Influence of age discourses on older employees in
Germany
Master Thesis
Strategic Human Resource Leadership
Name: Finn Schröder Student ID: S1043951
Supervisor: Drs. Dennissen, M.H.J. (Marjolein)
Abstract
The greying of the workforce is a trend which already affects many organizations, but will only continue to become more important in the future. Organizations need to focus on older workers to cope with this trend, therefore, their identities and experiences are not negligible. As discourses influences workers on various levels, they are a key concept to investigate in order to know what impacts older workers. By doing critical discourse analysis of 10 semi-structured interviews with respondents from different organizations, all of which are 50 years or older, this study is able to highlight different age discourses and much more. Through an abductive approach, I was able to examine the presence of existing discourses while also allowing new information to emerge out of the data. This research advances the literature on age discourses by investigating how older employees shape and are shaped by age discourses. Furthermore, it reveals new insights such as the influence of culture on age discourses or the connection between age discourses and ageism, which can be further researched in future studies.
Acknowledgement
I want to thank everybody who participated and supported me over the course of this study. First and foremost, the greatest thanks go to the participants of the study who made all of this possible. Especially in times of a crisis like this, I feel like this should not be taken for granted and makes me appreciate it even more. Furthermore, I would like to thank all my family and friends that accompanied me on this journey and gave me honest feedback when it was needed.
Table of Contents
1. Introduction ... 1
2. Theoretical background ... 4
2.1 Diversity in organizations ... 4
2.1.1 Consequences of age diversity ... 6
2.2 Discourse in organizations ... 7 2.3 Age discourses ... 8 3. Methodology ... 10 3.1 Research strategy ... 10 3.2 Research design ... 11 3.3 Data collection ... 13 3.4 Data analysis ... 15
3.5 Research ethics and reflexivity ... 16
4. Results ... 18
4.1 ... 18
4.2 Salience of age identity ... 20
4.2.1 Salience through behavior and language ... 23
4.3 ... 24
4.3.1 Humor as a coping mechanism ... 28
4.3.1 Cultural differences ... 30
4.4 Linking ageism and stereotypes to discourses ... 31
5. Discussion ... 33
6. Conclusion ... 38
6.1 Limitations ... 38
6.2 Personal reflection ... 40
6.3 Future research and managerial implications ... 41
References ... 43 Attachments ...
Appendix 2 Interview guide ... Appendix 3 Sample description ... Appendix 4 - Template ... Appendix 5 Data matrices ...
1. Introduction
Worldwide, the percentage of old people in the workforce is substantially increasing. The United Nations projects that the number of people in the world who are 60 years or older will increase by over 50% by 2030 and will be more than doubled by 2050. According to estimations, every fourth person in Europe could be age 65 or higher by 2050 (United Nations, 2015; United Nations, 2019). that occur in biological, psychological, and social functioning over time and, therefore, affect each the baby-boom generation is reaching the retirement age and a general rise in the percentage of older people in the workforce, topics that are connected with the ageing workforce such as retirement or healthcare become more pressing for organizations (Rouzet et al., 2019). As the main response to these ageing developments and the increase of life expectancy in general, as well as shortages on the labor market, many European governments have started to increase the pension from 65 to higher ages, e.g. to 67 in Germany, the Netherlands and France.
Already, age has been a relevant part of Human Resource Management in organizations (e.g. Acker, 2006; Boudiny, 2013), but the aforementioned developments further increase the importance of the topic. Even though it is important to acknowledge subjective perceptions of age when researching in an organizational context (e.g. Akkermans et al., 2016; Kochoian et al., 2016), a general threshold needs to be determined, since this study aims to investigate age from an inition at what age a worker can be labeled as old in terms of chronological age, which is seen as a problem by some researchers (e.g. McCarthy et al. 2014). For this research, the threshold is set at 50 years of age, which goes along with some of the recent studies on this topic even though the common definitions can vary from as low as 40 years old up to the statutory retirement ages of 65 to 68 (De Lange et al., 2006; McCarthy et al., 2014).
Former studies have shown that age is a diversity issue of high importance for Human Resource managers and needs to be implemented in the organizational agenda (e.g. Kirton & Greene, 2015; Kunze et al., 2013; Riach, 2009). Diversity can act as a descriptor of the workforce referring to a number of characteristics that can be differentiated by being either collective or individual, but some researchers also differentiate between visible and invisible differences (e.g. Phillips et al., 2004). Next to gender, race/ethnicity, religion, disability and sexual orientation, age is one of the main social identity categories usually used when talking about diversity in
organizations (Kirton & Greene, 2016), as it is a visible characteristic that can be used for social categorization (Tajfel, 1981; Turner, 1987). Opposing to this, there is also some established literature on the negative sides of age diversity. Discrimination based on age, ageism, and other forms of behavior, such as stereotyping, influence the way how older people are perceived in organizations and how they perceive themselves (Kirton & Greene, 2016). Therefore, managing diversity within an organization plays an important role for Human Resource Management. The field has gained a lot more attention recently as it is seen to offer a win-win situation for organizations and employees (Zanoni, 2011). Organizations can use it
n of biased decision makers regarding allocation and rewarding decision (e.g. formalization of HRM
317).
Even though diversity literature has a long history of scientific research, the field was reshaped not too long ago. Critical diversity studies, as part of critical management studies that have started to emerge in the late 1990s, are a topic that should be researched from a critical perspective as endorsed by Zanoni and colleagues (2010). rganizational diversity research, which has mainly focused on other characteristics such as gender or race/ethnicity (e.g. Acker, 2006; Hancock & Tyler, 2007; Ogbonna & Harris, 2006; Van Laer & Janssens, 2017; Zanoni & Janssens, 2007). Only recently, and based on the current developments, more studies have been conducted on age in organizations (e.g. Collien et al., 2016; Hertel et al., 2013; Kunze et al., 2013; Riach, 2009; Zanoni, 2011). Just a few of those studies are of a critical nature (e.g. Thomas et al., 2014; Zanoni, 2011) and even less studies have researched how the workforce itself experiences diversity and how it makes sense of it. Zanoni and colleagues (2010) furthermore suggest to investigate how individuals perceive diversity discourses in an organizational setting. In addition to this, an extended research on the connection between discourses and how these relate to ageism has yet to be carried out.
This research takes a critical approach by analyzing organizational discourse on age with language being the key focus of the analysis. Only few studies have critically analyzed the topic of age using discourse as a tool in the recent past (e.g. Ainsworth & Hardy, 2009; Thomas et al., 2014). Critical discourse analysis allows to research how individuals make meaning of things and construct their identity based on their perceptions (Fairclough, 2012; Fairhurst & Putnam, 2004).
Moreover it allows to challenge the status quo by questioning given assumptions and theories on the topic of age. Therefore, it also gives the researcher more freedom in the field and finding novel information. For example, Ainsworth and Hardy (2009) distinguished between two major discourses on age: The discourse of the body and the discourse of the mind. While the discourse of the body deals with physical decline, the discourse of the mind is more of a psychotherapeutic discourse, as it deals with the understanding of employment and unemployment (Ainsworth & Hardy, 2009). Both discourses influence the perceptions on age in a different way, as they constitute the identity and reality of older workers. Based on the current state of research, the following research question was formulated:
How do age discourses influence the lived experiences of older employees in work settings? The aim of this study is to research how age discourses are experienced by older workers and how they shape the self-perception and identity of individuals in their working lives. This is done by taking a critical discourse perspective (Fairclough, 2012). As the workforce and population are getting older, this research contributes to an important research field as it offers new insights to the field of diversity research on age as well as critical discourse analysis and has some theoretical and practical relevance. On a theoretical basis, this research helps to gain a better understanding of a particular part of the workforce, older workers, and how they perceive and experience discourses perspective, this study adds valuable insights that can also be from practical relevance, as both organizations and employees can profit from it through an improved handling of the age topic. To support the overarching research question, the following sub-questions have been formulated:
1) How do individuals talk about their age?
2) How do the respondents recognize their age in their lives? 3) How do individuals perceive discourses about age in their life? 4) How present are age discourses in organizations?
5) How are ageism and stereotypes experienced by the respondents?
By conducting ten semi-structured interviews with ten respondents, insights into different views on age discourses are gained. All respondents are 50 years or older, work in different organizations and positions, and represent both male and female gender with equal shares. Additionally, one of
the respondents lives in early retirement, while another one is currently in part-time retirement (for the full sample see Appendix 3). As the interviews aim to offer an explorative nature, an abductive approach is going to be used, while taking an interpretivist epistemological perspective to support this approach (Myers, 2013). As critical discourse analysis focuses on reading between the lines and gaining information through the aspects that are said and the things that are not said, this is a rather prejudiced approach.
After this brief introduction to the research topic and question, the next two sections explain the theoretical foundation and theories as well as the methodological approach that is used to carry out this research. In the fourth section, the results will be presented based on the insights gained from the analysis of the conducted interviews. Afterwards in the fifth section those results will be discussed and examined based on the literary background of this research. To finish this research, section six concludes this research as it entails possible, a personal reflection and advice for future research, as well as practical implications.
2. Theoretical Background
In this section, the theoretical framework will be developed based on a literature review. The literature review offers insights into what has been researched so far regarding the relevant topics of this paper and can therefore create a framework regarding the aim of the study. The focus of this literature review is on diversity and age discourses in organizations. In the first part, the roots of diversity and its importance for organizations are highlighted. By elaborating on consequences of age discourse, such as discrimination and stereotyping, the importance of age diversity will then be underlined. In the second part of the theoretical framework, a more critical focus will be applied by elaborating on the current research on discourses and how they influence the construction of an organizational reality about age. Lastly, the focus will be shifted towards age discourses, as they are the central part of this study and impact organizational reality about age.
2.1 Diversity in organizations
several authors refer to many different conceptualizations and definitions of diversity, Kirton and Greene (2016
approach to managing the workforce, (or) as a theoretical paradigm highlighting the significance of socio-bio- 6, p. 2). In literature, the most commonly used and also most frequently researched social identity categories are gender, race/ethnicity, age, religion, disability and sexual orientation (Kirton & Greene, 2016). All of these social categorizations are an important part of diversity in organizations as they offer an approach to existing inequalities.
Diversity evolved as a concept to manage inequalities in organizations after it became clear inequality. Compared to equal opportunities, diversity also offers an economic incentive for organizations since diversity is seen to benefit this very same. A diverse workforce can be seen as a source of a competitive advantage that provides organizations with a set of valuable and rare resources by enabling unique capabilities and perspectives (e.g. Ely & Thomas, 2001; Hertel et al., 2013/2; Kochan et al., 2003). Therefore it is important to manage diversity in order to benefit from differences in role expectations, workings styles, and general values (Hertel et al., 2013/2, p. 858). organizational perspective.
In the literature, there are two major theoretical distinctions regarding the inequalities in organizations, the social psychological and the critical view. Turner and Tajfel (1986) made the social psychological assumption that negative in- and out-group dynamics are based on the biased cognitive processes which result in inequality. This view with a focus on individual traits and behavior fits the managerial perspective in organizations and is often adopted when focusing on the business case for diversity. The critique to this view, especially by critical scholars, is that this hides inequalities which are a reality in many organizations, behind a positive rhetoric (e.g. Riach, 2009; Zanoni 2011; Zanoni et al., 2010). This means that the business case for diversity is often valued more by organizations than the social justice case. Therefore, the real goals of diversity, countering discrimination and equalities, are often the proclaimed targets of policies and measures, but in reality organizations aim to improve their competitive position and performance instead (Benschop, 2011). Critical scholars therefore argue that inequality is rather embedded in organizational and societal structures, and cannot be explained based on individual cognitive processes (Zanoni et al., 2010). In line with critical diversity studies, Acker (2006) described that
inequality in organizations is based on different components
. First, the shape and degree of inequality can vary in organizations based on their size or sector. The steepness of hierarchy, for example, influences the shape of organizational inequality by offering less opportunities for minority groups to reach higher ranks. Second, the visibility and legitimacy of inequalities also play an important role, since the awareness and acceptance of inequality influence the way how it is addressed within an organization. Lastly, and also highly important, are organizational processes that can (re)produce inequality, e.g. recruitment or workplace interactions (Acker, 2006). This shows that discourses have a strong connection with power and inequality, as they are influenced through structures and create inequality as they reproduce those structures.
This study adopts this critical perspective by focusing on inequality situated in organizational processes and how age discourses contribute to inequality from a structural side. 2.1.1 Consequences of missing age diversity
Diversity, and in this specific context, age diversity also offers challenges to organizations such as in-group favoritism, discrimination, communication behavior or attitudes towards age diversity itself (Hertel et al., 2013/2).Various studies of the past have shown that many older workers are being wrongly perceived or even discriminated at their workplace due to their age (e.g. Bytheway,
(Hamilton & Sherman cited in Posthuma & Campion, 2009, p. 160). Those stereotypes can be positive, as research has shown that older people are indeed more experienced, mentally stronger and value trust more than younger workers (Bal et al., 2011; Ilmarinen & Rantanen, 1999).
Still, negative stereotypes are more frequently observed and have a stronger effect size than positive stereotypes (Hertel el al., 2013/1). For example, older workers are often seen to have less physical strength, more difficulties to adapt to change and take more time off compared to their younger colleagues (Benjamin & Wilson, 2005). In addition to this, a lot of studies have shown that the majority of the existing stereotypes related to older workers are actually based on false assumptions. The work of Posthuma and Campion (2009) is one of the most cited studies in this regard, as it is a metastudy which has collected the results of studies that have researched age
stereotypes. Their work shows that the majority of studies have found stereotypes to not be applicable in most cases (Posthuma & Campion, 2009).
Still, those stereotypes are present in organizations and can have negative impact on older workers as they are, for example, less likely to commit to their organization or long-term goals (Manzi et al., 2019). Stereotypes are therefore often the basis for ageism in organizations (Benjamin & Wilson, 2005). In the diversity context, the term ageism gets used when referring to discrimination based on the age of an individual (Kirton & Greene, 2016). Ageism can be defined On the one hand, victims of age discrimination are not always aware that they are getting discriminated, but on the other hand, age discrimination can also be unintentional by the perpetrator (James et al., 2013).
Many of the existing stereotypes are created through the existing social images. Even though some of the stereotypes are true, as already stated the majority of them is found to be false (e.g. Benjamin & Wilson, 2005; Posthuma & Campion, 2009). Being discriminated based on age 2017). Getting discriminated can lead older workers to be less motivated or committed on a personal basis but can also derogate their performance and go as far as unemployment (e.g. Lassus et al., 2015; Manzi et al., 2019). Ageism, therefore, often leads to the reproduction and self-fulfillment of stereotypes, as outcomes suggest that they are true, when in truth they are based on ageism (Bugental & Hehman, 2007).
problems even though the created stereotypes are not based on facts, but socially constructed through discourse.
2.2 Discourse in organizations
In general, discourses are seen to be a reflection of social reality (Ainsworth & Hardy, 2009). They produce
of the world for its inhabitants, giving it meaning that generate particular experiences and , p. 636). Critical discourse scholars therefore argue that discourses constitutes reality, as the produced knowledge stands in an interaction with societal and organizational structure, through which it gets reproduced (e.g. Thomas et al 2014; Zanoni 2011). When it comes to discourses, scholars distinguish between two forms. First, the focus of discourse
can be put on the use of language and connected interactions thus being a medium for social interaction. On the other hand, discourse can be seen as enduring systems that focus on power and knowledge relations and how they are established in standardized discourses (Fairhurst & Putnam, 2004). In this second form, discourses have a strong interaction with power, as power is produced through organizational practices, which, in turn take on meaning through discourses (Foucault, 1981). This power reflects in the fact that age is a dominant discourse. B
master signifier to establish ways of thinking, being and doing, establishing what we can see as reality and truth, and both creat
p. 1570), it gets reproduced through organizational practices and structures.
In both of these definitions of discourse, language is the focal point. Regardless of this 2, p. 456). They activity related to the reproduction and transformation of
self-p. 1201). Furthermore, discourses often represent poor and disadvantaged people and their position through social practices (Fairclough, 2013).
Critical discourse analysis has shown that certain groups of employees are often discursively constituted through their social identities in a negative way. This means that they are viewed as less valuable and inferior compared to the ideal worker, which is taken as the norm of reference and is influenced by gender, race/ethnicity, age and other characteristics (Zanoni, 2011). Discourse has been researched in many different ways. Some studies just focused on discourse and critical discourse analysis (e.g. Fairclough, 2012, Zanoni et al., 2010) while others put a specific focus on the specific discourses about one social identity category like older workers (e.g. Ainsworth & Hardy, 2009; Thomas et al., 2014). Thomas and colleagues (2014) argue that it is important to take a perspective which is sensitive to the occurring context, thus investigating how everyday interactions correlate with cultural norms and power structures. This study will therefore take a look how employees shape discourses and how they are shaped by them.
2.3 Age discourses In the Longman
living. The term ageing describes the process of getting older through the changes that happen on a biological and psychological level, thus influencing the human individual on various levels such as the personal or organizational (De Lange et al., 2006). As already described above, ageism can , 2002, p.50). Compared to other social identity categorizations such as gender or race, ageism seems to have some kind of legitimacy as everybody is affected by age and, therefore, it does not always look like a serious or pressing issue (Oswick & Rosenthal, 2001). When managing age,
into consideration in daily management, including work arrangements and individual work tasks, so that everybody, regardless of age, feels empowered in reaching (their) own
(Ilmarinen, 2012, p.2). This is especially important, since research has found that the effects of ageism will be self-fulfilling if the negative image of age is not actively handled (e.g. Bugental & Hehman, 2007; Hess et al., 2003).
Similar to ageism, age discourses also characterize and influence older people in a negative way. For older workers, Ainsworth and Hardy (2009) found two major discourses that affect their social identities in organizations. First, the discourse of the body. As people get older, this is often associated with a physical decline that comes with a loss of power (Ainsworth & Hardy, 2009). In this discourse, the older age as a limiting condition interferes with the ideal productive worker, which often pictures older workers as less capable and useless (Thomas et al., 2014). The second discourse described by Ainsworth and Hardy (2009) is that of the mind, which deals with how we arch of meaning, responsibility, a sense of personal achievement, a maximized quality of life, and hence influences the psychological health of older workers and can create a negative view of themselves if they fail to reach their personal goals or self-fulfillment. While the discourse of the body can have consequences like exclusion from the labor market, the discourse of the mind influences older workers on a more psychotherapeutic level and can therefore also impact their identity work (Ainsworth & Hardy, 2009). Hence both, the discourse of the mind and the discourse of the body, are important for older workers when constituting their self-perception, as they work in different ways, but both constitute a particular reality that can affect older workers and their identity.
workers (Thomas et al., 2014). As they are assumed to be too old and having an outdated skillset, organizations often hesitate to invest in training and development measures as the hiring of a younger employee with the required skillset can be cheaper (Thomas et al., 2014).
As the outcomes of age discourses and ageism have some similarities, there might be a relation between age discourses and ageism. Still, no extended scientific research has investigated this connection in an organizational setting to an extended degree. Even though some studies have looked into age discourses (e.g. Ainsworth & Hardy, 2009; Thomas et al., 2014), a research that investigated how older employees experience age discourses and ageism in an organizational setting, through critical discourse analysis, has yet to be carried out. By critically analyzing how employees experience organizational discourses on age and how this influences their experiences, this study aims to fill the existing gaps and thereby help to gain a better understanding about discourses on age. Furthermore, this study tries to draw a connection between these discourses and how they relate to ageism.
3. Methodology
This section provides a description of the strategy and methods used throughout this research as well as the data collection and analysis. To conclude this section, limitations of the project will be indicated and the research ethics will be addressed.
3.1 Research strategy For Myers,
19, p.41). Therefore, the philosophical approach is crucial to the research methods and data collection techniques and needs to be aligned with the research goal of investigating age discourse and the impact of diversity management. The philosophical and epistemological stances of the research paper are key when it comes to the understanding of the grounds of their knowledge and the connected limits (Myers, 2019) and will therefore be described in the following.
This research contains inductive as well as deductive elements. Inductive reasoning begins with collecting data and analyzing this data. Out of these hypotheses, a general theory is supposed to develop (Myers, 2019). A critical approach is used, which entails an interpretivist epistemology.
Using an interpretivist standpoint means that the research is rather subjective than objective, as everybody has a pre-understanding of the phenomenon research and is therefore biased in some guage, consciousness, shared 19, p. 45) are crucial when investigating in an interpretivist manner since they are the only way through which the researcher can access the relevant information/reality. The main focus of this study, the individual sense-making of the participants, is in line with the interpretivist perspective as it is approached from a subjective standpoint (Symon and Cassell, 2012). Critical research is similar to interpretivist in many ways, but adds some distinctions that are important for this research. Critical research challenges the status quo and the themselves (Myers, 2019, p. 50). Furthermore, critical researchers see social reality as constructed and reproduced by people (Myers, 2019). To investigate the underlying beliefs, values and assumptions, as well as the individual sense-making of the participants, this research takes a look at discourse on age and how it shapes the organizational and individual reality. This will be done by pursuing an exploratory research question to gain relevant insights on the topic (Myers, 2019).
However, this research also contains some deductive elements. Before conducting the research, first theoretical assumptions and an interview guide, as well as relating concepts have already been formulated in order to have a better understanding of the phenomenon of the ageing workforce, age discourse and related diversity practices (Myers, 2019). In this study, it is important how the participants talk about age in their daily working lives and how it is understood and interpreted. Since this research contains inductive and deductive elements, the researcher argues to take on an abductive approach. Abductive reasoning gives the researcher more flexibility when choosing the research design and has been accepted as a valid approach when doing interpretive research (Alrajeh et al., 2012; Lukka & Modell, 2010). This flexibility allows a logical discovery of data by being able to use existing concepts as well as emerging data (Van Maanen et al., 2007). 3.2 Research design
To find the right design for the research, the different research methods need to be assessed. Building on the underlying philosophical assumptions, the research method influences the way in which data is collected (Myers, 2019).
understand the context within which 19, p.5) which is done by talking to people and aligns with the phenomenological viewpoint of this study. Using these qualitative research methods, it is the main aim to reconstruct the subjective meaning and understand complex correlations instead of isolated single causalities (Kühl et al., 2009). In addition, the comprehensive fit with the research question, and the fact that qualitative research point of view of the participants and its particular social and institutional context is largely lost when textual data are 19, p. 6), supports the chosen research method. As subjective interpretation is done when applying an interpretivist view on a social phenomenon, it is important to combine various qualitative research methods in order to gain a more complete view on the phenomenon according to Myers (2019). Even though the research is subjective in a qualitative research, this is not an interference source but a key part of a qualitative research process (Kühl et al., 2009). To answer the research question an interview survey design is chosen.
Interview study
p.2). Opposing to quantitative research, qualitative studies do not aim to find generalizable results, it rather tries to gain insights into a certain phenomenon and contribute to theory from those population (Jansen, 2010, p.2).
This survey investigates discourses on age and how they influence the experiences of older workers by collecting data from ten individuals, which are all 50 years or older. Even though age depends on individual factors, a general threshold has been set at 50 years in order to be able to research this topic. The respondents work in different organizations of varying sectors and also various organizational positions. This approach was taken in order to gain insight into age discourses and what similarities but also differences exist between individuals. Since the sample size is relatively small it fits well with the qualitative approach, as it tries to give narrowed down insight into a problem that has a certain lack in the literature.
3.3 Data collection
To obtain viable data, this study makes use of semi-structured interviews. According to Myers nterviews are one of the most important data gathering techniques for qualitative to gain insights into the topic and are necessary when conducting a case study research (Myers, 2013). The main advantage of semi-structured interviews is, that they provide a clear structure which assures that the focus is put on the important and selected aspects. But semi-structured interviews also give the participants some freedom to talk about emerging topics and obtain some interesting insights out of those opportunities (Myers, 2013). Furthermore, semi-structured interviews combine the major advantages of structured and unstructured interviews while also minimizing the risk that those interview designs contain (Myers, 2013). The interview type fits this research well for different reasons. First and foremost, the view on the topics of age and diversity (management) are highly depended on the individual. With a semi-structure, those subjectivist views can unfold better while also not losing focus through the common thread of the interview. Additionally, this structure ensures that people who are not talkative or, struggle with interview in general, can still give sufficient answers since all interviews require a minimum length. This is important for this study, as age and diversity can be sensitive topics that require the respondents to open up about their experiences. Even though the research only uses interviews to collect data, I argue that these interviews are a sufficient source to provide data. As discourse and discourse analysis focus on the spoken language and how it constructs reality and identities, interviews are sufficient to gather viable data. Furthermore, interviews already allow to collect rich data on their own as they are a primary data source that also gives the research more credibility (Myers, 2019).
The interview guide has been developed based on the operationalization of the theoretical framework in section 2 (see Appendix 2). As this research focuses on the organizational discourse about age and age-related diversity management, the interview guide was constructed in order to gain viable data on these topics in order to be able to answer the research question properly. Therefore, the interviews start with more general questions about definitions and perceptions of age and older people and afterwards switch into more specific questions about age, discourses and the use of language.
The individual interview respondents were found by using my individual network. As the time to find respondents was short (see section 6.1), many of the participants come from my
well-known circle. All 10 participants work in different organizations, but some of them work in similar sectors and positions. With the youngest participant being 50 years old and the oldest one being 61 years old, the mean age of the participants is 55.6 years. The full sample description, which is partly anonymized due to the privacy of the participants, can be found in Appendix 3.
The only criteria that was applied when selecting the participants was mainly regarding the size of the cooperation and to have a balanced sample regarding gender. On the one hand, the necessity for a minimum amount of 50 employees is that it increases the probability of discourses on age within an organization. On the other hand, in order to have a balanced sample regarding the gender, five of the respondents are men and five are women. Since my native language is German and the interviews are conducted in Germany, the language spoken in the interviews was German, too. One of the respondents is in early retirement since the beginning of 2020, but I argue that the respondent can still provide viable data, because he can be interviewed retrospectively and he only retired this year.
Collecting data while maintaining physical distance
Due to the recent developments of the Coronavirus, some of the interviews were conducted via Skype. Since this study would not have been possible without using mobile communication, this alone deems the usage as necessary. Still, there is also some empirical evidence that shows the value of telephone or Skype interviews when trying to collect rich data (e.g. Drabble et al., 2016; Lo Iacono et al., 2016; Seitz, 2016). Conducting interviews through telephone or Skype can help to maximize flexibility regarding the time and place of the interviews. Furthermore, it can also be seen to create privacy in some way, which some researchers argued gets lost without face-to-face contact (Drabble et al., 2016). Since Skype also offer video chat besides normal calls, the face-to-face element of interviews can still be maintained (Lo Iacono et al., 2016; Seitz, 2016). In addition, studies have shown that this can enhance the rapport building. This is due to the fact that respondents might feel more comfortable in the environment they select for the interview (Lo Iacono et al., 2016). Some concerns, like the ability to read body language or to catch nonverbal cues, remain, but there are some options to handle those problems, e.g. listening more carefully or focusing on facial expression (Seitz, 2016). Overall, this shows that interviews via Skype or telephone can be used when collecting qualitative data without losing the validity or quality of the data.
3.4 Data analysis
This study uses critical discourse analysis to analyze the collected data. Critical discourse analysis focuses on the social analysis of discourses and is often used when researching language through interactions and communication. As language is the key focus of the analysis, it allows the researcher to investigate and challenge given assumptions and theories on a specific topic and how these influence individuals and their perceptions as well as their identity construction (Fairclough, 2012; Fairhurst & Putnam, 2004).
To analyze the collected data, template analysis is used. Template analysis is a style of thematic analysis that balances a relatively high degree of structure in the process of analyzing textual data with the flexibility to adapt it to the needs of a particular study
Cassell, 2012, p. 426). It is frequently used to analyze data from interviews. In comparison to other approaches such as grounded theory (e.g. Corbin & Strauss, 1990), template analysis allows the researcher to better adjust to his/her own requirements as there are less specified procedures (Symon & Cassell, 2012). Template analysis can therefore make use of different styles of analysis. It can start with theories derived from literature that are applied to the data (deductive), but can also build theories out of the collected data (inductive). For this study, it is important to already have some established theories on age and discourse, but also being able to discover new things based on the collected data.
Template analysis can be used when conducting 10-30 interviews (Symon & Cassell, 2012). With this study aiming to conduct about 10 interviews, the sample size fits the requirements of
hierarchy instead it encourages the analyst to develop themes more extensively where the richest efore, the coded data will be hierarchical organized and grouped together into more general codes. This hierarchical coding allows to analyze text on different levels. All codes are summarized in a template, with the template being able to show possible links between themes (Symon & Cassell, 2012). The template analysis and the developed codes therefore support the analysis of discourses on age from a critical perspective. To gather all the relevant data from the semi-structured interviews that have been verbatim transcribed, the software Atlas.ti was used.
In a first step, all the interviews were coded on an open basis. This means that every relevant fragment was attached with a code that describes the fragment and is close to what was actually
said by the respondent. In a second step of coding, those open codes were grouped together in some higher ordered codes. At this instance, some of the codes were already similar to the predefined codes. In the last step of the coding process, the codes were allocated into overarching themes in order to be able to structure the result section. The coded data was then filled into data matrices (see Appendix 5), which were labeled according to the overarching themes. As some of the quotes could be allocated to more than one theme, this already showed that some themes were linked to each other. Appendix 4 shows the final template that is the results of the data analysis. This template was then used as a structure and guide to conduct the critical discourse analysis on selected fragments of the interviews. As this study uses an abductive approach, it is possible for aspects to come up during the analysis that were not anticipated when building the theoretical framework. One theory that came up during the analysis was humor and how participants use it as a coping mechanism. In order to be able to analyze this, I went back into the literature on the concept of humor. During the process of doing the critical discourse analysis, the structure of the results section changed a bit from the structure of the template, as new topics emerged. Since this study is focusing on critical discourse analysis, I argue that this structure is also valid.
3.5 Research Ethics and Reflexivity
In other words, it is important to treat other individuals as you want to be treated by them. Honesty is a 9, p. 59). In accordance with this, the research is based on reliable scientific studies and data, as well as one-to-one transcription of the recorded interviews. One of the most important things regarding research ethics is the integrity of the research.
Every one of the 10 participants was informed about the research goal and treated in a formal manner, if the respondent did not offer the researcher the form of address with in German. In addition to that, the researcher, to the best of his abilities, ensured that the interviews took place at a time where there are no distractions or other personal circumstances that might influence the answers of the respondents. To support this and prevent socially desirable answers, the researcher built trust with the respondents by introducing himself and the project, and was open
to questions that arose ahead of the interview. Apart from this, the researcher guaranteed confidentiality by informing the participants beforehand that the interviews will be recorded and will only be accessed by the researcher. Afterwards, the transcripts can only be accessed by the supervisor and second examiner. Anonymity will be ensured by not mentioning any personal or cooperation names. Only age, gender, position in the organization (e.g. Human Resource Manager) and a broad description of the organization (working sector + country) will be mentioned in the public part of the research.
Every participant may request a copy of their personal interview transcript afterwards in case of further questions or for personal documentation. If participants do not agree with any of the things mentioned above, they have the option to withdraw themselves from the case study up to one week ahead of the delivery of the research. In case the research is accepted by the university, database, in addition to the transcript of their own interview. With all of this, I guarantee informed consent of the participants which is a key principle when conducting a qualitative research (Myers, 2019). As there is no case organization, possible implications of how the findings may be applied to the individual situation, society, etc. have to be considered by every individual that reads the paper or has participated in the research.
non-proper use of references and quotes, not doing all of the work on your own or copying someone h practices, others being e.g. together with the fabrication/manipulation of data. To ensure research integrity, a signed form can be found in the appendix. This includes the provision of original work and appropriate information, the informed consent of the participants, as well as ensured transparency and confidentiality.
he way in which he or she affects both the research Haynes in Symon & Cassell, 2012, p.72), there are a number of things to reflect on. According to Haynes, rientations of researchers are shaped by their socio-historical (Haynes in Symon & Cassell, 2012, p.57). For that reason, it is critical for me to reflect on the different impacts that I have on this study and why it is that way.
Reflecting on the theoretical background of the study, many different definitions regarding age as well as critical discourse and diversity are present in the current literature. As this study does not aim to be a literature review, not every possible source regarding this topic could be examined. Furthermore, some decisions were concluded on what to include in the theoretical framework and what to leave out. To be reflexive, is really important in this situation to keep the necessary objectivity concerning my own bias. Furthermore, I need to acknowledge that I am rationally bounded and therefore will always miss some information (Symon & Cassell, 2012). Especially in hindsight of the topic age and discourses it is important to acknowledge my identity. While I am This was present throughout the interviews as many of the respondents used me as a reference person for people of younger ages as they often
of the respondents, it is important to be aware that my identity can have a possible influence on their answers. If
identity, their answers might have been different.
During the interviews I also became aware, that I was biased regarding older people. As I read a lot of literature for this study, I was expecting that the respondents would show that stereotypes are mostly wrong. But as the interviews went along and also during the transcription process, I noticed that some of the existing stereotypes about older workers, positive and negative ones, are somewhat true and acknowledged by the respondents. With this as an example, I come to the conclusion that my literature review as well as the whole research process was influenced by my bias and picture of older people and is therefore not completely neutral.
4. Results
In this section the results of the conducted interviews will be evaluated based on the data analysis process that was introduced in the last section. The respective categories emerged on the basis of the critical discourse analysis, since the data were richest at these points.
Since age is the main topic of this study it is important to first evaluate how people define age and how they perceive age in general. When being asked how they define their own age, the respondents offered a wide range of definitions.
R4, w/58 working: So age is really a health issue for me. Where I think then, if you can't move so easily, if you can't look so well, if you can't do all those things so easily, then for me that's the term getting older"
R5, m/53 working: So when I was younger, 30 years was old. But when I was 30,
R6, w/53 working: I think you are as old as you feel. I think that you... well, we are now especially, well I speak now for me and my husband [...] that we are still quite
R8, m/59 working: "I would first fix it on myself. So I always feel 10 years younger myself. Imagining that I'm 60 now is actually unimaginable and um... numbers don't
R9, w/50 working:
team where maybe every colleague is 25, if someone comes in at 35, that's older for them. For me 35 is yo
R10, w/53 working: "So privately I have no problems with it (laughs). You're as old as you feel, so I surround myself a lot with younger
Even though the respondents all had different definitions of their age, it stands out that none of the (R6) (R8) they explicitly say that they are not old. This leaves the impression that the respondents do not want to be associated with their chronological age or that they even distance themselves from that.
Opposing to the construction of their own age, the respondents often associated older people or higher ages with the statutory retirement age.
R1, m/55 retired: "But for me, when I think of old age, older people, when I think of senior citizens, I don't see myself there yet... for me, this is still to some extent this perspective, classic 65/67, because I associate this very strongly with the classic pension".
R2, m/61 working: "Yes, of course, that is grinded in. It has long been a social reality [...] that 65 is the retirement age [...] And, yes, of course, that is firmly established as an image.
R9, w/50 working: "Yes I would...in society I would compare that a bit with the retirement age I think."
Those statements, again, show the contradiction that is to some degree present within the construction of the respondents of the respondents are particularly close to the retirement age, they do not consider themselves old yet, but construct everybody that has reached the retirement age as old. Especially for R1, who is already retired, this is an interesting observation, as he explicitly mentions the pension age as a characteristic for older people, but emphasizes that he does not see himself as old yet. It can be argued that this is also some form of denial or an alternate construction own age. In connection with this retirement R1 also said the following:
R1, m/55 retired: [...] I'm not yet in a concrete position, so to speak ... or feel affected, although I have perhaps come a little closer to the whole thing with the step into early retirement, because I'm no longer active uh ... in active professional life ... or at least not currently active in active
With this statement R1 makes clear that he does not accept that he is old just because he is retired now. The same can be said for many other respondents that are getting closer to their retirement, but seem like they want to hold o . This suggests that the respondents view something that is connected to negative attributes in organizations as well as society. Moreover, this negative attachment gives them the feeling of having to distance themselves from the group of older people and shows the influence that existing pictures can have on people and their identity construction.
The way the respondents construct their age and how they almost unanimously distance for many of them. All of the statements above show that people do not see their age as a chronological number, but rather define it in their individual ways.
4.2 Salience of age identity
hard to define and there is more about it than just a number. Still there are different moments where their age becomes salient for the respondents.
R1, m/55 retired: Yes, in the end everybody defines it for himself... I think at every age being older begins perhaps also earlier... so I say at your age people that are at my age, so also at the age of your parents are perhaps already... or at least belong to the older ones. Probably not to the oldest ones, these are perhaps rather the next
R2, m/61 working:
just notice it, the older generation dies and you take its place, so to speak, and belong to the oldest generation within the family. That's just a change that you first... I
These statements show that other age identities influence the respondents. First, for R1 and R2, but also other respondents, the parental generation acts as a reference point to their identity. As R2 mentions, the disappearance of this generation and their age identity makes his age identity more salient, as it is becoming the oldest generation. But the respondents also refer to younger age (R1) refers to my personal age identity as the interviewer, which is significantly younger than the resp ones. This highlights that both older and younger age identities influence the respondents and that they make clear distinctions between age identities.
Besides the impact of other generations on the salience of their age identities, the respondents also mentioned that during the conversation with their close environment, there were moments in which their age became salient.
R1, m/55 retired: "Well, a friend of mine, who is 71, uh... he actually told me this recently... we met and talked on the market place... and he said: "Remember, this is your last period of life before you die... (laughs)... and that scared me a little... but I have to say that I don't see it that way for me at the moment".
R3, w/55 working: "Yeah, I'd say something like that, and, uh... physically, I don't think it's a problem sitting in an office. It's different when you're a roofer and you're 55 and you say: "Can I make it to 65 without any aches and pains?"
R4, w/58 working: "In comparison, exactly. Yes, definitely... that's also the case when you look around. You look at people and say "Wow he looks old, yeah, I might still look young in comparison"
R8, m/59 working: "Yes of course, because I remember it well, when I became so aware of it my first thought was "Man, you are old now". And that says it very well, actually. Of course it's not true, but (laughs) ... you feel old then."
R1 recently meet with a
means for him now, his age became salient in that situation. This is an example which illustrates how the quotes above show that especially through the acquaintances of the older people and the observation of other older people their age identity becomes salient for the respondents. The general response of the respondents to this is denial. Especially the statement of R8 stands in a strong contradiction to itself. First R8 says that he felt really old when he became aware of his (R8) not true, just to conclude that he felt old in that situation. This back-and-forth process gives further support to the assumption that the respondents to characterize their age identity as old, even though they feel and talk about it in that (R1) (R8) reiterate this and also gives a glance at the motivation behind this denial, as the respondents seem to fear being old . The quotes also show that many of the respondents laughed when they described those experiences. This is an important finding for different reasons and therefore it will be elaborated in a separate paragraph on its own, later in the result section.
But the age identity of the respondents also becomes salient during their working lives, as they have moments in which they recognize their age. As for example, when R1
R1, m/55 retired: Of course, at some point at the beginning of my career, so to speak, I had thoughts like "Hey, I'm one of the youngest in the team"... And that changes of course at some point [...] and in the end I wasn't the oldest in the team, but of course I belonged to the older and more experienced ones in the team...um...that doesn't always mean implicitly that I thought "I am now in the last phase of my career so to speak", but to a certain extent this starts to swim along at some point..."
R2, m/61 working: "Sure, I mean, theoretically I still have 5-6 years until the start of the [...] now delayed pension for me too and yes it is such a last phase"
R3, w/55 working Yes, because more and more people in our circle of acquaintances are over 60 and they are already talking about retirement and then you also think "you could do this and that" and "that would be nice" [...]
R5, m/53 working: "Well. Actually, you're at an age where you're actually thinking about retirement.
R7, m/59 partially retired: "And yes, there was the thought at some point "now you have to get four or five years older so that you have some kind of social security". So that was always a thought from the early 50's on.
R8, m/59 working: "Personally, I'm concerned with it in the sense that when you turn 60... you have to think about "what happens after work? Even there things have changed since the last years."
In comparison to the quotes above, where the respondents where more or less denying their age identity as old, in these quotes the respondents talk about their age identity in a different way. The different respondents mention that they see their current status as a last phase of the career, as retirement becomes a recurring thought. So when the respondents approach their age identity from a working perspective they describe their identity as rather old, but when looking from a perspective that takes a look at their lifespan, they refuse to do so. Many of the respondents mentioned during the interviews that they belong to the oldest employees. This could be a possible influence on why they describe their age identity in an organizational context as older, while in society they still have older people as references so they deny that their age identity is old. During these statements it almost seems as if the respondents are defending or justifying themselves for not wanting to count themselves as 'older' just because they will retire in a few years. As this highlights the influence that social norms and established pictures can have on people, this section shows that varying factors and also the personal perspective have an influence on the salience of
4.2.1 Salience through behavior and language
Another interesting finding that was frequently mentioned by the respondents concerns manners and the used language by younger people.
R5, m/53 working: "Language... Well, you know... the younger people don't quite have that respect anymore. One is often... in former times we used to formally address people, today we don't know that anymore, I don't think. Or they always address you with "Hey, dude" or something else... that didn't exist in former times."
R6, w/53 working: "Now sometimes I have the feeling that they just look at me with be some respect. Sometimes I have the feeling that it's missing in younger people."
R7, m/59 partially retired: "Younger and older people communicate with some...directors board or something, so there they are...are they a little nervous the first time they meet, I say...a lord"
In these quotes the respondents make a clear distinction between the young, disrespectful people and the well-behaving older people, by mentioning missing respect and manners that they have experienced from younger people. According to Social Identity Theory, the respondents thereby create an outgroup and ingroup and assign good characteristics to the ingroup (Stets & Burke, 2000). With their talk and their categorization they contribute to a discourse about younger people, which constructs them as less respectful and not aware of societal norms and values.
Opposing to this, there are also respondents who think that young people show too much respect when talking to older people.
R8, m/59 working: "I think it depends on both. You're older and you're in a high position, so that leads to respect. Unnecessarily high respect. I have just as much respect for young people as for old people. [...] But I notice clear differences."
This quote highlights two different discourses, one which characterizes younger people as disrespectful and one which characterizes them as too respectful. As they seem to be present discourses about younger people in organizations, the quotes above also highlight how the interaction between young and old at work impacts the salience of the res
Furthermore, it is interesting to see that the perception of respect and manners could be dependent high position in their organization, R8 is the head of personnel. Due to his position, the younger Therefore, an argument can be made that the position in organization also has an influence on discourses and how we perceive them.
4.3 The risk group : Drawing on age discourses
While former sections showed how the respondents deal with their age identity and how they become salient, this section is taking a look at how the respondents draw on age discourses themselves. When being asked to describe their picture of older people, the respondents answered as following:
R4, w/58 working: It is also noticeable right now that older people always go shopping when you are yourself, when it is full and when it is annoying. That there are suddenly such slow, creeping people coming along who, um ... maybe can do that R5, m/53 working: "I don't know if it's age... maybe today I say when I see older people, parents-in-law or my parents are just old and frail, but that's the way things are."
R6, w/ working: With the very old ones, I think it's just that you can't forget what they've already been through in their lives, that most of them have experienced two wars. And I think, also there it depends on the environment, how they behave, how they act, um ... I think many, how shall I say it ... beastly, bitter, who are probably also alone, where one does not know the background and I think one should be open to every person, whether old or young and everyone has his destiny behind it R10, w/53 working: "You have a circle of friends. This circle of friends is old. We do have some of them here who are around 60, but they are young, they stayed young. Lawyer, headmaster... they're all young in their way. Sporty, interested, like to go out for a drink and have fun in life. That makes a big difference, of course. If you're alone at home, if you don't have any friends you'll be old at some point. You get really
As seen in these quo (R4),
(R5) (R6) (R10), when talking about older people. Even though the respondents mentioned that some of these things are inevitable due to the way age impacts a person, with this these statements they still discursively construct older people in a negative way. Through this construction it feels like the respondents want to differentiate themselves from those stigmata of age. Furthermore, this might also have an influence on how they construct their picture of older people. If the respondents, for example, would have described their own age identity as old, their picture of older people might have been more positive.
The theoretical framework of this study elaborated on two common discourses on age. The discourse of the body and the discourse of the mind. With their answers, the respondents draw on both discourses. First, the discourse of the body was frequently drawn on as the respondents noticed a decline in their physical abilities.
R1, m/55 retired: "Well, I have the feeling that, um... yes that... well, I have already noticed for myself that performance decreases at some point and at some point also in my professional life. I didn't have the feeling yet that it was in any way, um ... that I was
getting weaker, that I was getting worse, um ... but I did have, even if it's just things like exhaustion, which perhaps lasted longer, as I had the impression how it was in the past, um ... so seen in this light I already perceived that this will be a topic or perhaps already
R2, m/61 working: "You just get older...there are a few minor aches and pains, yes (laughs) [...] Somehow the knee hurts, the back hurts, something, you are not so efficient anymore. Physically you are definitely not as efficient as 20 years before."
R5, m/53 working: "It's not really a big issue, it's just that sometimes you notice physically that ...what used to be much easier is not so easy anymore. Um...and if you have a younger colleague with you, you notice that he...well, he is more persistent at work. That he has more power than you do."
Even though the majority of the respondents noticed a decline in their physical abilities, the next quotes highlight that they often downplayed the consequences of it.
R5, m/53 working: "Yes, some things are harder at that age, no question... um... but does that have to be a disadvantage? That's just... I wouldn't consider that a disadvantages right now."
R8, m/59 working: "You have good and bad days, you can still be fit in your old age um...of course you notice that you are more exhausted when you have had such a hard day at work. Regeneration phases take longer, but well...you know that and in my opinion that is
The statements of R5 show, the respondent does not see this d
says otherwise, as he refers to the issues and feelings they have regarding their physical abilities. The statements of R5 and the other respondents show that even though the respondents seem not to agree with the discourse of the body, it is still present for them.
they draw on this discourse by downplaying the consequences of it. The second discourse that was part of the theoretical framework, the discourse of the mind and the understanding of unemployment and employment was also touched, but in a more indirect way. Therefore the elaboration on it will take place in section 4.4 as it is strongly linked to ageism and stereotypes.
In addition to the discourse on their physical abilities, the respondents drew on some organizational discourses.
R1, m/55 retired: "I think with the last model it was so that you could take early retirement at 58, now the age had been lowered because they took a more aggressive approach".
R7, m/59 partially retired: "But you don't really notice that, I would say, in language or in direct contact, but rather, um...that is now my personal feeling, through corresponding restructuring measures. In which you, yes, constantly put people into change management processes until they say at some point "okay, that's actually..." R10, w/53 working: "Well, I heard from a colleague that he had to leave his department... well, he got sick, very sick. He came back in intervals and couldn't catch up in his job, in his projects he was working on. Then they put him somewhere, "eat or die here" and then of course he got even sicker and he didn't come back afterwards. I don't know what they did with him, but he was definitely not there anymore."
Based on the quotes the respondents perceive that some organizations try to get rid of older workers or do not care too much about them. This is interesting as it shows that respondents recognize organizational discourses on age and also how they perceive them. Through the interviews it also became clear that some organizations do not embody their policies regarding older employees. According to the respondents, it sometimes seemed as if measures were just put in place to satisfy rules or requirements, but those measures are not really lived by the organization.
R7, m/59 partially retired: urse also anger where you then uhm...illuminate the mechanisms again and see that even large employers take over relatively less uhm...care for the employees. And that is also always with the topic of age, um... always connected, often also on paper, but whether it is always lived in such
Opposing to this, other respondents also thought that their organization really does a lot for the older part of their workforce and that they genuinley care.
R8, m/59 working: "We don't have part-time retirement. Of course, we have the individual option if someone comes to me and wants to work less in old age due to health problems, then we'll manage. We always find solutions. Or if someone wants to retire early because he is simply...yes, tired or has health problems or whatever, then we make it possible for them to retire earlier without losing as much money as possible R9, w/50 working: "We really do a lot for the older people, especially those who work on the assembly line. There is a company medical service and an extra department that is there for older people, uh...regarding backs. We have our own gym, we have
physio, we get classes ... if we want we can sign up ... so we do a lot. You just have to want to!"
Still, the statements of R1, R7 and R10 show that organizational discourses on age seem to be present in various organizations. By not embodying policies, making early exit options particularly attractive and pushing age-related problems out of their sight instead of solving them, organizations discursively construct older workers in a negative way. They therefore create an image that makes older workers look inferior compared to younger workers. This can be dangerous, especially since the respondents agreed that experience is a valuable and indispensable resource for organizations.
This section and the responses have shown that discourses are indeed present for older workers, in their daily lives and in organization. The next section is going to elaborate on humor as one of the coping mechanism with those discourses.
4.3.1 Humor as a coping mechanism
As already touched in section 4.2 when talking about age discourses, many respondents started to laugh at some point.
2011, p.395). This and the fact that humor can be used to conceal and hide issues (Holmes, 2000) the usage of humor by the respondents is an important aspect to look at.
R1, m/55 retired: " So a friend of mine, who is 71 years old, uh... he actually told me this recently... we met and talked on the market place... and he said: Remember, this is your last period of life before you die... (laughs)".
R3, w/55 working: I thought my mother was old when she was 54 (laughs)...and now I think she must have felt the same...or similar to me
R4, w/58 working: I didn't learn the whole digital world from scratch and so it's harder for me. That annoys me very often (laughs) and there I think very often "boar now you are getting old when you just can't do these things anymore"... Or not so easy anymore.
R7, m/59 partially retired: "Yeah well, the decision of course came...once through the impact I had there, the burnout phase when I changed jobs. That went well for five years, but I'll say, uh... I got into a new industry, I got into a new environment, uh... of course I built a house at the same time (laughs)... [...] And I noticed how my peers in
R10, w/53 working: "Okay. When I think of older people, of course I think of old, brusque, unfriendly (laughs)...Um...not willing to compromise um...nervous in some things when you approach them and ask um...or "I told you I knew it", "the youth of today" (laughs)..."
At some points during the interviews almost all of the respondents laughed when talking about issues they have or perceive in their lives. The quotes above show that the respondents often try to downplay issues through laughing when in reality they are really serious. A good example for this is the
ven though the respondent clearly states that she is annoyed by the fact that younger people take less time to adapt to the digital world, she laughs in order to conceal this. This also matches well with the definition above, as this can certainly be seen as a difficulty in the respondent s working life and she is trying to cope with it by using laughter.
In connection to age, the following statement probably highlights pretty well how the respondents cope with their age through the usage of humor. Being asked how he felt at the moment he realized that his younger colleagues have advantages in his job, R5 responded:
R5, m/53 working: Old (laughs)...
This summarizes pretty well how the respondents view their age. Even though R5 admits that he felt old in that situation, he tries to downplay it by laughing in order to not construct his age identity as old.
One last statement regarding the usage of humor also underlines how laugther is used to downplay serious issues.
R2, m/61 working: "Yes in Corona times now (laughs) [...] Yes, that's a risk group. That is a clear linguistic expression, um... so (laughs) our daughter said it jokingly on the phone, she is not coming home now, we are a risk group, she is not allowed to visit As R2 says, in times like this where a global pandemic is happening, there is a clear linguistic the one hand downplaying how serious this issues is, but on the other hand he also tries to hide the fact that he belongs to this group. This is really interesting as it also in line with the finding which
