Community participation in education : the effects on social justice in Bolivia : a case study of community participation in education in the urban context of Cochabamba, Bolivia

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Community participation in

education: the effects on social

justice in Bolivia

A case study of community participation in education in the urban

context of Cochabamba, Bolivia

UNIVERSITEIT VAN AMSTERDAM

July 11, 2015

Master Thesis

International Development Studies – Graduate School of Social Sciences

Authored by: Marika de Faramond- 10861785

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Acknowledgements

Thank you to the UvA for accepting me on this Master’s program and providing me with an exceptional opportunity for personal achievement and research experience.

I would like to thank my first supervisor Dr Enrique Gomez Llata for his feedback during the writing process and guiding me towards always being more critical. I would like to thank also my fieldwork supervisor Dr Inge Sichra for her kindness and help throughout my time on the field and insightful conversations even after I left. Thank you for all the interesting discussions we had and for helping me understand better the complex society of Bolivia. Thank you to Dr Mieke Lopes Cardozo for accepting to be my second reader.

Hay muchas personas en Cochabamba que han hecho que mi investigación sea posible: el IDH, las dos escuelas y la familia de la casa Torrico.

Quiero agradecer el Instituto por el Desarrollo Humano (IDH), sin quien esta tesis no habría sido posible. Primero al Dr Edgar Valdez y Ana Valdez por darme la oportunidad de estar en su organizacion y compartir lindos momentos. Sus presencia tanto en el trabajo y en la vida Cochabambina fue una real allegria. Tambien gracias a todo el equipo IDH, en particular a Eduardo y Dania por su apoyo con aceso a escuelas y SPSS. Por supuesto gracias a Henry y Carlos por el apoyo, estimulo y amistad.

Gracias a las dos unidades educativas Nuestra Señora de la Merced y San Antonio de Pucara por abrir sus puertas. Gracias a todos los maestros, estudiantes y padres por darme tiempo en sus días y hacer parte del estudio. También el apoyo de los profesores que han distribuido las encuestas que hicieron mi investigación posible.

Tambien el apoyo de los profesores que han distribuido las inquestas han hecho mi investigación sea posible.

Finalemente, quiero agradecer a la familia de la casa Torrico, por ser mi segunda familia durante las once semanas en Cochabamba. Gracias por la comida tan rica y las discusiones. Ada, gracias por las risas constante.

I would like to thank my friends in Amsterdam. Our coffee sessions were definitely needed and fueled many inspired library sessions. Thank you also to my friends who have encouraged me throughout the year and provided feedback.

Of course, thank you to the unlimited support of my family, both academically and morally. You have truly been a source of motivation throughout this adventure. Mané, thank you for your wisdom and faith in me.

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Page | 2 Abstract

A series of education reforms have contributed to the shaping of the Bolivian education system today. The latest reform law, the Ley Avelino Sinani – Elizardo Perez (ASEP), was officialized in 2010 by the Bolivian government led by Evo Morales. Key to the reform has been the underlying philosophy of the idea of “Living Well” or Buen Vivir. This paper aims to evaluate the impact those reforms are having on social justice. Specifically the study will analyze the impact of community participation in education on recognition, representation and redistribution – three components of social justice identified by Fraser (2005).

Fieldwork research was carried out over the course of 11 weeks in the city of Cochabamba. Parents, students and teachers in two schools, one urban and one semi-urban took part in the study. Both qualitative and quantitative methods were used to collect data. These included semi-structured interviews with parents teachers and pupils; observations and document analysis as well as a survey.

The data was analyzed through coding of the qualitative data collected, and with SPSS in the case of quantitative data.

The study shows that recognition and representation of indigenous people are increasingly gaining importance within the school environment in Cochabamba, which is a positive step towards social justice. However, while the signs are encouraging, it is too early to tell if the effects will be lasting, the study shows that the effect of the reforms on redistribution has been limited. The research brought to light the polarization between social classes and the evolving question of indigeneity.

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List of Acronyms

ASEP Avelino Siñani - Elizardo Perez

CEPO INDIGENOUS COUNCILS MAS Movimiento al Socialismo MoE Ministry of Education

MNR Movimiento Nacionalisto Revolucionario USA United States of America

UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund

List of Figures, Tables & Pictures

LIST OF FIGURES:

Figure 1: Map of Regions of Bolivia (Source: Bolivian experience.com)

Figure 2 : Indigenous population in Bolivia based on Census data. (Source: IADB 2014). Figure 3: Curriculum design

Figure 4: Conceptual Scheme (Source: author)

Figure 5: Map of Cochabamba and School locations (Source: Google Maps)

Figure 6: Perception of parents on time of participation with teachers and director. (Source: Author)

Figure 7: Perception of students on time of participation of their parents with teachers and director. (Source: Author)

Figure 8: Dimensions and agents of evaluation Source: Google Images

Figure 9: Students’ source of knowledge on concept of decolonization (Source: Author) Figure10 :Students’ perception on importance of doing K’oa ritual in school (Source: Author) Figure 11: Parents’ perception on importance of doing the K’oa ritual in school (Source: Author) Figure 12: Languages spoken between parents and children (Source: Author)

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Figure 13 : Vicious circle caused by socio-economic status. (Source: Author) LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Levels of literacy according to the 1992, 2001 and 2012 censuses (Source: INE 2013 in Yapu 2013. Translated by author)

LIST OF PICTURES

Picture 1: School 2, Carnival parade by students (Source: author) Picture 2: Student from School 2 presenting the K’oa (Source: author)

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INTRODUCTION

“Social justice in our culture, does not exist. Nor does equality. What does exist, is difference. What we have is complementarity, equilibrium, and collectivity. Getting along, I do not see it as justice, I see it as complementarity.” (Philosophy Teacher, Unidad Educativa Nuestra Señora de la Merced) Bolivia, one of the most diverse countries in Latin America, finds itself in a process of social change where the government led by president Evo Morales is aiming to build a more just society, especially for the indigenous population. Among many improvements, all 36 different ethnicities and languages are now officially recognized; discrimination is now prohibited by law and seven ‘indigenous districts’ were established in order to increase participation of indigenous peoples in national politics. Social justice can most basically be defined as the equal distribution of wealth, opportunities and privileges within a society. The quote above reflects just one of the views of what social justice is, but most importantly proves that its definition depends on the context within which it is being defined. Social justice is seen as crucial for a society to advance towards harmony and equality and education is an important path through which social justice can be achieved. This thesis examines the ways in which education reforms are having an impact on social justice, especially through the means of community participation in education. I will first outline the context of education in Bolivia and then present the relevance and objectives of the thesis.

1.1 Research Background

In Bolivia, as in much of Latin America, indigenous populations have been marginalized through forced labor, inadequate education, healthcare deprivation and other discriminatory practices (DNAI 2014). Across the continent there has been increased pressure by indigenous groups on governments to better serve indigenous populations (Stavenhagen 2013). In Bolivia that pressure swept Evo Morales to power. The left-wing president and founder of the Movement towards Socialism (Movimiento al Socialismo; MAS), entered his third term presidency in January 2014. Evo Morales is a former coca-growers’ union leader and projects an “indigenous image” (Postero 2010, p.30). Despite many controversies, notably in relation to environmental policies, the Morales government has managed to bring the Bolivian national poverty rate down from 60% in 2005 to 45% in 2011. This was done through a combination of a favourable economic environment and a variety of social programs for the poor (World Bank 2015). Although Bolivia’s Human Development Index (average measure of basic human development) value is in the medium human development and has considerably progressed in the past 20 years (UNDP 2013), the country’s index value still ranks below the average of Latin America and the Caribbean. Furthermore, when looking at the

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Inequality-Page | 9

adjusted HDI (IHDI), Bolivia loses 34% of its HDI value, due to inequality (UNDP 2013). So although there is an overall improvement in the country’s situation on the global scale, inequality within the country remains a prominent problem.

Nevertheless, the president’s first two mandates were marked by major reforms: the nationalization of oil and gas, and the new Constitution (Stefanoni 2011). The former was a way for the president to distance his government from capitalism. The latter was a way to re-value the country’s political, social and cultural conditions. Part of Evo Morales’ political strategy consists in promoting a strong indigenous identity. He campaigns for environmental protection and for the rights of indigenous population (though not without controversy), which has provided him with a very strong popular support, at least during his first mandate. The Morales government has been promoting the idea of

Buen Vivir which is “a culture of life based on the ancestral knowledge of indigenous peoples that aims to strike a balance, striving for harmony between humans and nature alike, and which foresees a return to a way of life that had been suppressed by colonization” (Fatenhaur 2012, p.19).

It is in this context that the Morales government has undertaken significant reforms to the education system in Bolivia. The “Avelino Siñani – Elizardo Perez” law (ASEP) was officially implemented in 2010 with the aim of enhancing social cohesion and equality in the country. The new government places education as the “highest function of the state” (Proyecto de Ley, 2007) and the new law strengthens and deepens the process of education reform started in 1994. The new law is based on four pillars: along with “decolonization”, “community participation”, “inter and intra cultural education” and “productive education” (Strom 2011). These pillars will be further defined in the next chapter. The new law has an explicit aim of decolonizing education which means: “putting an end to

ethnic borders that influence opportunities in the area of education, work, politics and economic security, where no one is privileged on the basis of race, ethnicity and or language’ (Congreso

Nacional de Educación 2006). That also means avoiding talking about conceptualizations of the Western world as if they are universal, while valuing the knowledge, skills and technologies of the indigenous civilizations, both of the Amazonian and Andean regions (Congreso Nacional de Educación 2006). The aim of this study is to examine what contribution the education reforms can make to the Bolivian government's overall goal to improve social justice for indigenous people.

1.2 Research Relevance and Objectives

In light of education reform in Bolivia, this study explores whether the involvement of the community in education has an effect on social justice. It looks broadly at whether its

involvement

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can contribute to more respect and open-mindedness regarding the indigenous culture, and unite a population which has long known discrimination and marginalization.

In line with the international movement of Education for All, the current education reforms aim to increase the quality of education, reducing exclusion and school desertion, and low achievement in teaching (UNICEF 2013). The question of social justice is specifically addressed in Bolivia’s new education reform. Article 4 of ASEP states as its aim to: ‘’ contribute to the consolidation of

decolonized education to guarantee a Plurinational State and a society worthy of Buen Vivir with social justice, productivity and sovereignty’’ (ASEP Ley N 070, P.7). This reflects a broader trend of

increased focus on social justice in development around the world.

Social justice is a topic that is much debated in the academic field and I will briefly describe some of the theories relevant to this research. Earlier conceptualizations focused on the “distributive” aspect of social justice. But this ignored the important themes of social cohesion and community (Niuewenhuis 2010) and it did not address the underlying social, economic and racial divisions and inequalities that reinforce disadvantage (Gardner, Holmes, Leitch 2008; p.6). This is why it is important to view the multidimensional nature of social justice. In addition to redistribution, dimensions which take into account the social and geo-graphical context are needed (Nieuwenhuis 2010, Balibar 2006, Young 2000, Vincent 2003). Beyond that, Nieuwenhuis (2010) argues that social justice “cannot be achieved through legislation or international conventions or declarations” and that in fact it should come from the hearts and minds of people (2010, p. 32). This is a potentially significant insight: in Bolivia, there are important instruments to promote social justice. But these may be limited in their effect if mentality does not change. This leads us to the work of Lopes Cardozo (2009), specifically her study of education in Bolivia. She sees the role of teachers in social justice as crucial because of their potential to have an impact on mentality. Because of their role as the main protagonists in a child's education, they are “the soldiers of change” (Cardozo 2009, p.124). However, it is the framework offered by Fraser (2006) on social justice and education that has appealed the most to examine the case of Bolivia. It has three dimensions: representation (democratic), recognition (cultural) and redistribution (economic). In Bolivia, where indigenous populations have been marginalized for so long, 'representation' is crucial. Indigenous knowledge and input must be taken into account in education reforms, and there does seem to be a drive towards this from Evo Morales’ government, including through community participation in education.

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Community is a broad term which I will define in more detail further on, but a good working definition to start with is of a population “sharing the same values and interests” (Bray 1998, p.330). In terms of education, it has been argued in the international development literature that “community participation” can have a positive impact on education but also inclusiveness and empowerment (Swift-Morgan 2006, p340). This study focuses mainly on the ASEP pillar of communitarian education as there have been many studies on the process of decolonization and inter-cultural education in particular, but less on the role of the community in education, especially in an urban context.

Education is a major way a population can be discriminated against. In the case of indigenous populations in Latin America, this is an ongoing problem both in rural and urban contexts (UNDEF 2014). In rural areas, obstacles to education are more likely caused by social and cultural factors as well as the lack of facilities, technical and institutional resources amongst others. While these issues are less significant in urban areas, other problems arise in the urban context. For example the coexistence of indigenous populations with majority ethnic groups means that “specific needs of

indigenous children go unattended” (Stavenhagen 2013, p.60). The community participation pillar of

the reforms aims to address the marginalization of those children (Strauss 2010). It makes space for a community-based outlook on the world instead of an individualistic one, but also values the incorporation of indigenous societies, culture and knowledge. The participation of the community is also being encouraged by the international community. UNICEF is collaborating with the ministry of education to focus on “improved participation of parents” (UNICEF 2013).

While previous work on education in Bolivia has focused more on wider processes such as decolonization and the role of teachers, this research investigates the impact of community participation at a very local level. By using Fraser’s social justice framework, the research aims to analyze and evaluate the ways in which the policy of Buen Vivir is affecting education and the population, in terms of recognition, representation and redistribution. There is a focus on the effects this has specifically on a more marginalized section of the population, and the perception the community has on its role in education. There appears to be an improvement in terms of recognition and representation of the marginalized population, although not uncontested. However, the redistribution aspect of social justice remains an issue yet to be addressed.

In light of this information, the research question which this thesis aims to answer is presented as follows:

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Against the backdrop of decentralization, education reforms and the ideal of Buen Vivir, how does community participation in education contribute to increasing social justice in the urban environment of Cochabamba?

To answer this question I will look at the following sub-questions:

- Who, how and when does the community participate in education?

- How does the decentralization of the education affect the local community?

- How does community participation in education contribute towards reaching social justice through representation?

- How does community participation in education contribute towards reaching social justice through recognition?

- How does community participation in education contribute towards reaching social justice through redistribution?

- What are the limitations to participation and the effects on social justice?

I will now present the outline of the study which leads to the answering of the above questions. Following CHAPTER 1 where the research background, relevance and research questions were presented, CHAPTER 2 will explore the historical, social, economic and political context of Bolivia in order for the reader to place the case studies in a wider context. The rise of social movements are important to take into account in order to understand the development of social justice in Bolivia, as well as the rise of the MAS and Evo Morales and the process of decolonization which has started. It will also focus on the most recent education reforms, the 1994 one which started the process of decentralization and popular participation and then the 2010 ASEP Reform among other important aspects related to education.

CHAPTER 3 explores the theoretical framework of the thesis looking at theories on community participation in education and Fraser’s concept of social justice.

CHAPTER 4 presents the methods and empirical context of the research. Two schools were used as basis for research: one semi-urban and one urban school in the city of Cochabamba. Both schools are situated in underprivileged areas of the city, with a population largely from low to very low economic background with many families of immigrants from the highlands, having moved recently after the collapse of mining. A mixed method approach was used to carry out the research, with a mixture of qualitative semi-structured interviews, a survey carried out with teachers, students and parents, finally observations on the field and literature analysis.

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CHAPTER 5 will look at the channels through which the community can participate. First, an explanation of the decentralization of education is necessary to understand the channels through which the community can participate. The community includes parents, teachers and students but also the larger neighborhood including the elders and neighbors surrounding the schools. Parents can participate through meetings and workshops, as well as parent schooling and community work. This chapter will show however the economic, social and political obstacles which inhibit participation and will explain the means by which schools intend to increase community participation.

CHAPTER 6 will then evaluate the ways in which social justice is improving thanks to community participation in education, looking at the three components of social justice defined by Fraser. A discussion about the two aspects of recognition and representation of indigenous people will show that within schools, these have improved. However, recognition and representation remain limited outside of the school setting. This chapter will highlight also the issue related to redistribution, which is where most progress needs to be done both within schools and at the national level in order for social justice levels to increase.

CHAPTER 7 will conclude the thesis by presenting a summary of the main findings and policy recommendations as well as ideas for further research.

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CHAPTER 2 - BOLIVIAN CONTEXT

The aim of this chapter is to outline the geo-political and historical context of Bolivia. It is a diverse country with over 36 ethnicities which have known a string of colonial eras and undemocratic regimes. Firstly, I will briefly outline the demography of Bolivia and the city of Cochabamba where the research was set. Secondly, a historical overview of the rise of social movements will help understand what led led to the forming of the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) and the election of president Evo Morales. Thirdly, I will show how society is changing thanks to the new climate enabled by the new indigenous president. Finally, I will show how the education policies have evolved, to come to a new model where diversity is encouraged and which has formed a possible hub for change.

2.1 Diversity in a landlocked country

2.1.1 Demographics

Bolivia is a landlocked state in Latin America, with an area of above 1 million square kilometers and a population approximately of 10 500 million (estimated in 2012). It has a sparse population with only of 9.6 people per square kilometer (CIA Factbook). Surrounded by Argentina, Peru and Paraguay, its only access to water is through the shared control of the Lago Titicaca, the world’s highest navigable lake. The country is diverse in its climate and can be divided into three regions: the Lowlands, which are tropical in the North East and South; the valleys in the center of the country and the Andes Highlands (Altiplano) (Cardozo 2011, p. 69).

Figure 1: Map of Regions of Bolivia (Source: Bolivian experience.com)

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As seen in figure 2 below, in 2012 40% of the population identifies as indigenous which is a 22% decrease compared to the 2001 census. Of the 40% Bolivians who identify as indigenous, Quechua and Aymara make 80% of them (INE 2012, p.31). The census was formulated differently in 2001 and 2012, where in 2001 mestizo was an option and in 2012 where all 36 indigenous identities were listed (IADB 2014). This trend should not be mistaken for a reduction in the indigenous population in Bolivia, but rather as a result of changing political structures (IADB 2014, P.3). Many have argued that identifying as indigenous has political implications today, which is why the number of self-identified indigenous has diminished (IADB 2014, P.3; Ratzlaff 2015).

Figure 2: Indigenous population in Bolivia based on Census data. (Source: IADB 2014).

2.1.2 Cochabamba and Internal Migration

Cochabamba city, which is where the research was carried out, has a population of over 600,000 and has the highest density in the very fertile department of Cochabamba. The word Cochabamba is from the Quechua word “Kocha Pampa” which means a “plain full of small lakes”. According to Bothell “Cochabamba is the ideal place for any scholar studying the situation of modern Bolivian indigenous population” (McLane 2012, p.22). This can be explained by the fact that within 15 years, the city’s urban population grew by 300% (McLane 2012). There are several causes for this high migration rate: first, a drought in the early 1980’s in the altiplano affected the small-holder agriculture and jeopardized peasant livelihoods (Goldstein 2004, p.71); second was the nearly decade-long national economic crisis (from late 1970’s to late 1980’s) which caused “declining agricultural prices, skyrocketing inflation and mounting international debt” (Goldstein 2004, p.71); thirdly and most importantly was the drastic decrease in the price of tin which was Bolivia’s main export commodity, causing international debt repayment to be nearly impossible (Goldstein 2004,

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p.71). Adopting a new economic program in 1985, partly due to the United States’ pressure, meant liberalizing the economy with one of the policies being the closure of nationally owned tin mines (Arze and Kruse 2004, p.24). Thousands of miners were left unemployed, many of them moving to Cochabamba (Goldstein 2004; Interview 12). These miners are called relocalizados which means “the relocated” (Goldstein 2004, p.74; Interview 12). A large part of them live on the outskirts of Cochabamba, or in the poorer part of the city, notably in the Pucara zone, where one of the schools I did research in was located. There is a growing immigration outside of the country as well. According to the 2012 Bolivian census, 11% of the Bolivian population lives outside of the country (INE 2012), in many cases in the hope of finding work or a better life. This has an impact on families where the father or mother has left, which leads to many children growing up with only one parent or being placed with extended family, which affects parent participation in their schooling as we will see in the analysis section (Interview 1).

This section has outlined the main demographics of Bolivia relevant to the study. The city of Cochabamba is an illustration of the internal migration issue in Bolivia, where people from mining cities and rural areas have relocated to bigger cities in the 1980s. This has an effect on the identity of people in Bolivia, and can help to understand the mestizo phenomenon. An increasing amount of people appear to identify neither as indigenous nor non-indigenous, but rather a mixture of both (see section 3.4 for more details on mestizo).

2.2 In search of Social Justice and the rise of indigenous cocalero

president Evo Morales

In order to understand the functioning of Bolivia’s society today, it is important to analyze the cause and effects of the rise of social movements and the search for social justice, which have shaped the country to this day. Social movements in Bolivia have both been motivated by questions of class but most importantly by the recognition of rights of indigenous people who had been repressed for so long.

Bolivia was under Spanish rule from the 16th_{Century and prior to this was part of the Inca Empire.}

The 16 year Bolivian War of Independence which lasted from 1809 to 1825, led to the establishment of a Republic, named after the leader of the independence movement, Simon Bolivar (Pineo 2014, p.2). As pointed out by Postero (2010, p.20), both the diversity of the country as well as the majority of peasant agricultural workers and miners exploiting subterranean resources, have shaped the way social movements are organized today. In the 1930s, worker unions became the primary legitimate

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force for acquiring political rights due to the large support of Bolivia’s miners for the Movimiento Nacionalisto Revolucionario (MNR – National Revolutionary Movement) (Postero 2010, p.21). The other sector was the indigenous peasant farmers from the highlands who formed radical unions (Postero 2010, p.21). In 1953, a revolution led by the MNR was an attempt to overcome the enduring structural problems of inequality and exclusion within the country. By supporting the MNR in the revolution, the indigenous peasant farmers were granted universal suffrage, rural education programs, and distribution of land. During this time, “indigenousness was subordinated to a class-based identity and mediated by a patron state through client unions” (Postero 2010, p.20). Thus the question of indigeneity was not the most prominent until the Katarista movement emerged in the 1960’s and 1970’s. This movement was led by a number of intellectuals influenced by Tupac Amaru, and they rethought indigenous history and based their demands around culture and recognition (Postero 2010, p.20).

This tension between race and class changed slightly with the neo-liberal era of the 1980’s. As explained above, the new liberalizing economy led to the “relocation” of miners to cities such as El Alto and Cochabamba. A large number of the population became involved in urban political struggles, but also a growing number of people started growing coca leaves, notably in the Chapare region of Cochabamba. The cocalero (coca leaf grower) movement emerged at this time and its discourse was based on the anti-imperialism and increasing recognition of the importance of ethnic demands (Pineo 2014, p.10). Parallel to this in the 1990s, the national indigenous movement rose, influenced by the growing international indigenous movement (Pineo 2014, p.3). By 1990 the Indigenous Federation of Eastern Bolivia (CIDOB) was formed which was based on identity politics. This new social movement however did not concentrate on race or class but rather culture and ethnic difference as a basis for rights (Postero 2010, p.21). The government of Sanchez de Lozada, in the mid-1990’s adopted the Law of Popular Participation and introduced multicultural reforms, which had effect on recognition but less on structural inequalities.

The Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) and Evo Morales

The MAS party formed in the 1990s led by cocalero leader Evo Morales and gained prominence thanks to its strong support from many different parts of the population, due to the non-fixed ideology behind the party which attracted many people (Postero 2010, p.24). As tensions rose at the start of the millennium, political and ethnic tensions as well as violent protests led to the resignation of the president at the time and subsequently to the election of president Evo Morales. The support for Evo Morales and the MAS thus comes from two different parts of the population. On one hand, from the coca farmers, as explained briefly above, and on the other hand from the indigenous

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population. Postero (2010, p.22) argues that the MAS party created “indigenous nationalism” which uses its position of flexibility to its own accord. The party “incorporates the language of indigenous liberation of popular struggles, abandoning the revolutionary project at the heart" (Postero 2010, p.30). The support for the new government comes from a strong cocalero base (worker base), but also from people with indigenous demands for recognition. The president thus sets out to change the internal structure of the country, by responding to the demands of the social movements forming his support base (Postero 2010, p.30).

This section showed the importance of considering that the indigenous struggle has evolved over time along with the question of class. Furthermore, it showed that support base of the current government initially came from both coca growers and indigenous people. The election of indigenous president Evo Morales appeared to be the start of a new era with better conditions for marginalized groups and lower class. I will analyze this in the next section.

2.3 Today’s socio-political context

2.3.1 Changing political context and changing society

The election of Evo Morales in 2005 marked the start of a new era with a promise of reform and increased social justice in the country. The new government introduced the new Constitution in 2009 which enhanced rights for the environment and native peoples, making Morales’ rhetoric into a concrete action (Fromherz 2011). His ambition of an alternative solution and rhetoric against the United States and the former failed economic model, as well as his humble beginnings, ensured support from the impoverished and indigenous majority of Bolivia, as they could finally identify with a leader as opposed to the previously rich elite (Dangl 2014). Shortly after taking power, the government nationalized important industries thanks to which it was able to fund social programs and infrastructure and also promised to focus on alleviating poverty in the country as well as empower the marginalized sectors of society (Dangl 2009). Article 9 of the Constitution states that the aim is to: “’construct a just and harmonious society, built on decolonization, without discrimination or exploitation, with full social justice, in order to strengthen the Pluri-National identities” (Bolivian Constitution 2009). Acknowledging Bolivia as pluri-national means that Morales has officially recognized all 36 ethnicities and all original languages and different cultures that come with it. His policies are shaped by his ideal of Buen Vivir or “Living well” and decolonization. In general terms, this means living in harmony and equilibrium, in harmony with nature and history as well as in all forms of existence (Makaran 2013, p. 142).

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Therefore, Buen Vivir touches upon social, economic, political issues and environmental issues (Makaran 2013). This implicates a change in the treatment of nature, which is called commonly Pachamama (Mother earth) and the relations between human beings. It is an alternative view to development, promoting a view beyond Eurocentric profit-based ideals (Gudynas 2011). It has economic implications as it opposes the previous neo-liberal policies and favors a socialist model as seen above. This thesis will show particularly how Buen Vivir affects education. Morales views Education as the main tool to reach social justice, and has developed a new education law Avelino Siñani-Elizardo Perez (ASEP). His education reform reflects his idea of “decolonization” which is the process of reconstituting the indigenous culture, identity and rights which were for so long undermined by government power.

When looking at equality and social justice in Bolivia, it is inevitable to look at indigeneity. The 40% of the population being indigenous (INE 2012) and this population having been discriminated and undermined for many years, there is an entrenched denial within society of indigenous language, culture and identity. However, Morales is moving towards a society where respect for being indigenous and speaking Quechua (for example) is increasing, and the Bolivian identity is valued. To illustrate, one teacher whom I interviewed explained that “those sweaters (chompa) made out of llama wool that you see everywhere, only tourists used to buy them. Now even Bolivians wear them and with pride” (interview 1). It appears that Evo Morales is creating a positive change within society, where there is a return to valuing what is Bolivian, and Bolivian culture. Of course, the change is a process which will take time, so saying there is no discrimination at all would be far from the truth, but there is definite progress being seen.

2.3.2 Mitigated support

Some of the Morales government policies are controversial however, as, although it advocates the rights of indigenous people and guardian of the Pachamama and environment, there are many facts that point towards a different direction. One example is that on the 20th_{of May 2015, a new decree}

was issued specifically permitting “the development of hydrocarbon exploration activities in the different zones and categories within protected areas” (Hill 2015). The Madid natural park is one of the 22 “protected areas” in Bolivia. Companies will now have a large amount of power due to the new piece of legislation, and will now be able to “radically” modify the way “protected areas” are used (Hill 2015). It comes as a surprise to the population given the discourse Evo Morales gives regarding the Pachamama, and the idea of “living in harmony” with nature built in the vision of Buen Vivir. Not only does this decision cause danger to the environment and widely affect the indigenous population in the area as their land is taken away from them (idem). Even if the majority of revenue

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from oil extraction will stay in Bolivia, this example shows that discourse seems to be different than reality, and the idea of “development” in Bolivia under the current government resembles the ideology of neo-liberalism the country thought it had gotten rid of. Evo Morales’ re-election in 2015, making this term his third, has caused much political debate. He has always been a polarizing figure in Bolivia and whether he received support by default or had genuine support, is debatable (Fromherz 2011) but this goes beyond the scope of my topic.

2.3.3 Participatory Democracy?

It can be argued that under president Evo Morales, there is an effort to reach a more participatory democracy model. The new Constitution aims to decrease the gap between the state and civil society (Schilling-Vacaflor 2011, p. 20). Indeed, representatives of marginalized groups in the recent past now play an important role in Bolivian politics and decentralization is one of the channels through which this is possible, although not new in Bolivia. In order to understand the education reform that took place in Bolivia, it is also crucial to be aware of the process of decentralization, which can then explain the prevalence of community participation in education. Decentralization is henceforth defined as the “devolution by central (i.e. national) government of specific functions, with all of the administrative, political and economic attributes that these entail, to democratic local (i.e. municipal) governments which are independent of the center within a legally delimited geographic and functional domain.” (Faguet and Sanchez 2008, p.5). Indeed, with the “community participation” pillar of the ASEP law, the government is creating a space of freedom in order for education policies to be more adequate regionally, and which are better suited for specific needs and areas. Evo Morales aims to promote indigenous values not based on the colonial tradition and to institutionalize indigenous values (Strauss 2010).

Faguet and Sanchez (2008) identify two reasons for decentralization in Bolivia. The first one is linked to the 15 year streak of zero percent economic growth despite intervention from the IMF and World Bank, which led to social unrest and lack of trust in the State. Decentralization was therefore seen as a way to regain legitimacy and trust from the population and voters. The second factor that steered towards decentralization was “the rise of ethnically-based, populist politics in the 1980s” (idem, p.8). This led to the MNR’s loss of traditionally dominant rural vote. Studies on decentralization in Latin America have shown that the results are mixed and that it is country specific. Selee (2004) finds that there is a correlation between a country’s historical decentralization process and the depth of a country’s decentralization: countries with the longest history of centralisation are less likely to be rid of centralisation even after formal attempts to change it (Selee 2004, p. 4). Since Bolivia is a country where decentralization has been a long-term process, according to Selee’s theory, it should be a successful one. Faguet (2004, 2008) proves that decentralization in Bolivia led to “higher investment

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in human capital and social services” (Faguet 2008, p.1120) and it appears that the poorest regions of the country chose projects according to their greater needs. Thus, after 1994, investment in education took priority as well as water sanitation and urban development, reflecting real local needs. By creating local authorities, local voters can now hold the municipalities accountable: “Countrywide, [decentralization] put real power over public resources in the hands of ordinary people” (Faguet 2008, p.1112).

This has caused a reversal in education policy where resources were better distributed towards municipalities where existing levels of education were poor (Faguet 2008). Thus, decentralization has had a positive effect on education. However, Selee (2004) argues also that decentralization can reinforce the local and regional power structures that central governments had been designed to control. In the case of Bolivia, in terms of education reform, the wider public was in theory called to participate in the designing of the new education reform Avelino Siñani-Elizardo Perez (ASEP) law, which goes in line with Morales’ aim of being governed by the people. The government has made a conscious effort to reduce the discrimination of the indigenous population and adopt the philosophy of buen vivir in all areas of his politics. According to Lopes Cardozo (2011), the ASEP law aims for the “revaluation of alternative knowledge and critical reflection” (Lopes Cardozo 2011, p.9). However, the extent to which the people are empowered and to which the government responds better to local needs remains low. Although some of the basic needs in terms of infrastructure and school access have been addressed, deeper social and economic issues remain in poor urban zones, as I will exemplify in chapters 5 and 6.

This section has shown the social change in Bolivian society with the new Constitution allowing for more participation, and the movement towards changing norms. However, there is a tension between the Buen Vivir discourse and some actions from the government, which could explain the faltering support for the president. In addition, although decentralization in theory has a positive effect on municipalities and in Bolivia has helped improve access to education at the local level, the extent to which the population is empowered remains limited.

2.4 Education transformation

2.4.1. Education or a tool for discrimination

The Spanish colonization had a great influence on the education system. Education was led primarily by the Jesuits, part of the Roman Catholic Church, which still has impact on education today (Drange

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2009). Not only did this impact the indigenous culture, but language also became an important issue and cause of social injustice. Spanish being the language of the colonizer, native languages such as Quechua, Aymara, Guarani, Chiquitano and all other languages (a total of 36) were set aside meaning that education in the Andes was traditionally not meant for the indigenous population (Drange 2009). This was a method to keep the majority of the population out of education and a way of maintaining power within the state (Drange 2009). Later in the 1920s the indigenous population was given access to education but only in rural schools with the sole purpose of teaching them how to produce and to keep them away from knowledge (Drange 2009). Even after the 1952 revolution where new laws unified the educational system, teaching was carried out in Spanish, the only recognized language at the time (Drange 2009). As explained by Drange, the “educational reforms were mostly organizational and did not change the educational science” (Drange 2009, p.32). This explains why the more recent reforms are important as the government wants to oppose the colonial attitude which has affected Bolivian society, and infringed on social justice.

The arrival in power of Evo Morales brought the new Constitution but also the new education reform. He was not the first to bring change to the Bolivian education system. The MNR introduced a reform in 1985 which aimed to adapt the education system to international standards (Arrueta & Avery 2012). This reform was the first to recognize indigenous languages and knowledge in the programmes, which was a positive step. However, it was criticized for favoring an educational system with western criteria which led to the undermining of Bolivia’s own culture (Arrueta & Avery 2012). Thus I will now talk of the subsequent reforms which shape the education system today.

2.4.2 1994 Education Reform Act

The 1994 Education Reform Act was an attempt to reform education and promote bi-lingual education. It was not efficiently and effectively implemented and did not achieve many of its original goals (Cardozo 2011) and it has been argued that the reason for its failure was due to the top-down approach of the making of this law. One of the factors leading to the development of the 1994 Education Reform Act was the 1980’s debt crisis which touched Bolivia quite extensively. The crisis led to the involvement of international financial institutions such as the World Bank and the IMF, who imposed structural adjustment programs (SAPs) and led a reformulation of the Constitution in 1994 (Alarcon et al 2013). The new Constitution was a step forward for this diverse country, as it officially recognized ethnic and cultural differences within the country and became “free independent, sovereign, multi-ethnic and pluricultural” (Hornberger 2008, p.181). Osuna (2013) argues that intercultural and bilingual education was an empowerment policy aimed at the “redefinition of relations between state and indigenous peoples” (Osuna 2103 p.5, quoting Melgarejo 2007). For the first time, the dimension of language would be taken into account in

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education (Drange 2011). As put by Drange (2011, p.32), the 1994 education law was based on two axes: intercultural education and popular participation. The second axis of the law is based upon the Law of Popular Participation 1994 mentioned above “which grants special status to traditional authorities and indigenous organizations in the countryside and neighborhood councils in the cities” (Drange p.32). Thus, we see that participation of the community was already prevalent at the end of the 20th_{century in Bolivia.}

Drange (2011) explains that in fact, language was the main problem when implementing the law, as the language planners were Spanish speaking and government functionaries far removed from the reality of the difficulties language caused in practice. Several criticisms arose regarding this law, regarding its design and implementation process (Cardozo 2013 pp.22) According to Osuna, intercultural education was developed only in rural indigenous schools. In 2000, 2,037 schools or 18.8% of rural schools adopted the bilingual curriculum meaning an increase of 114 schools a decade before, and in the urban areas, 3,140 schools were bilingual in 2000 (Contreras, Simoni 2003, p.40).

2.4.3 ASEP LAW

The new education law established in Bolivia by the new government led by Morales, for intercultural education, is now in action since 2010 and was built upon the previous reform (Horneburger 2011). The abolition of the previous law stems from the fact that the government saw it as a continuation of previous colonial practices. The new education system is based on the idea or principle of Buen Vivir and named after the Avelino Siñani and Elizardo Perez, two influential professors who founded the Warasita schools. The clear shift in political ideals has influenced greatly the education system in Bolivia, notably through the concept of decolonization. The role of the education reform in decolonization according to Cortina is “to alter the power relations that exist under the coloniality of power and the coloniality of knowledge” (Cortina 2014, p.14) and this can be done by elevating Indigenous knowledge in order to reverse some of the negative effects caused by colonialism. The designing of the new Avelino Sinani-Elizardo Perez Bolivian Education Law (ASEP), which was a key component Evo Morales’ agenda, was done in a revolutionary bottom-up way (Cortina 2014). This already marked it from the 1994 Law which was made in the traditional top-down approach. In the ASEP Law teachers were greatly involved (in particular indigenous teachers) and were able to contribute to new education policies, unlike the designing of previous reform attempts. The ASEP Law is based on four pillars: decolonization, inter and intracultural education, community participation and productivity and its main goal is to reach a “just harmonious society,

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founded on decolonization, without discrimination, to consolidate the plurinational identities” (ASEP 2010)

The first pillar, decolonization refers to, officially, as “putting an end to ethnic borders that influence opportunities in the area of education, work, politics and economic security, where no one is privileged on the basis of race, ethnicity and or language. It also signifies to avoid favoring conceptualizations of the Western world as if they are universal, yet valuing the knowledges, skills and technologies of the indigenous civilizations, both of the Amazonian and Andean regions” (MoE 2010). The second pillar of inter/intracultural education is mainly based on the linguistic aspect of the curriculum and the teaching of traditional languages. According to Horneburger (2011), the education minister criticized the 1994 reform because it was a “one –way interculturalism rather than a democratizing two-way equality among cultures” (idem, p.201). This is why the new law also includes specific aspects of culture within the curriculum rather than exclusively language. Furthermore, it recognizes the importance of language in different social spaces (Horneburger 2011) which explains why English is taught as well as Spanish and another indigenous language

The third pillar, “communitarian education” is what will be the main focus of this thesis. It is the most closely linked to the idea of “living well” as it promotes participation of the community rather than an individualistic approach (MoE 2010). The idea is that all actors in society can now have a role in education within territorial spaces (the quarter, the district and the rural community) (Drange 2002). Thus parents, teachers, students and the local community as well as grassroots organizations have a role in making collective decisions about education. This is only possible because of the Law of Popular Participation of 1994, and the decentralization of many aspects of Bolivian policy-making in the past 10 years. The fourth pillar refers to “productive education” is oriented towards guaranteeing the process of production, conservation and managing as well as defending the natural resources.

While there have been many studies on the impact and role of teachers in the ASEP law, as teachers have been designated as soldiers of change (Cardozo 2008), not much research has been carried out on the actual impact this has on children - marginalized children in particular and more precisely on the contribution of the community. Seeing the effects of this new law from the perspective of the community is of particular importance. Communitarian education is the least defined pillar of the ASEP law (Cardozo 2011) and there does not appear to be clear guidelines of what is meant by this. However, there are three interpretations at the moment: “the community actually plays a recognized role outside of the school day, which is especially important as Bolivia’s schools operate on half-day schedules; schools engage indigenous community values and invite

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‘guests’ from the community into the classroom; or some combination of the two” (Cardozo 2011, p. 106). Although the law was meant to be a gradual process, it has been agreed since 2014 that the law must be applied in all schools in the whole country. Therefore it is important to research the impact the community can have and how it is understood at the local level.

2.4.4 A changing curriculum

The ASEP law is applied at all stages of education, from kindergarden through to university. The implementation of the law varies depending on the level, but this research focused on college education, so for students from the age of 14 (UNESCO 2011).

In line with the decentralization and the idea of decolonization, three different curriculums exist in Bolivia: the basic curriculum (curriculum de base), the regional curriculum (curriculum regionalizado) and the Diversified curriculum (curriculum diversificado) (Interview 1, 12, 14). Some teachers believe the new education reform is very positive as it enables to go back to the roots and history of the country. The Basic Curriculum (curriculum de base) is the one imposed by the state whereas the regionalized curriculum (regionalizado) is directly related to the region. The regionalized curriculum was elaborated with the support of the CEPO (Consejos Educativos de los Pueblos Originarios) (Yapu 2013, p.4). As there are 36 different indigenous ethnic groups in Bolivia, the flexibility of the curriculum is very important and relevant. For example, in the region of Cochabamba, more particularly the city, people identify generally as Quechua and a few as Aymara. The Diversified Curriculum is the result of the mixture of both the basic curriculum and regionalized one and is designed by teachers and headmasters/mistresses before the start of the school year in February.

Figure 3: Curriculum design (Source: Author)

The Ministry of Education (MoE) has based its new curriculum based on four pillars: “ser, saber, hacer, decidir’’ or “being, knowing, doing, deciding”. The dimension of ‘’being’’ (ser) relates to social and community (sociocomunitarios) principles and values, such as solidarity; respect; and equality. It also relates to the attitudes and mindsets of teachers and students. The dimension of ‘’knowing’’

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(saber) is associated with the cognitive aspect of knowing, understanding and analyzing different forms of knowledges. The fourth dimension of ‘’deciding’’ is based on political organization and the community (OEI 2012). The MoE explains that these dimensions will contribute towards the consolidation of the Plurinational State and will change “the individualistic and discriminatory mindsets for the full exercise of peoples’ minds and coexistence” (OEI 2012). I will show in section 5.5 how the community contributes to supporting the new curriculum and discuss the efficiency of this. What is important to consider at this point, is that the basis of the curriculum is founded on a principle of community in the aim to diminish the prevalence of discrimination and individuality in Bolivia.

2. 5 Summary of Chapter

When studying social justice in Bolivia, one must analyze the struggle and movements which have fought against the deeply entrenched social, economic and political inequalities that have been prevalent for a long time. I have shown that the struggle both for labor rights and indigenous rights shaped most of the 20th_{Century in Bolivia, and that this struggle eventually led to the election of an}

indigenous-cocalero leader, President Evo Morales. His government’s policies aim to transcend the inequalities caused by what he calls “500 years of submission” (Morales 2005, inauguration speech) with the aim of decolonizing the country. One of the ways he aims to achieve this is through education, as he sees it as the main means for societal change. The new law, heavily based on the 1994 LRE, concentrates on multiculturalism and indigenous rights, as well as promotes communitarian involvement and productive participation. The pillar regarding communitarian involvement being unclear in the law, it is an aspect I will discuss in chapter 5, in order to analyze whether the population actually does have a space in education and to see what effects this has on education. The following chapter will give an overview of literature on the question of community involvement in education, the question of social justice and finally indigenous identity. It will present the theoretical background on which is based this thesis.

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3- THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

3. 1 Community

3.1.1 What is community?

According to Uemura (1999) community can be defined as the “characteristics that the members share such as culture, language, tradition, law, geography, class and race” (2000, p.1). According to Zener (1964), there are three aspects of community: group structure; collective identification and finally local autonomy and responsibility. Mark Bray (1998) considers three different types of communities which include, a geographic community: a village or a district for example. Second is an Ethnic, racial and religious community: this overlaps also with the geographical aspect of community. Finally he identifies “communities based on shared family or educational concerns” (Bray 1998, p.55): here a community can come together with parents associations based on families’ shared concerns for the quality of education or the welfare of students. Thus, for the purpose of this study I will use Bray’s (1998) definition: the geographic community will be that of Cochabamba, or more generally an urban setting and within this urban setting we will identify a certain group of people who share the same concerns, in order to collect useful information.

3.1.2 Community Participation in Education

For Stephen May, there is a difference between community education and community-based education. The latter involves a form of “questioning and contesting of wider oppressive structures” (May 1999, p.3) while the former. He writes in the context of indigenous community-based education, as there is a wide consensus that marginalization and subjugation of indigenous populations has been a practice for centuries thus calling for a response to this. He sees that for indigenous peoples, “community-based education has become central to cultural and linguistic revival” (Corson in May 1999, p.9) as for many years education has been a space for linguistic disappearance or demeaning of indigenous culture. May (1999) argues that European colonial education “normalized and valorized” European languages and cultures at the specific expense of alternative indigenous ones” (1999, p. 3). Corson argues that community involvement in education enables indigenous communities to demand and insist on the insertion of their own values and into the schools’ “organization, management, pedagogy, curriculum and modes of evaluation’’ (Corson in May 1999). In the context of Bolivia, the concept of communitarian education, although not specifically defined, does not mean simply a return back to original indigenous knowledge. Fettes’

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extended discussion on “indigenous community-based education incorporates a dynamic and ongoing process of cultural negotiation” (Fettes in May 1999 .p.4).

Following the model of Moser (1989, p.80), the four fundamental questions that come with the concept of participation will be answered within the thesis. These are: “why participation, when participation, whose participation and how participation”.

First comes the question of how community participation in education can be carried out. Colletta and Perkins (1995) highlight different ways in which the community can participate in education: - Dialogue with policymakers;

- School management; - Curriculum design;

- Development of learning materials; - School construction.

I found all of the above mentioned elements were relevant or arose during my research, and will touch upon them in the following chapters.

The question of why participation, has known much debate over the past few decades, and started as a synonym of “community development” in (Moser 1989, p.80). Paul (1987) sees participation as both a means and an ends, and adds the concept of empowerment to his answer to the question of “why” participation. For him community participation is a process whereby “beneficiaries influence the direction and execution of development projects rather than merely receive a share of project benefits”. If we think of education as the “project” then we can argue that community involvement in education is useful because of the contribution of the communities with their own knowledge and what they know is best for their children. Thus the bottom-up approach is the key to a compatible education system in a very diverse Bolivia for example. This idea that the community “influences” therefore hints towards empowerment. In fact, Paul (1987) speaks of five different objectives of participation: “empowerment, building beneficiary capacity, increasing project effectiveness, improving project efficiency, and project cost sharing.” Empowerment is not a concept which is in all definitions of community participation, and Moser explains that this is the reason for the two-foldedness of the concept of community participation. He explains that there is a gap in the literature as to what exactly is meant by “empowerment”: it could be only for the time of the project, or a longer term empowerment leading to structural change. Moser explains that “In reality it is not the evaluation of participation either as a means or as an end which is important, but the identification of the process whereby participation as a means has the capacity to develop into

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participation as an end” (Moser 1987, p. 84). This study aims to research what structural changes are made through community participation regarding the lives of indigenous people in an urban context. The question of when participation refers to the different stages involved and is most commonly defined as aspects such as decision making, implementation, financing and managing. The question of when participation reflects power relations with the issue of control and power to decide (Moser 1987, p.85). Moser therefore insists that the question of whose participation is crucial as it determines to what extent you can call “participation” really “community participation”. One critique can be that often at the policy level, when regarding an urban setting, “community” is seen as homogenous. However, Moser points out that community can change from block to street. Therefore, the assumption that community participation necessarily benefits everyone would be wrong, and the power relations which exist within a community are likely to be maintained if it is not carried out in an adequate manner.

3.1.3 Freire and community participation

The concept of community participation falls is in line with Freire’s (1970) idea that education should not be received passively, but should rather promote critical thinking and engage students as much as possible. It is of interest to see how intercultural education is impacting the lives of children, and to see in what ways the education in Bolivia creates a space for a progressive society.

Furthermore, in the field of education, similarly to Freire’s idea of humanization, Davies (2005) argues it is important for children or students to debate, and to be able to contradict someone else, moving away from a passive education to a more active and engaging one. Davies (2005), sees that there are four areas which promote disruptive democracy: “the handling of identity and fear; the need for deliberation and dialogue; the need for creativity, play and humor; and the impetus for a defiant agency” (idem, p.212). It would be interesting to research whether this is the case for children in Cochabamba through the involvement of the community in education and through their meaningful input. Finally, Chavis and Wandersam (1990) use the model within which there are three components that influence an individual’s participation in neighbourhood organisations: “the conception of the environment, a person’s social relations and a person’s perception of its control and empowerment within the community” (Chavis and Wandersam 1990, p.59). These will be useful to research the limitation and incentives to participation.

As argued by Freire, education can either be an instrument of domination, or an instrument of liberation:

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“Education either functions as an instrument which is used to facilitate integration of the younger generation into the logic of the present system and bring about conformity or it becomes the practice of freedom, the means by which men and women deal critically and creatively with reality and discover how to participate in the transformation of their world.”(Freire 21970, p.32).

Freire’s theory is useful in this thesis as it reflects the pursuit of social justice through the means of an education whereby the student is not treated as an object but rather a subject that is able to transform its social reality. Freire believed in a society where education freed and humanized the students, and his theory is that social change should come from the masses and not the elite. Freire’s literacy goes beyond the “functional literacy” which is the simplest form of literacy whereby someone is able to fill in a form for example. For Freire, literacy is when “The learners are taught to read and write in a meaningful and critical way in order to increase their ability to take charge of their own development.”(1970, p.11). Neymara (1998) argues that Freire’s ideas on education are not applicable in states where governments are not ready to reach “equality and social justice”. However this is the aim of the Bolivian government as explained above, or at least its rhetoric. Ultimately, this type of education would lead to a just society, and this is part of Buen Vivir. This leads us to the question which will be asked in this thesis. The idea of Buen Vivir is to live in harmony with each other regardless of social status or culture, and in harmony with nature, the Pachamama. However, the question remains of whether this is achievable if economic inequality remains the same.

3.2 Social Justice and Fraser

The theoretical framework chosen is also based on the concept of social justice. Looking at Fraser’s three Rs (representation, recognition and redistribution) can help evaluate whether the current educational reform is accomplishing its aims of achieving nationwide social justice.

In her early work, Fraser identifies three ways in which a society can be discriminated: in its socio-economic injustices, cultural differences and political injustices. Cultural injustice can be associated with “representation, interpretation, and communication, cultural domination, non-recognition and disrespect” (Fraser 1995, 71). In the case of Bolivia, we can argue that aspects such as language were for a very long time a weapon for undermining the indigenous population, especially through education, as colonialism played a part in imposing Spanish on the whole population. Socioeconomic injustices are related to what Fraser calls “maldistribution” which is the fact that there is a clear unequal distribution of material resources between groups in society. Some of these include “income inequality, capitalist exploitation, and substandard living conditions arising from

Community participation in education : the effects on social justice in Bolivia : a case study of community participation in education in the urban context of Cochabamba, Bolivia