) identifies different ways of addressing the illegal practices. For starters fisheries enforcements should be

strengthened. IUU prevention should be implemented and vessels and their catch monitored. To accomplish this it is important to include traditional fishing authorities and co-manage the fish resources. Next to this the public education on preserving marine resources should be improved as well as information on IUU fishing. Finally the surveillance at sea needs to be increased to enforce the law and control and surveillance the sea (Asare, 2015).

The Ghanaian government in cooperation with foreign agencies developed different programs to deal with the alarming status of its fishing sector and the fishing environment. The government of Ghana aims to implement a management plan for its fisheries that ensures sustainable conservation and improve food safety. This consists of five different components: rebuilding fish stocks, creating employment, improving food security, increasing GDP and foreign exchange, to decrease the pressure on fish stocks and make the fish catch practices sustainable. Next to this, legislation should be effective and well implemented, therefore participatory decision making should be encouraged. Finally, international and local regulations should be met. Most important is the protection of the spawning areas of the Ghanaian fish stocks (MOFAD, 2015). The main vision is to manage Ghana’s fishing

ecosystems to provide goods and services that generate long-term socio-economic benefits and sustain biodiversity of these ecosystems (Gordon et al., 2011).

A five year plan written by the Ghanaian government (The Republic of Ghana

Fisheries and Aquaculture Sector Development Plan) assumes that the artisanal small scale canoe fishing sector remains at the heart of the fishing sector in Ghana. This plan also reports the alarming decrease in profits of the marine fishing sector, making the current contributions of the sector to the country’s GDP are very unsustainable, which may increase poverty and decline of profits in fisheries allying sectors (FASDP, 2011). The recent plan (2015-2019) reports five main management issues. First, the increased amount of fishing practices, second, inadequate information on fish stock and the marine environment, third the weak enforcement of regulations and the insufficiency of these regulations, fourth the lack of protection of the marine fishing environment and fifth the unsuitable procedures certifying the export of fish (MOFAD, 2015).

As the fishing sector assures food security and poverty reduction, the sector should be sustainable and operate within environmental boundaries (FASDP, 2011). In order to sustain the fishing sector in Ghana it is important to manage the fishing activities effectively. Different components should be included; legislation and regulations should be implemented, organisations should be established, and laws enforced. Next to this, these organisations should develop operational plans and should be able to implement these. On the other hand information on fishermen, catch and trends should be gathered, while at the same time

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fishing communities should be in support of the organizations. In order to create this, there should be an on going process of development and revision of the organizations and the enforcement of the laws (FASDP, 2011). However management of fisheries is only

effectively when supported by the fishing community, therefore implementers of the law and regulations should understand the processes that come about in fishing and the sustainability of this (FASDP, 2011).

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4. Methodology

The methods used in this research aim to collect rich and deep qualitative data on fish trade. My aim was to understand how the fish value chain works and the way they conduct their activities and why. The methodology was selected based on the three objectives of this research. First to explore the actors and the context of the artisanal fish value chain in Ghana. Second to understand the role of women within this value chain and to secure food security. And third to map the spatial distribution patterns of fish. First the research strategies will be noted, followed by the second part explaining how data was collected. The third part will describe the research area and the sample for this research. The fourth part how data is analysed. And the fifth part will describe the events of fieldwork.

4.1 Research strategy

My unit of analysis during this research are the fish traders in the artisanal fish value chain in Ghana. In order to get an understanding of the fish trading activities

qualitative research is conducted. Fish traders are analysed and questioned as they are in their fishing community or at the market to sell their fish. In order to create a very detailed narrative, the setting wherein fish is traded is both observed and discussed with the local fish traders. Not only does this research describe the fish trade processes, it also aims to describe how these work and why in this way.

Therefore this is an explorative and descriptive qualitative research, focussing on the interpretations of the respondent (Bryman, 2012). Finally to assess the importance of small scale artisanal fisheries for fishing communities and the economic, social and environmental impacts.

This qualitative research aims to understand people and their experiences in their own world. During this research participants are mainly assessed during their daily activities, engaging respondents in their natural setting. The aim is to include the values of the traders and their perspectives on the fish value chain.

Qualitative research facilitates the exploration of a topic in detail and in depth. Therefore one does not need to recruit as many respondents as would be the case with quantitative research. This makes qualitative research very flexible on location and timing. However this makes it hard to generalize results due to the small sample size (Bryman, 2012). Generalising results however, is not necessarily the aim of this research. The fish value chain in Ghana may differ throughout the country, but still this research gives a very detailed view of different fish trade practices and their

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importance in developing countries like Ghana. Flexibility during fieldwork is helpful, because of unfamiliarity with the country and the fish trade practices in the field. So that the research can be adapted to the circumstances. During my two months fieldwork, at the time of the lean season I aimed to map the value chain of artisanal fish trade. Focussing particularly on small scale fisheries and poorer communities, a detailed picture of the actors and their activities, and the interactions between the different actors and their fish is formed in order to understand the characteristics of the fish value chain.

This research can be seen as a comparative research as it compares different cases of fish trade, both between villages and markets. Comparison makes it possible to understand a social phenomenon more extensively (Bryman, 2012). Typically in comparative research design, different cases are compared, based on data gathered through intensive ethnography and qualitative interviews (Bryman, 2012). This research has an interpretive perspective and seeks to understand the social

interactions between different individuals (Bryman, 2012). Driven by being part of the daily events of fish traders and the observation of these events and processes as they take place, this research is partly ethnographical. Fundamental is the method of participant observation, as the researcher is part of these trading events for some time. Data collection both includes talking with the participants as the collection and analysing of documents (Flick, 2014). I hereby moved in the field and joined the different fish trade activities, while these are being observing and questioning these. This approach was useful during this research because it gave an understanding of the social behaviours, interactions and perceptions of the fish traders in certain areas of Ghana.

4.2 Data collection

In order to conduct this research I both collected primary and secondary data, primary data was collected during fieldwork in Ghana. Different forms of interview have been used,

depending on the research location (market or village) and the kind of respondent (fish trader or key-informant). On the village level a structured interview, i.e. questionnaire is used to talk to fish traders. However some questions are open ended and follow up questions as reaction to some respondents’ answers are prevalent. During visits at both markets and villages, observations, documented with pictures, have been an important data collection method as well. An important part of research is to describe what events occur during the fish trade, elaborated by the description and reasoning of the participants. In this case the researcher’s participation in the field is very important for observations.

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observations and interviews is useful, as this adds different perspective to the data and gives a deeper understanding of the situation (Flick, 2014). This research aims to create credibility and reliability through the use of different sources of data collection (Hanson, Balmer, & Giardino, 2011). By systematically documenting data and results, engagement with the community, observations and different interview approaches triangulation in the field is secured. Next to this information is cross checked as the same problems are discussed with traders at the village level and at the market, a chief fisherman and government

representatives. Next to produced data, secondary data is also used in the analysis. These are reports, journals, books, articles etc. Some information may overlap but also can be used as a validation method (Flick, 2014). This is also a way of triangulation, as next to

observations and follow up questions during the interviews, literature can be used as a triangulation method (Flick, 2014).

From the beginning of April through May 2016 (8 weeks) primary data was collected on the West coast of Ghana and on markets in Accra and Kumasi. Prior to this fieldwork a literature review and research proposal were written. Four small fishing villages, three in Greater Accra and one in Western Region. Next to this five markets were visited, were traders were interviewed and market practices observed. Also key-informants were interviewed. The key-informants all gave permission to use their names when processing their interviews, and will therefore be mentioned by name in the analysis. Questionnaires used for both traders at the market and in the village are found in the appendix.

Table 1 Data collection methods during fieldwork

Data collection method Fieldwork

What Who / Where

Questionnaires Thirty questions mixture of

closed and open questions

Fish traders in village and markets

Semi-structured interviews Questions according to topic list

Fish traders at market

Observations Write down fish practices Market and village

Focus group discussion Questions and anticipated questions posed to group

Fishmonger’s in village

Key informant interviews Questions based on

professions of key informant

Chief fisherman, government ministers, ‘fishmother’

Mapping Map where fish goes and

comes from

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Sampling during my research is done according to the theoretical sampling method. As respondents are chosen based on the expected level information they will provide for the research (Flick, 2014). First participants at the village level are interviewed with the use of a questionnaire, through this key informants are identified to interview, finally some important mentioned markets are visited. At the markets I aimed to talk to fish traders differing in the forms of processed fish they sold. I also aimed to talk to traders at different locations at the market, as some markets are very dispersed. In all the villages I used snowball sampling to identify the next traders to interview in the villages, also we used random sampling as we walked around and start talking to people about my research and if they would have the time to talk for some time about fish trade practices, in case they were a fish traders.

Over the course of two months I spoke to 76 fish traders during my research, 38 of them I spoke with in their villages, Oshiyie (10), Kokrobite (10), Bortianor (10), Abuesi (8). See Appendix 3 for data collection table, explaining where, when, who and with which research instrument respondents and the research location is addressed. This was followed by a visit at Agona market where I spoke shortly with 8 women. After I conducted

questionnaires with 10 ladies at Madina Market and spoke with 8 women at Agbogbloshi market in Accra. Finally I did 8 questionnaires with ladies at Kumasi Central Market, with two at Asafo and spoke to two women at cold stores in the same area in Kumasi. In Oshiyie, Kokrobite and Bortianor I used a questionnaire with both closed and open questions. The questionnaire contains about 30 questions ordered in five different themes, as my thematic analysis will also follow. In Abuesi I held a focus group discussion with 8 fishmothers, these are women that organise the distribution of the catch at the landing site. At the market in Madina Accra I conducted questionnaires with both open and closed questions. This questionnaire differs on some questions compared to the ones used on village level (See appendix).

Most women spoken to were between 30 and 40 years old. The youngest lady was 23 and the oldest 68. Traders usually asses their income as low but manageable. Their income is subjected to seasonal changes, due to the seasonality of fish production. The women participating in fish trade usually depend fully on fish trade for their income. Other sources of income are for example a small provision shop at their house and a small food business. Education levels are low, however the ladies spoken to on the markets in the cities intend to have finished high school in a higher number as do the one in the villages that only have a primary education or none at all.

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Table 2 Details interviews with key informants

Date Key Informant Occupation Organisation City/Village Main subjects

discussed 26/04/2016 Nana Kunduah Chief fisherman Chairman of Western Regional Fishermen Council

Abuesi Fishing practices in the village,

main problems fish trade

26/04/2016 Emilie Fishmother Fishmongers

organisation Shama District

Fishing village Life of a fishmonger

30/04/2016 Daniel Fisheries

protection officer

Western Region Fishery department

Takoradi Problems fishing sector Western Region, IUU

09/05/2016 Amador Researcher Fisheries Scientific

Survey Division

Tema Current state fisheries

Ghana

In Ghana fishmongers are defined as the women that buy fish, process this and finally sell these at the market. The (queen)fishmothers are the ones that are at the head of an association or the most important ones at the beach, thus may be vey powerful. A fish trader just buys fish from a wholesale or retail market and resells it as their primary occupation and travel throughout the country to do so (Emilie, personal communication, 26/04/2016).

4.3 Research area

The following paragraph provides background on the different research locations in Ghana, based on primary data. The markets and villages are described accompanied by a map to show their geographical location in Ghana.

4.3.1 Markets

Usually the same products are clustered at the same area on Ghanaian markets. The women are given a place to sell their fish as determined by a governmental representative. Markets intent to be very busy in the late afternoon, when temperature goes down and traders from far away may also have reached the market.

Markets in Accra

During my research I visited two markets in Accra, Medina market north of the city center and Agbogbloshi located in old Accra, the west side of the city. The two markets are shown

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in red in figure 7 below.

Figure 7 Location of Medina market and Agbogbloshi Market in Accra (GoogleMaps, 2016).

Agbogbloshi market is a wholesale market, where fish traders sell large quantities of fish. The area has a poor infrastructure, a lot of waste is around and sewages are open. Agbogbloshi market is a large market covering 6800 square meters, offering products ranging from beets to vegetables. Together with one of the neighbours at home in Accra, we spent around an hour at the fish section of the market. We spoke with 8 traders, most of them spoke some English, but for clarification my neighbour translated some parts of the conversations. The visit took place on a Saturday around noon, when it was very busy, especially for the time of de day.

The second market in Accra was Madina market. One of the main means of transportation in Ghana are trotro’s, these are mini-busses customized with extra seating, going everywhere inside cities and between smaller establishments. Indeed, a huge amount of stations in Ghana, refer to trotro stations, usually accompanied with traders selling a wide range of products. Madina market, is one of these stations, being an important transport hub for trotro’s leaving to Northern areas of the countries. Together with a teacher assistant, who was my translator during this visit, we went to the market and interviewed 10 women based on a questionnaire. All the women spoken to at the market only go to Madina market, coming

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from around the area, and chose this market because it is easy to reach by transport and many people, potential buyers, are passing through.

Markets in Kumasi

I visited also two markets in Kumasi, one was the Central Market the other one was Asafo, also the main station of the city. They are not far away from each other, but differ significantly in size (See figure 8 below).

Figure 8 Location of Central market and Asafo market Kumasi in red (GoogleMaps, 2016).

The Teacher Assistant of one of the professors at the university in Kumasi joined me during this day to translate for me. We fist visited the Central Market of Kumasi. The Central Market of Kumasi is one of the biggest markets in Western Africa,

even though it is under construction, it still covers a large area of the city and lots of different products.

Asafo market is a lot smaller than the Central market, but it is close to a cluster of cold stores. This market was visited in the afternoon, and was less crowded than Central market,

because this market is also under construction, many stalls were closed.

4.3.2 Fishing villages at the coast

Villages in Greater Accra: Oshiyie, Bortianor, Kokrobite

The three villages of Oshiyie, Bortianor and Kokrobite are located to the West from Accra on the coast (see figure 9).

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They border each other to the west and all are built starting from the beach inland. Most people come from the ethnic group Ga and their local language has the same name. The main road going from Bortianor through Oshiyie and Kokrobite is only recently asphalted. The road cuts through all three villages in the middle and separates the lower lying part from the higher lying part of the village. All three villages are located directly on the coast. Most people work in the artisanal fishing sector and its allied sectors.

Oshiyie is built directly on the beach with an area of 0,3 km2. According to the census of 2010 a population of 2634 people live in 590 houses. Bortianor is a village of 1,5 km2, also separated by the recently asphalted road, with 32.000 inhabitants in 6568 houses. On the east of the village the Densu river flows into the sea, creating a small estuary. Kokrobite covers an area of 0,8 km2, with 2017 houses and 8865 inhabitants (Ghana Statistical Service, 2012).

All three villages are impoverished fishing villages, where many people lack basic sanitation, water and electricity. Sanitation is recently developed in the form of public toilets, electricity is only for those who can afford to pay an electricity bill, and water comes from a pump or a water well, as most houses lack the facilities of a tab.

Abuesi

Abuesi is a fishing village right on the beach, covering one square kilometre. It is located in the Shama district, not far from Takoradi and 220 km to the west from Accra. Lots of canoes are lying at the beach, close to the houses, which are built right at the beach. Abuesi is one of the main landing beaches in the Shama district and large part of its population are

fishermen and fishmongers. Abuesi has a total population of 9859 over 1332 houses (Ghana Statistical Sercie, 2012).

Figure 10 Fishing village view Abuesi (Own Picture, Abuesi, 27/04/2016)

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Agona market

The most important market to sell fish for fishmongers in Abuesi is the nearby market Agona (See figure 12), an hour trotro ride away. I made a visit to the Agona market together with one of the fishmongers and a translator, who is a young lady graduated in marine fisheries.

Figure 12 Route from Abuesi to Agona Market (GoogleMaps, 2016).

4.4 Data analysis

Qualitative data aims firstly to describe a phenomenon and possibly to compare cases, secondly to look for explanations for differences between those cases, and thirdly might develop a theory about this phenomenon (Flick, 2014). The aim of the collected

qualitative data is in the first place to describe the fish trade practice in Ghana. This research looks into different cases, villages and markets, and seeks to find links between these and their features. Also it will identify the differences between the different cases and seeks to identify reasons why this is.

I will use a thematic analysis to approach the qualitative data gathered with the interviews, and questionnaires. To answer the first sub-question and identify who the actors of the fish value chain in Ghana are the division as presented in the theoretical framework on fish value chains is used. These will be the main actors of the chain, the supporters and the context of the chain in Ghana as described by respondents, key informants and by own observations. This primary data will be complemented with secondary data. Hereafter in accordance with the second sub question, the role of women traders will be described and

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their role in the fish value chain as they facilitate food security.

For the third sub question maps are used from GoogleMaps. Two maps will show how fish is transported into the country form the landing sites in the villages. One for the three villages in Greater Accra. And one map for the village in the Western Region. Three more maps are presented to show the distribution of fish to and from the markets. Two maps will show the distribution in Accra for two the different markets and one map will show the distribution patterns for the two markets visited in Kumasi.

This will enable to spatially visualize the main hubs of fish trade. For some markets is chosen to use a map showing the whole country as the analysis aims to assess the

distribution range within Ghana and possibly beyond. Maps only showing a small area of the country are used when the distribution range is small and a more zoomed in distribution pattern can be visualised.

4.5 Fieldwork

As starting point for this fieldwork I was connected to a professor at the University of Ghana in the Agro-Economics Department. Once arrived in Ghana, a couple of meetings with the professor were held in order to help develop the questionnaire and to be introduced to key informants.

Ghana was my first country to visit in Western Africa, but one I was fascinated by for years, due to the good stories I heard about it and the many friendly Ghanaian I met in my life. Ghana has often been mentioned as one of the most stable countries in Western Africa, with the motto: “Freedom and Justice”. The first days in a different country, everything feels odd and tough to understand, but then the country takes you in. I experienced Ghana through the friendliness of the people, the beauty of its chaos, the everything is possible at anytime anywhere, the vivacity on the streets, the waving and the greetings, the excited young people everywhere and calling everyone your brother or sister.

The country and its cities are developing rapidly and a lot of infrastructure is being developed. Polite, friendly, helpful and welcoming, where common characteristics of every person I came across during my research. After a few laughs and the explanation that my research on fish trade was for a project of my university, people almost acted surprised that I want to know something about them. The people were willing to tell me everything they knew and answer my questions, as long as they had time and were not in the middle of

negotiations with possible buyers. English knowledge sometimes was limited and therefore I always entered ‘the field’ with a translator. However due to changing research locations I worked with six different translators. I was able to do all my four interviews with key informants in English.

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In the villages Oshiyie, Kokrobite and Bortianor I was shown around by Inusah, who was also my translator there. Inusah works for the community center in the area and therefore knows many people in the villages and is therefore aware of the main problems people struggle with in the villages. He also knew how to identify the first fish traders to speak to and found a lady to help us translating from Ga. As some respondents will only speak Ga in this area and Inusah speaks only speaks the local language Twi. The first day Inusah and I went over the questions of my questionnaire to discuss if questions were stated in the right way and to make sure Inusah understood what I ment by my questions. I also explained to him that although the questionnaire has closed question, any other information added by respondents should be noted also, because this may be interesting for my

research. The second day we walked around in the Oshiyie. On the third and the fourth day we conducted the questionnaires. On the fifth and the sixth day we conducted the

questionnaires in Kokrobite and on the last day in Bortianor. It was important for us to go early in the morning to the villages as at that time most of the fish traders are around in the villages. After these villages I went to visit Abuesi and spoke to the fishmothers there for an afternoon. Soon after visiting these fishing communities I realised that the lean season was causing fish trade from the villages to be very low and therefore to talk to more traders and get a more broader view should also speak to the traders at the market. Therefore I first went to the markets in Accra, as I was living there most of the time I was Ghana. After I went to Kumasi for two days to visit the two markets there and meet with the professor from the University there. After two months of data a vibrant quantity of primary data was collected and analysed back home.

The results presented in the next three chapters are a mixture of primary and secondary data. The primary data: observations, quotes and answers to questionnaires account for the local perspective. Secondary data is used to emphasize these results. The data will be both analysed thematic and spatial and interpreted according to theory presented in the theoretical framework. The analysis will be organised in accordance with the sub questions. Chapter 5 will cover the artisanal fish value chain and analyse who the main actors, supporters and the context in which the chain operates are. Chapter 6 will outline the role of women in the chain will and how they facilitate for food security. In Chapter 7 the distribution patterns of fish is spatially displayed by maps and discussed.

A fish trader’s journey : the scene and the practices of women fish traders organising the artisanal marine fish value chain in Ghana