From Emancipated Warriors to Irrational Victims. Media Framing of Female Participation in Terrorism: Chechen Shahidkas and ISIS women

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From Emancipated

Warriors to Irrational

Victims

Media Framing of Female Participation in Terrorism: Chechen Shahidkas

and ISIS women

Alexandra Bianca Ursu

LEIDEN UNIVERSITY Crisis and Security Management Student number: 1628534

Stream: 2015-2016 Supervisor: Leena Malkki Second reader: Stef Wittendorp

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Abstract

Seeking to debate media and gender stereotypes, this research is using framing theories to explore the portrayal of female participation in terrorism. Following a comparative case study design, the present research is exploring media framing strategies adopted by widely internationally read media. It aims at exploring to what extend is the media framing of Chechen Shahidkas different from the media framing of ISIS female participation. The findings of this research conclude with contrasting media framing strategies employed in each of the two case studies. Whereas Shahidkas were framed by the media from the perspective of a family connection frame, ISIS female participation was dominated by a (religious) ideological inspired frame. Furthermore, while ISIS women are portrayed by the media from an irrational women frame, Shahidkas are framed the opposite, as emancipated, mature and rational actors. These contrasting framing mechanisms rise important questions way news are reported, but also the geopolitical context of the news.

Acknowledgements

I would like to sincerely thank my supervisor Professor Leena Malkki for her continuous

guidance and support throughout my thesis. Our consultation meetings broadened my horizons and encouraged me to work hard for my academic interests. I would like to thank Professor Theo Kamsma for encouraging me to expand my academic prospects, to my family and friends,

particularly to my mother, Ursu Iulia Denis. Last, but not the least I would like to thank Professor Joris Voorhoeve, who was an inspiration from me, initiating me into the research of Middle East conflicts.

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1. Introduction

The present research is studying framing mechanisms employed by the media when reporting on different forms of female participations in terrorism. In the last two decades, research on the public perception of terrorism became increasingly salient (Huddy, Taber & Lahav, 2005). Overall, studies on the perception of terrorism suggest that gender plays a strategic role in how this problem framed and understood. Terrorism is closely connected to the spread of fear and the success of terrorist attacks is arguably measured by the public attention directed to it. Here, the media becomes a main instrument to obtain the needed public attention and to facilitate the spread of fear. Using a variety of framing strategies, the media may be seen as a great instrument in the construction of social understanding and perception. Female terrorism is an under-researched phenomenon, but if there is something that is commonly agreed on, it is the strong tendency to perceive and portray it through the lens of gender stereotypes (Corp, 2014). Based on previous research, this seems to be particularly true for media reports. Women are stereotypically perceived as sensible with a solid baggage of moral reasoning being less prone to violence than men as they fulfil the role of caring nurturers. Since female terrorism largely perceived as unconventional or exceptional, the media exploits the sensationalism surrounding this topic. Although research on media framing of terrorism and extremism dates back more than four decades ago, gender based studies on media framing of female terrorism obtained very little academic attention (Bakker, 2015).

How social phenomena are discussed in the media is far from a trivial question. Terrorism is arguably the main focus of the international and domestic security policy-making agenda. Our understanding of terrorism is constructed by the way this phenomenon is illustrated (or not), framed and rationalized. What and how the media, and public representatives chose to show/or not show, influences the way nowadays social reality is perceived by the general public. Thus, gender stereotypes attached to terrorism are not only common in the policy-making arena, but also in the daily news.

Research on the topic of media framing of female involvement in terrorism is necessary to improve the current understanding on the underlying concepts behind the media portrayal and social the perception of this phenomenon. The purpose of this research is to nuance the academic debate on framing news and gender stereotypes, from the angle of female involvement in terrorism. Focusing on two case studies of female participation in terrorism, this research is aimed to find out the different media framing mechanisms applied by British and American media to Chechen and ISIS contexts. These two cases are perhaps the ones who have provoked most attention and puzzlement in the western media and also influenced the western perceptions of female terrorism (Harmon, 2014). Most of the academic literature on the media framing of female participation in terrorism usually following quantitative research schemes, having Western media as unit of analysis (Ahish

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& Shukul, 2015). In contrast to most quantitative studies scrutinizing the theme of media framing of female terrorism, this research is focused on a qualitative case study approach, focusing on internationally widely read media. Furthermore, while most of the qualitative researches on the present topic are aimed to analyse how media reports fall into specific pre-established theoretical categories of frames, this research is constructed on a partly theory-partly data driven approach of frames’ identification.

The central goal of this research is to depict differences in framing strategies according to the news reports on Chechen and ISIS female involvement in terrorism. The structure of the thesis goes as follows. After explaining the relevance of this study in more detail, the second chapter initiates with a brief description of the various forms of female participation in terrorism, followed by an overview of previous research on the media framing of female terrorism. The section “Research Design” is aimed to explain the methodology behind the comparative case study research design. The results of each case study are presented from the light of four main media frames. The research concludes with the comparison of these two cases and discussion on the implications of the research results.

2. Theoretical Framework

This section is aimed to explain the theoretical approach of this study by placing it in the context of previous literature on the topic on media framing and female terrorism. Firstly, before diving into previous studies on framing mechanisms and the portrayal of female terrorism, the present research is first elaborating on the various women roles in terrorism, as presented in the larger academic debate. Although the present study is not aiming to analyse whether or not different framing strategies offer a truthful image of participation in terrorism way, it is relevant to acknowledge the direction in which female roles in terrorism are broadly constructed. Thus, describing female roles in terrorism becomes critical in contextualizing framing studies. Secondly, after having a clear image of the possible roles that women may undertake in terrorist activities, this chapter continues with main theoretical considerations high-lightened by framing studies. Thirdly, this chapter continues with a parallel between the previous two sections, bringing the topic of media framing with the aspect of female participation in terrorism. Finally, it concludes with a theoretical overview of the two case studies.

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2.1. Forms of Female Participation in Terrorism

Traditionally, women’s role in combat has been restricted in violent conflicts. While men continue to participate in violent conflicts in higher numbers than women, there is evidence pointing that the gender paradigm may be shifting. Nowadays reality reflects that the role of women in armed conflicts and terrorism is a controversial one. Rather than victims of abusive political systems and violence, women may often be engaged in direct combat, violent extremism and (inter)national terrorism. Over the last decade, female involvement in terrorism has increased dramatically, women combatants participating in over 38 domestic armed conflicts worldwide (Jordan & Denov, 2007). Overall, there is a trend of increased female involvement in terrorism, with particular focus in homicide bombing (Rush, 2007). Between 1985-2010 a quarter of the total number of the terrorist attacks were perpetuated by women, nowadays terrorist groups such as ISIS, Al-Shabab, Boko Haram increased the number of female terrorist attacks to more than fifty percent. Until recently, terrorist groups such as Al ’Qaeda have denied any women-related cooperation. From a very pragmatic point of view, especially in fragile states, or conflict areas, the role of women in armed conflicts becomes critical in attending the organizational and its members’ interests (Bloom, 2011).

Participation of women in terrorism continues to be an under-research topic. The role of women in terrorism is mostly researched from the perspective of peace and counterterrorism (Fink, Barakat & Shetrat, 2013). Perhaps the most radical views about the topic have been expressed by Anne Speckhard, who calls into question whether female participation in terrorism should be viewed in such different terms from male participation. Speckhard’s (2015) critical views on female extremism are contrasting traditional patriarchal stereotyping frames, using empirical evidence to suggest that women can be as violent as men. Firstly, when looking at violence motivated by intimate relationships, studies in Western societies show that women are as likely as males to be violent against their partners. Secondly, when looking at low-level crime, women engage in various street crime such as drug dealing, prostitution and theft. Finally, contemporary women involvement in large scale organized crime became increasingly common (Speckhard, 2015). Therefore, in her view, despite the sometimes-marginal roles women have in organized crime and terrorism, their involvement is much undermined by current policy/political/social mind-sets and perceptions. Overall, the patriarchal stereotypical view of women as life givers, sensible and gentle nurturers, undermines women’s strategic role as a less suspicious perpetrators of crime and violence (Corp, 2014).

In her definition, Speckhard (2015) makes no distinction between male versus female ingredients for terrorism. Instead, she suggests that, within the “lethal cocktail” both women and men engage in terrorism when the following four main criteria are met: the presence of a movement or group having political goals to be achieved through the use of terrorist acts; an underlying ideology falsely promoting terrorism as a justified and needed act; external and internal support for the terrorist acts which can be manifested locally and internationally through various (social) media

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channels; the combination of the three in parallel with individual vulnerabilities and motivations which are determined by the proximity to the conflict area (either outside or inside) (Spekhard, 2015). In this context, inside the conflict areas, terrorist acts are primarily motivated by trauma and revenge, seeking to advocate for community outrage through violence and armed force. In the opposite arena, the motivations of terrorist-related actors living outside the conflict area differ substantially, as they experience in an indirect way, more intangible negative consequences, such as stigma, racial profiling or social exclusion. Thus, for example, Western women who live outside conflict areas, may engage in terrorist acts because of possible social strain, marginalization caused by discrimination, prejudice or stigma for having direct or symbolic ties with the conflict areas. While direct ties may involve primary trauma consequences, symbolic ties may be affected by secondary trauma. Symbolic ties may be developed through common belief systems, ideologies, whereas secondary trauma can be transmitted via visual representations of violence in those conflict areas. Discrimination, marginalization, frustrated aspirations, the intention to escape shame caused by an eventual ideological/ethnic/religious nexus with conflict areas (i.e. the Muslim Ummah) may be seen as individual motivations to engage in terrorism outside conflict areas (Spekhard, 2015). It should be pointed out that Speckhard’s (2015) research is quite controversial when compared to traditional views on women being victims of radicalization and terrorism. Mahan and Griset (2012) argue that female involvement in terrorism can be divided between: sympathizers, spies, warriors, and dominant forces. Another example to classify the role of women in terrorism is emphasized by Fox (2004), suggesting that nowadays women can play a direct role in combat (perpetrators and commanders), suicide bombing, human shields and a more logistic and male-subordinated role in becoming servants or sex slaves within male-led organizations. In short, although scholars and international organizations define differently the role of women in terrorism, the foundation of their terminology is based on a common frame of reference, namely that women can have: direct involvement as initiators, peripheral or secondary role as accomplice, and silent supporters/sympathizers.

Firstly, scholars such as Speckhard (2015) emphasize on examples of direct, or primary involvement, referring to female engagement in terrorism as self-organizing female exclusive extremist groups. Examples such as Kurdish female fighters, or the Chechen alliances may emphasize that women can play a primary role in mobilizing armed attacks. Sage (2013) argues that, such examples promote the image of a deviant form of women empowerment via violent manifestations (Sage, 2013). Secondly, the peripheral or logistical role that women have in terrorism is the most common scenario, whereas men-led terrorist organizations use women as instruments to infiltrate, hide and get easier access to strategic terrorist targets. This may be a reason why male-led terrorist organizations do not usually promote their “collaboration” or use of women in attacks. For example, the Fatah movement in Palestine did not take responsibility for their first female suicide bomber (Wafa Idris), and it did not even label her death as a “martyr” similar to other suicide bombing attacks. Although Fatah members were initially hesitant in taking responsibility for Wafa Idris, the truth became soon evident (Brown, 2011). Nowadays, even the most conservative terrorist groups such as Al’Qaeda reconsider their rigid rules, using increased female involvement in jihad. In addition, looking at the most recent ISIS trends, the promotion of women involvement in terrorist acts is increasingly more common even within the internal

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organization of the terrorist group. While the Qur’an is unclear pinpointing the position of women in jihad, according to the ISIS wedding certificate, these roles become increasingly articulated and formalized. Thus, the ISIS wedding certificate states that ISIS male members are not allowed to prohibit their wives to engage in suicide attacks (Ali, 2015). In short, that the marginal/peripheral and instrumental role that women have in terrorism is vivid in areas of logistics, suicide bombing and further extremist related practices. Finally, the role of women in terrorism as silent supporters is described in literature as sympathetic to terrorist political goals and underlying ideology. Thus, they may have a “silent” role in facilitating the spread of extremist views and radicalization among other women via various tools such as social media (Mahan & Griset, 2012).

Many explanations have been given around the phenomenon of female involvement in terrorism. Firstly, women may get easier access to terrorist targets than their male counterparts. Women may get easier access to infiltrate targeted male politicians, or influent policy-makers suicide bombing attacks. Thus, a woman framed as simple, ordinary and innocent may get easier access to checks/controls or to institutions of interest. Secondly, since media is a powerful tool to spread fear after a terrorist attack, terrorist organizations make strategic use of it. The latter’s main goal is not the attack itself, but the attention directed to it. In this context, the media sensationalism around female terrorism may be of great help for the terrorist goal to catch as much attention as possible. Finally, the recruitment of women in terrorist organizations proved to be lucrative for an increased male membership (Mahan & Griset, 2012).

2.2 Media Framing Studies

Media framing is perhaps one of the most powerful tools to shape and influence portrayals and perceptions associated to social phenomenon. There is a reversible inter-dynamic between the media, public officials (and the government), the public sphere influencing the way we regard contemporary crisis and security related incidents (Happer, 2013). The media and the government influence each other’s reactions and framing strategies, impacting on public perception and the way the general public perceives an incident. Norris, Kern and Just (2003), argue that terrorist news frames are the main instrument to generate public opinion and consequent follow-up policy changes.

Terrorist news frames are established in relation to three main factors: the terrorist event itself, the frame of the event attached by the perpetrator group, and the frame attached by the government of the state where the attack took place. Therefore, news frames arouse according to these three factors which simultaneously contribute to the formation of public opinion and perception. Aside from having a noteworthy role in the social perception of events, news frames influence political participation and agenda-setting considerations (May, 2009). News frames are powerful political communication tools which give space to policy changes. Therefore, in this context, it may be argued that media frames are pillars for public threat perception and instrumental for policy debates and changes. Nonetheless, frames are important communication

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instruments for the media, politicians and governors. However, it should mentioned that frames are not tools for meaning giving exclusively directed the media and politicians. In this sense, frames are used by the public when individuals are trying to make sense of unfamiliar events (Norris, Kern & Just, 2003).

When focusing on a terrorist threat perception, media framing may be seen as the cornerstone in enhancing the public understanding of a social aspect (Entman, 1996). According to Entman (1996), “a frame operates to select and highlight some features of reality and obscure others in a way that tells a consistent story about problems, their causes, moral implications, and remedies.”(Entman, 1996, p. 77). The quintessence of the framing process is based on a prioritization of relevant considerations in order to simplify meaning-giving. Norris, Kern and Just (2003) argue that the way news are elaborated is influenced by the reliance upon familiar news frames, rather than contextualizing on the particularities of the event. Therefore, journalists depend on familiar or conventional frames and the understanding of credible sources (such as governmental institutions) to make sense of events and structure their story lines. In general, news frames are established according to common practices (familiar frames) and speedy decisions regarding what parts of the story are included, when, where and how. The commercial (profit oriented) side of the media makes journalists keen to sell their articles making them as spicy, attention catching and sensationalist as possible. Thus, catchy headlines may not always portray the complexity of the event. Usually the essence of a news report, and key details are mostly obscured, under various framing strategies (Norris et al., 2003).

While Cohen (1974) and Young (1973) considered the role of the media to be based on offering the public “what it wants”, Curran and Seaton (1994) suggest that journalists are better bureaucrats than “buccaneers” (Carrabine, Cox, Lee & Plummer, 2008, pp. 412 & 414). From dramatizing crime to manufacturing consent, media production remains a powerful social control tool. Cohen (1974) describes three main aspects of media inventory: exaggeration, prediction and symbolization. While the exaggeration of figures and damages is a common strategy to surprise and dramatize, prediction is used to increase the severity/importance/relevance of the event/news and symbolization and semiotics to create sensitization (Carrabine et al., 2008). When analysing media frames and the trustworthiness level of news, it is critical to see behind stereotypes, symbolism and exaggeration. According to Chinball’s (1977) professional news imperatives of journalism, news trustworthiness can be tested to eight indicators: immediacy, dramatization, personalization, simplification, titillation, conventionalism, structured access and novelty. Chinball’s media values research shows that media reporting strategies were not less important four decades ago (Jones, 2006). More recently, the criminologist Yvonne Jewkes (2004) argued that there are twelve journalistic values guiding the production of news as following: threshold, predictability, simplification, individualism, risk, sex, celebrity, proximity, violence, spectacle of graphic imagery, children, conservative ideology and political diversion (Jewkes, 2004). From Cohen’s (1974) theories, to Chinball’s (1977) and Jewkes’ (2004), it may be learned that the process of news reporting is not always aimed to send accurate information, but

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information which sells, and abides to internal reporting policies. Framing strategies are not always easily depicted from the text itself, rather they may be understood by the context in which information is delivered (or not) and how is it framed. Having in mind various the previously described journalistic strategies facilitates a better understanding of how news frames are constructed.

2.2.1 Research on media framing of female involvement in terrorism

Policies such as the Patriot Act are arguably shifting the role of security from the angle of possible victims (threat prediction, prevention, or even pre-emptive), rather than from the perspective of eliminating the root cause of the terrorist threat (offender oriented). Focusing on victims rather than the offender, the attention is directed towards a more subjective (based on feelings) rather than objective security. Additionally, the victim-oriented paradigm rises attention towards a dichotomy related to the nowadays terrorism threat. This dichotomy is either based on the idea that anybody can be a victim of terrorism, or more recently, because of the foreign fighters’ phenomenon any person can be a victim of the radicalization process (normalization of terrorism) (Louw, 2010). An important concept used by this research is normalization, analysed from the perspective of normalizing the idea that radicalization and terrorism may come from the West. As in sociology, the process of normalization is incorporated by this research to express the social tendency by which novel ideas, habits or conducts, which were initially seen as deviant or unconventional are later integrated into the daily life routines (May, 2009). In this context, normalizing the idea that terrorism may come from the West and that anybody can be a victim of terrorism or radicalization, means that traditional threat perception shifted with the years. Thus, the concept of normalization integrates the idea that the terrorist threat can be internal (or from the West) into the terrorism meaning giving social routine, refraining to perceive this phenomenon as an aberration, or a form of non-conformist deviance. This concept is relevant to the present research when emphasizing on the idea that ordinary Western women leaving Western countries to join ISIS, which may be seen as arguably normalized by the media (see the chapter Analysis). Research on media coverage and framing of terrorism dates back from 1970s. Most of this research is focused on analysing cases of terrorism directed to Western countries, whereas the aspect of media framing of female participation in terrorism, comprises a very small part (Conway & McInerney, 2012). Since not much focus is dedicated to the topic of female terrorism, omission to debate a topic is also part of the larger stereotypical representation of female participation in terrorism. Marked by ongoing media stereotyping and victimization strategies attached to female participation in terrorism, this under-researched problem (Bakker & de Leede, 2015) becomes relevant for the academic sphere. The most salient study on the media portrayal of female involvement in terrorism is the longitudinal research (from 1983 to 2006) conducted by Jacques and Taylor (2009), including a total number of 54 publications. According to their observations, research on female involvement in terrorism increased with 70 percent after 9/11. Furthermore, Koranteng (2016) suggests that the post 9/11 journalistic period was marked by an increased use of media visual representation of women wearing hijabs or burqas. Same research highlights the

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idea that news can be the most useful policy weapon to shape the counter-terrorism agenda. In this sense, as Koranteng (2016) suggests, it can be argued that portraying women of Muslim background as victims of oppression and implicit human rights breaches, may be seen as a key incentive to stimulate the overall public perception that international military presence is justified and legitimized (Koranteng, 2016).

When analysing the framing of female terrorism employed by the media, the accent is usually on the perpetrator’s motivation and goals. Brigitte L. Nacos (2005) is the pioneer of the study of media framing of female terrorism. Nacos (2005) explains how media portrays female terrorism according to: elements of physical appearance, family profile and equality status. By emphasizing on the physical appearance of female terrorists, there is a romanticization tendency to focus on the beauty of female terrorism (Saltman & Smith, 2015). Romanticization may also refer to feminine romantic-terrorist related motivations mentioning possible feminist considerations, broken hearts or boredom, rather than accepting their true political goals. Although Nacos (2005) does not specifically mention the term “romanticization”, she talks about media frames by which “female terrorists are almost always good looking, trim and pleasant” (Nacos, 2005, pp.222). Robertson (2010) description of Nacos’ (2005) work refer to the media’s tendency to romanticize with female terrorism by portraying them as narrow-minded and parochial. When summarizing the main media frames attached to female terrorism, Jacques (2009) divides them according to gender and mythical stereotypes. While gender stereotypes are used to undermine the female role in terrorism, mythical stereotypes usually “… portray female terrorists as women warriors, beautiful, sexy, smart, tough and deadly” (Taylor, 2009, p. 12). This reference to mythical female stereotypes is a form of what Robertson (2010) and Nacos (2005) describe as trend of romanticization with violent women.

Nacos’ (2005) theoretical framework on the Western media framing of female political violence, includes the following frames: the physical appearance frame, the family connection frame, terrorist for the sake of love frame, the women’s liberty/equality frame, the tough-as males/tougher than men frame, and the bored/naïve/out-of-touch with reality frame. In comparison to Nacos’ qualitative-based identification of frames, similar studies are less detailed or precise in describing and delimitating the use of frames. Furthermore, although these frames may overlap, they can be widely identified in international media (Issacharoff, 2006). Similar to Nacos’ (2005) family frame, Neuberger and Valentini (1996) analyse Italian female terrorism from the light of childhood instability caused by a cruel father and a weak mother favouring extremist female tendencies. Furthermore, Genevive (2011) theoretical framework is based on Nacos’ frames articulated by own empirical results. According to this, he defines the following frames: feminized imagery, violence breeds violence, Islamic honour, male manipulation and control, and irrational women. His research findings extend Nacos’ framing classification, bringing into discussion the role of the “political agency” in women violence (Genevive, 2011, pp. 5).

In general, terrorism is explained according to the criminology of the perpetrators (focusing on goals and motivations). In this context, Nacos’ (2005) findings were further expanded by Karla

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Cunningham’s (2007) describing the phenomenon of female terrorism from the angle of perpetrators’ roles and goals. Thus, she explains that media portrayal of female terrorism is based on three main frames as follows: terrorism motivated by revenge (revenge from the light of family status and its terrorist related legacy, i.e. Chechnya black-widows), the women seductive role in suicide bombing (i.e. female Palestinian suicide bombers), or female terrorism motivated by unequal social status and oppression (Cunningham, 2007).

Rana (2011) classifies media portrayal of female terrorism within four main narratives. The first narrative is based on the victimization of female terrorism through motivations focused on naivety and a lack of tangible and intangible self-defence resources. The second media portrayal strategy is based on presenting female terrorism from the light of patriarchal deviance, namely as failed mothers and wives. Thirdly, Rana (2011) observes that the media tends to portray female terrorism as sexual deviants. She describes the media tendency to portray female terrorists as sexual deviants to be a third separate category, and the female violence related deviance (being ruthless and aggressive) to be the fourth narrative category (Rana, 2011). In short, she describes the media framing of female terrorism based on a victimization and sexual/violence/feminine deviant related frameworks. In a similar fashion, Kannan (2011) notes the media tendency to portray female terrorism as an aberrant phenomenon, by arguing that women involved in terrorism are framed by the media either as conformist (angels) or nonconformist (demons), or rational versus irrational. Overall, she points out the superficiality of the media and the academia in portraying female terrorism as a new and sensationalist phenomenon (Kannan, 2011).

From Nacos (2005), Cunningham (2007), and Robertson (2010), it may be highlighted the fact that gender-stereotyped frames on terrorism alter according to different periods in history and contexts in which this phenomenon occurs. Furthermore, such frames are focused on the nature-nurture debate, either by rationalizing behaviour according to the surrounding environment (family problems or living in conflict areas), or blaming it on the dysfunctional nature of the individual narcissist (Pearlstein, 1991) or mentally-ill women (Neuberger & Valentini, 1996). The nature-driven criminal conduct is specific to older trends of media framing of female terrorism, whereas more recent trends are based on a nature-social environment approach.

This research is scrutinizing the media framing of two forms of female participation in terrorism. In essence, the research is aimed to give an exploratory overview of core framing mechanisms applied by international widely read media to Chechen and ISIS female participation in terrorism. Before moving to the methodology of this research, it is critical to understand the background of the two case studies. Therefore, the below section is dealing with both phenomena, wherein the focus is placed not only on a general description of the two instances, but also on previous media portrayal studies related to each case study.

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2.2.1. a) Previous research on Chechen Black Widows

Shahidkas, often referred by Russian and Western media as “black widows”, are Chechen female participators in terrorism widely known for suicide bombing attacks targeted Russian presence on Chechen territory. They became well-known for the Moscow theatre hostage attack in 2002, continuing their terrorist activity attacks in 2003, 2004 and later on in 2010-2013. Although arguably self-organized, Commander Shamil Basayev stated he offered training to a considerable amount of Shahidkas, who were part of the Riyad-us Saliheen brigade of Martyrs, or the Islamic suicide attacker squad. Shamil Basayev was a Chechen separatist commander of the Islamic Brigade Shaheeds, which initiated its terrorist activity in 1999 in connection to the Grozny missile attack and continued with a series of truck bombing and suicide attacks in Chechnya and Russia (Kurz & Charles, 2012). Thus, although often framed by the media as emancipated and self-organized female suicide bombers, Shahidkas proved to use male support throughout their terrorist activity.

Following a scholarly based approach, it may be appreciated that black widow terrorism is framed by the media as a manifestation of a political agency motivation (Genevive, 2011). The explanation behind the political agency of Chechen Shahidkas is usually based on one of the following arguments: Chechen culture has been marked by a historical oppression of women, or women have been traumatized during the Russo-Chechen conflicts. Their political based drive may originate from oppressed voices and violence occurred throughout the Chechen history. For example, during the wars, in order for women to escape rape of Russian troops, their partners or fathers needed to pay money, which eventually would prevent the women from abuse. Furthermore, it should be highlighted the fact that rape stigma in Islamic societies is more prominent than in other cultures. Thus, while Russians were taking advantage by exploiting this fear of religious-related based stigma, Chechen female position became a vulnerable one. Chechen women’s repressed voices were not only originating from the Russian side, but also from inside Chechnya where forced marriages, domestic violence and child marriages are dominating the intimate relationships. In this sense, Nivat (2005) argues that suicide bombing was for some Chechen women a way to express their historical repression roots, as a political-oriented activity. Furthermore, she adds the idea that the Chechen youth are more inclined towards religious extremism, in comparison to the previous generation of politically driven manifestations (Nivat, 2005).

On the symbolism of this frame, Shahidkas’ (Russian female for Shaheeda) “black widow” label derives from the idea of poisoning/dangerous (as the spider) wives, whose husbands were killed by Russian powers on Chechen territory. The poisoning/dangerous element is high lightened by their manifestation of violent jihad, or their terrorist and suicide bombing practices. In contrast to the analogy of Shahidkas with black widows, correlated with the suffering of lost family and partners, Chechen female suicide bombers were also referred to as “brides of Allah”. The label was given by a Russian journalist who describes these women from a contrasting perspective to the one based on suffering, namely from the angle of female jihadi recruits of the Basayev and his

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organization (Bell, 2011). Analysing the two labels, it may be noticed that whereas “black widows” involve a more politically nuanced goal based on family and trauma related motivations, the label “brides of Allah” involves a more religious connotation of goals. According to Krulisova (2015), the “black widow” debate is aimed to create the image of an irrational female self-martyr, a naïve,“ domesticized beautiful soul, deprived of a protector and crazed by grief” whose acts are driven by love (Krulisova, 2016, pp.53). Thus, she argues that the “black widow” is a myth, a frame manufactured by the Russian government during the wars in Chechnya and applied to any other Chechen female suicide bomber, despite whether or not the perpetrator had a family trauma related history. In her view, the underlying assumption is that Chechen female self-martyrs are often framed as irrational and desperate actors by the Western media. It is worthwhile mentioning that Krulisova’s research on media framing of Chechen female self-martyrs was conducted on newspapers only from 2010 onwards. Thus, her conclusions do not reflect any study of the media frames attached to this phenomenon in its period of initiation (2002-2004) as approached by the present research. In short, the label “black widow” is inherently involving a family connection frame. Regarding the political agency of the Shahidkas, the media tends to portray them as warriors, or emancipated women fighting for the revenge against historical related trauma (Speckhard, 2006).

2.2.1. b) Previous research on ISIS female participation in Terrorism

ISIS is a Sunni jihadist movement, originating from the Iraq invasion in 2003. After the civil war against Assad in 2011, the group “rebranded” itself, claiming to be a caliphate with religious authority over Muslims worldwide. ISIS/ISIL terrorist activity was recently initiated in 2013, in Iraq. From the begging of 2014, ISIS became increasingly influent, especially in its territorial conquest in Iraq, capturing Fallujah, Ramadi, Baghdad, Mosul, Tikirit and many other Iraqi regions. Many associate ISIS as originating from Al-Qaeda, however the later recently denied any connections. Because of their similarities in rhetoric and visionary goals, it is commonly assumed that the groups have connections. However, as Cronin (2015) points out in contrast to Obama’s statement, ISIS is not a “pure and simple” terrorist organization, but it should be seen more as a post-Al-Qaeda threat (Cronin, 2015).

When analysing the role of women in ISIS (The Islamic State in Iraq and Syria Al-Sham)/ISIL (The Islamic State of Levant-Libya) it is important to differentiate from the Iraqi and/or Syrian female participants in ISIS, and the Western women having direct or peripheral roles in the ISIS-related terrorist activity. In general, it may be argued that ISIS originates from a more radical Islamic school of jurisprudence, according to which practices such as “sexual jihad”, or “offensive jihad” are encouraged. Inside ISIS, such norms are regulating the female role in daily jihadi life of ISIS. Outside ISIS territories, practices such as “love jihad” are encouraged, by which young women worldwide may get radicalized and encouraged to support their Caliphate goals (McCants, 2015). ISIS is an controversial phenomenon because it appeals to Western women, mostly with Muslim

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backgrounds, from Europe, Australia and The States. In England, the problem of Muslim women travelling to Syria is a prominent issue, wherein online radicalization plays a critical role. The common Caliphate utopic goal unites Muslim supporters around the world. However, when looking at public officials dealing with the problem of increased number of women leaving to Syria, law enforcement officials such as Hellen Bell from London Metropolitan Police, frame this problem as a “tragedy”, by which young women become victims of radicalism. Therefore, at a law enforcement level, women are portrayed as victims of unfortunate situations, lacking rational autonomy, rather than being perceived as purposive, rational and mature actors. Thus, as Brown (2012), points out, the problem of female participation in ISIS terrorism is dismissed from the security narrative/frame. Perhaps, one of most perplexing aspects of ISIS female participation is the fact that no other extremist group attracted before such a large number of Western female recruits, registering more than 550 women, whereas this number is affected by an ongoing increase (Peresin, 2015).

Since ISIS is quite a new topic in the security field of academia, research into media framing of ISIS female participation is poorly developed. Kollarova’s (2015) master’s dissertation is a pioneer research into the relation between media framing and ISIS female participation. In her study, she points out the tendency of the media to emphasize the utopic romantic love around ISIS recruitment. Despite the media’s tendency to portray these women as young, naïve and easily manipulated, most Western women deciding to join ISIS are well educated, growing up in a decent socio-economic environment. Overall, Kollarova (2015) draws the attention upon the fact that although women have similar reasons to leave to ISIS territories to men, the media tends to deny their political agency, framing them as irrational and brainwashed victims (Kollarova, 2015). What is even more interesting in using ISIS female as a case study is the fact that this terrorist organization led to the creation of YPJ-Kurdish female aimed to violently dissolve ISIS. Shifting roles in terrorist organizations may be reflected also upon the way participation in such movements is framed and perceived. While ISIS terrorism is a recent phenomenon, studies on the female involvement in this organization is even newer. Therefore, the academic literature on ISIS women is limited, being mostly directed to social media aspects, rather than journalistic media framing. In fact, besides Kollarova’s (2015) study on ISIS female agents and the way they are socially perceived, there is no research regarding this target group and framing or perceptions of any kind associated to it. Starting from Kollarova’s (2015) observations on the media framing of ISIS female participation, this research is aimed to extend our current understanding on how the media chooses to portray nowadays ISIS female participation.

2.3 Focal theories

On a conceptual basis, this research was particularly drawn from Entman’s (1996) understanding of frames. Starting from Entman’s (1996) theory on the concept of framing, the research adapted

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this concept in the context of female involvement in terrorism and the media. Applying Nacos’ (2005) media frames, this research initiated by exploring how these frames were applied by the British and American media to Chechen and ISIS terrorism female involvement. Furthermore, similar to Genevive (2011) and Kollarova (2015), this dissertation seeks to analyse the political agency of female terrorism. Thus, by focusing on the religious-political dynamics of the ideological inspired frame, this research will reflect to what extent the media is using the women political agency frame.

3. Research Design

The research employs a framing approach to analysing the media portrayals of the female participation in the chosen campaigns. As it was mentioned before and will be explained in more detail later, the analytical process is largely data driven. However, the previous literature on the media portrayal of female terrorism, and Nacos’ (2005) theory-based findings in particular, have been an important inspiration to the analysis. Similar to Genevive (2011), I am using Nacos’ idea that media resorting to stereotypes to analyse and scrutinize women’s behaviour in intrinsically masculine roles. In order to explore media framing particularities of different news outlets, this research uses individual news reports on the cases of female participants in Chechen and ISIS terrorism, as a source of primary data. The purpose of this research is to use primary data to highlight how the framing of female participation in terrorism was different according to internationally wide read media. Thus, the central question is intending to depict differences in framing strategies exercised by the media on two forms of female terrorist participation. It aimes at filling the current literature gap on the comparison between the media framing of Chechen and ISIS female participation. The research sub-questions focused on a more detailed description of the main framed applied by the research in the media analysis stage. Furthermore, the research sub-questions not only aimed to depict differences in reporting style articulated by each of the three media outlets, but also to the extent by which each frame was applied to both case studies.

3.1 Research questions

● Central research question: How were the framings of the female participants of Chechen and

ISIS different from each other according to news outlets such as the New York Times, The Guardian and The Telegraph?

● Sub questions:

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2. To what extent was each frame applied to the reporting of Chechen and ISIS female involvement in terrorism?

3. What were the main differences between the reporting style of each of the three news agencies?

4. How is the previous literature on the topic related to the research findings?

3.2 Case study selection

The methodology of this research is based on a comparative case study design between Chechen and ISIS female participation in terrorism. This comparative study is aimed to highlight the differences between Chechen and ISIS female terrorism, having media framing as focal point of analysis. Case studies may be characterized by high internal validity and low external validity. In order to increase the validity of this research, the sampling process needs to be as representative as possible (Bryman, 2012). While the present research is not aiming to make any generalizations on the differences between the activities of both terrorist groups as framed by the media, its added-value consists in articulating the academic debate through specific empirical evidence on the topic. Regarding the choice of case studies, currently, ISIS may be seen as the most active, recent, and worrisome terrorist activity. Besides the lack of academic studies on this aspect, the fact that ISIS is the first male-led terrorist organization to formally encourage and establish rights for female participation, makes the case of media portrayal on female participants even more interesting. Chechen female terrorism may been seen as the most successful female terrorist organization. Since their last attack was three years ago, when a female suicide bomber detonated herself killing sixteen people in Volgograd, this group may be seen as possibly still operational. The frame of black widow terrorism given by Russian authorities is a stereotype in itself reflecting family status and revenge as a cause for terrorism. Furthermore, research on media portrayal of black widow terrorism is limited, especially in regards to Western media (Nacos, 2005; Ness, 2007; Nivat, 2005; Genevive, 2011; West, 2004). The existing literature on comparisons between female terrorism media portrayal is mostly using case studies of Chechen black-widow with either Palestine suicide bombers (such as Jacques, 2008), or Afghan “self-immolators (such as Genevive, 2011). The present study is aimed to cover the literature gap on the comparison between media framing of Chechen black widow terrorism and ISIS female “agents” (term coined by Kollarova, 2015).

On the similarities between the two terrorist groups, both Chechen black widows and ISIS are arguably still operational and their members have similar backgrounds. In fact, a recent study conducted by the Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD) (2015), draws the attention on why Chechen female terrorism involvement is comparable to the problem of muhajirat. In this context, the muhajirat is characterised according to the role to support ISIS fighters, encouraging them to join ISIS and/or to perpetuate attacks in the West (Saltman & Smith, 2015). While in the Russian-Chechen crisis, the problem of female terrorism evolved gradually, the context of ISIS may favour the creation of a similar environment developing female participation in terrorism. In the first part of the conflict in Chechnya, there was no evidence of female involvement in violence. In line with

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the ISIS patriarchal context, the social context Chechenya back then was also a traditionally masculine society, whereas the women’s role was a domestic one(as wives, mothers and housekeepers), with not much involvement in society. However, after the first conflict when women lost many of their male-partners and children, the women’s role in society shifted from a domestic-patriarchal one to a more central role in political activism, whereas “black-widows” eventually became participants in terrorism. By committing to suicide bombing, these arguably traumatized women were fighting Russians both in Chechen and Russian territories. In a similar manner, the ISIS patriarchal environment characterised by a numerous amount of deaths in the male side may create a context enforcing a shift in women’s role in society. Thus, in the light of ISD muhajirat theory, migrant ISIS women suffering from the loss of their husbands, or witnessing the death of friends and family members may increase the chances for strengthening ISIS commitment (Hoyle et al., 2015).

Despite the previously emphasized similarities, contrasts are more critical to notice. Starting from the fact that both groups aroused in different political, economic and governmental environments, the activity of the two is providing critical lessons regarding media framing mechanisms. While Chechen female terrorism may be seen as one of the best representations of black-widow terrorism framing, ISIS is the most recent terrorist phenomenon which became prominent in romanticization frame of female terrorism in the media. While the original name of the Chechen female suicide bombers group is Shahidka meaning martyr and/or witness, this form of female participation in terrorism is usually framed as black widow terrorism by the media and public officials (Taylor & Jacques, 2009). In the case of ISIS female participation, there is not yet a clear history of death in the area of male counterparts, therefore this phenomenon can hardly be defined yet as black widow terrorism. Considering current conditions, the feminized imagery of the ISIS women may only be framed from a romanticization perspective, focusing on the muhajirati and the long-distance love. Overall, although the research is analysing differences, the justification behind the case-study selection is high lightened by the similarities between the activity and dynamics of the two groups. Moreover, the idea that ISIS current situation may favour a similar female terrorism environment as in the Chechen case (Hoyle, Bradford & Frenett, 2015), is the foundation argument in the case selection of this research. Therefore, in a context of similar group dynamics roots, this research will bring forward the differences between the portrayals of these groups from a media framing perspective.

3.3 Data

The present research will combine primary sources derived from observations on news reports with secondary sources based desk research on existing documents and literature such as academic journal articles, reports and books. Primary sources will emphasize empirical evidence obtained via databases such as LexisNexis, Factiva, and ProQuest Historical Newspaper. This research is based on a systematic analysis on the media frames attached to the aspect female terrorism within Chechen and ISIS terrorist movements. The analysis focuses on three newspapers, which are arguably among the most influential international newspapers, being read well beyond the national borders: The Guardian, The Telegraph, and the New York Times (NYT).

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The Guardian is a national daily newspaper in the United Kingdom. The Telegraph is also British, consisting of the Daily Telegraph and the Sunday Telegraph two newspapers having different editorial teams. The NYT is an American daily newspaper which dates from 1918, winning 117 prizes in journalistic excellence. This research is including articles from Women in The World-NYT feminist associated project, and online daily news reports and weekly magazine online available articles. While the weekly articles published in the NYT magazine are the most elaborate both in text and visual representation, Women in The World- NYT featured project contains very short articles focused specifically on women and gender relations, usually rich in visual imagery. The research focuses specifically on the analysis of online available publications of the three newspapers.

A major reason for choosing these newspapers is that they are among those newspapers that had arguably the most media coverage on the phenomena of female terrorism in both Chechen and ISIS cases. While other international oriented media such as, Al-jazeera would have been an interesting addition to the study, their lack of online media coverage on Chechen terrorism in the period 2000-2004 make them an unviable option. Thus, some disadvantages for selecting other Western representative news agencies (i.e. American or French) were based on the lack of online news coverage on the Chechen conflict in the period 2002-2004. Focusing on these three news corporations makes the research more specific and locally oriented. The three media agencies may be characterized as Western oriented media reaching wide international audience. More on the motivation behind the news agency selection, following a keyword research, these two were characterized by most media coverage consisting in the most news reports. Furthermore, since Chechen and ISIS female participation in terrorism are associated with different timeframes in history, each of the two trends are analysed according to the period when they were most intense. Therefore, it was beyond the scope of this thesis to analyse all media reports on these two cases published in the selected three newspapers. Instead, the study focuses the period when each of these campaigns was most intense. By intense, the research is referring to the moments of most media coverage following most controversial terrorist attacks perpetuated by female suicide bombers after the Russian-Chechen conflict. Although active since 2000, “Shahidka”, or Chechen so called “black-widow” terrorism became popular in 2002 once with the Moscow theatre hostage attack. Their terrorist activity was most intense in the period 2002-2004, however isolated attacks continued to a lower extend also in the period 2010-2013. Therefore, the analysis in the case of Chechen female participation in terrorism focuses on the period 2002-2004.

The choice to analyse Chechen terrorism in its first “intense” period (2002-2004) was done with the aim of depicting the original frames attached to the phenomenon. Since media frames attached to the same topic may differ according to the period of discussion, choosing a timespan in the proximity of event may give more representativeness to the case. Besides the idea of looking for most representative periods of media portrayal, both case studies are conducted on a similar timespan of two years. ISIS in its current form is a very recent phenomenon dating back to 2014 when the terrorist group expressed its desire for a worldwide caliphate. Although the phenomenon of foreign fighters may be seen as developing since the Arab Spring, ISIS’ terrorist activity becomes

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prominent since 2013 in the Iraq War (Ness, 2007). In short, when it comes to ISIS female participation, the news analysis extends from 2014 up to the present.

The relevant news reports were identified with the help of keyword and standard text searches. The keywords used in the case of Chechen female participation in terrorism were the following: “Chechen female terrorism”, “Chechen female participation in terrorism”, “Chechen black widows”, “Chechen female suicide bombing”. These keywords were applied in the research of the three newspapers, on the period 01/01/2002-31/12/2004. While filtering according to this specific timeframe, the most visible observation is the fact that each keyword provides a relatively low number of articles (usually below 4 results for each newspaper). Comparing the volume of news reports on Chechen versus ISIS female participation in terrorism, the amount of articles on Chechnya is extremely limited. Because of such limited amount of news reports on Chechen female participation on terrorism, keyword search becomes irrelevant. In this case, instead of using the keyword function by which results consist in news reports containing the exact searched text (syntagma) respecting pre-established order of words, the research was conducted using a standard search function. This standard searching procedure was conducted without adding keywords between the brackets, but by using a syntagma “include words” function. Therefore, instead of searching for predefined syntagma, the results consisted in a larger number of news reports which contained all the words mentioned by the syntagma (i.e. “Chechen female participation in terrorism”), however, not necessarily in the in a predefined order. Thus, initial news reports were browsed according to a key-word free search, using the function of the predetermined timespan. In order refine the search results, various criteria for news report selection was applies (see the below bullet points). Nonetheless, in order to double check that all the search process concluded with all the relevant news reports, a research on the website of each media agency was conducted on the period 2002-2004 using Chechen female terrorism as search topic or query. Thus, the Chechen case consisted in the analysis of a total number of 46 news reports (see Annex 1.2).

The phenomenon of ISIS female involvement captures a diametrically opposed image, being characterised by a contrasting immense amount of publications. Whereas in the case of Chechen female involvement in terrorism keyword search proves irrelevant, the huge number of reports on ISIS women involvement makes the case easier to analyse by using a systematic keyword search system. Despite the large number of results on ISIS female involvement obtained using a keyword free search, when using the keyword function applied with a predefined timespan, the volume of results reduces dramatically (see Annex 1.1). Although the keyword search may be relevant in articulating differences between the two news sources in terms of comparing the amount of specific references in various articles of the same source, it does not say much regarding framing strategies. Furthermore, when the search is keyword free, most of the annexed results (table 1.1) are inappropriate for the current study. Taking the entire universe of news reports engaging in the topic of ISIS female participation proves unviable, as the amount of news reports on this topic is immense. In order to structure and systemize the research, this case study was analysed according to the most representative article criteria. By most representative, is meant the news reports with the most framing substance to be found in most of the following focal points: headlines, pictures,

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and wording. The research material of both case studies was selected on the basis of respecting each of the following criteria for selection:

 The news report is dealing incidents or attacks portraying ISIS female involvement/Chechen female participation in terrorism;

 Each of the case studies contains research material from the pre-defined timespan of two years (Shahidkas 2002-2004 and ISIS 2014-2016);

 The selected news reports seek for as much visual representation as possible;

 The news reports need to be available online, on the website of the news source;

 The news reports were found using keyword free search according to the queries mentioned in the Annex 1.1-table 2 (no other search phrases were used).

Aside from the selection criteria, the news coverage of the topic was approached systematically. Once relevant articles were found, the next step was to check the section of similar articles. Following this “similar article” strategy, I made sure all the recommended/suggested articles of the same topic were verified. However, in order to make sure that the entire volume of relevant articles were covered, additional research was done on the website of each news source to check the themes/topics of the two news sources and look for the most relevant ones. After a scan of relevant topics and their news reports, eventual additional news reports were added. Similar to the more quantitative results of the table 2 (see the Annex 1.1), following this systematic news research scheme, all the three media sources proved to have an extensively larger media coverage on the topic of ISIS than Chechen female participation, wherein the selection criteria was critical. Thus, while the research consisted in the search of news reports using a variety of keywords such as “Chechen female terrorism”/”Black widow terror” or “ISIS female terrorists”/ “ISIS female recruitment”, the chosen keywords provided the largest amount of news reports containing the richest framing material. Aside from the large amount of news material, the two selected keywords represent a stereotype in itself, reflecting eventual bias and journalistic unprofessionalism. On the one hand, although “black widow terrorism” is a stereotype in itself and a frame attached by Russians themselves, therefore this is not a journalistically determined frame, the purposive choice to use it in a news report in a specific context may reveal a lot about how Chechen terrorism is portrayed. Furthermore, Chechen female terrorism is also a biased term, since it assumes that terrorism, or Chechen terrorism is strictly male oriented. On the other hand, the keyword “ISIS brides” includes the link between women, marriage and terrorism. “ISIS brides” is a keyword with more stereotypical essence than “ISIS women” (add this to the research methods part), however, when looking at the amount of media coverage between the two, the more biased constructed keyword (ISIS brides, or Jihadi brides, rather than ISIS wives, or ISIS women/female) would generate more news reports (see Annex 1.1). This selection process results in a total number of 156 (44 news reports on Shahidkas and 67 on ISIS female participation) (see Annex 1.2).

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3.4

Data Exploitation and Assessment

The original research scheme of this study was to use Nacos’ list of media frames as the backbone of this study. However, early in the process, I noticed that her theoretical framework proved insufficient in illustrating the complexity of framing that was present in the news reports. Therefore, I opted for a largely data-driven research strategy. In the end, the research findings concluded with the identification of four main frames. These four frames are part of the research findings. However, in order for the chapter “Findings” to be easier digested, these frames were incorporated and explained in the “Methodological” chapter from a more technical (data-driven) perspective. These are profile frame, family connections, irrational women, and political versus

ideological inspired frame. While the frame political versus ideological inspired frame is an

empirically based frame derived from the current research, the other frames are containing a combination of the Nacos’ (2005) six frames interpreted and operationalized at the researcher’s discretion. The operationalization table (see table below) shows the basis of frame identification. Each row represents an indicator highlighting the specific frame. Each frame contains a set of indicators which help identifying specific media frames. The order of the indicators is irrelevant, however their presence is critical in labelling themes, phrases and observations according into specific frames.

The first frame (profile frame) is inspired from Nacos (2005). In this case, news reporting material consists in visual imagery and text directed to the physical characteristics and the social status of the women. Examples can be related to gender, age, hair, height details, but also information regarding education, or employment. Regarding gender, the use of gender references next to the term “terrorism”, reflects a stereotype in itself assuming that terrorism is a men activity. Therefore, regarding the visual representation of female clothing or accessories via pictures, gender stereotypes are also exercised through the process of “othering” (i.e. Genevive,2011), by which woman participation in terrorism is perceived as an exception to the rule, or a sensational “hot news”.

The family connection frame is referring to both intimate and family ties. On the one hand, regarding intimate relationships, and, this frame may be identified according to a context of terrorism for the sake of love (i.e. as explained also by Nacos (2005). Possible indicators regarding intimate ties may be reflected via visual representations of couples’ participation in terrorism, or romanticized representations of an idyllic (a context similar to Bonnie and Clyde) relationships. Examples of extremist behaviour associated with travelling into conflict areas for the sake of love are also considered. On the other hand, family ties elements may be identified according to indicators describing the history and/or the status of the woman’s family and relatives’ surrounding environment. Furthermore, domestic violence may be also an indicator of a family connection frame used to portray eventual dysfunctional family relations having a role in extremism.

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Irrational women frame is defined by this research as the opposite of Nacos’ (2005) “tough as

men/tougher than the men frame”. Thus, the presence of the tough as men/tougher than the men (i.e. may be identified by visual representations of women holding dangerous weapons, or by mentioning revenge considerations) would be an indicator to deny the existence of the irrational women frame. Indicators on the use of the irrational women frame may be naivety or boredom, brainwashed, or rationally altered.

Finally, the ideology inspired frame adds to Nacos’ (2005) identification of Western media frames for female violence considering political and religious motives. Thus, political motives can be identified according to Nacos’ idea of liberty-equality frame, however from the perspective of a more socio-political conditions emphasis (i.e. political oppression, war zone) of the surrounding environment which may influence women to become more prone to violence. The religious inspired ideology side can be identified according to references on the duty to defend and promote Islamist/jihadist values, which may be present on the social media of the persons in question.

Frame Indicators

Profile frame -physical appearance: gender, feminized clothing

and accessories (i.e. veil, purses, earrings), hair colour, height

-social status: age, education, employment situation, networking and social inclusion (regarding peers and/or colleagues).

Family connection -Intimate relationships (added by the

researcher)-is what Nacos (2005) defines as terrorism for the sake of love: marriage/intimate relationship details; traveling for the sake of love to conflict areas, pictures of couple participants in terrorism

-Family ties motives: family history and status, presence of domestic violence

Irrational women -Combining Nacos (2005) naïve bored, out of touch frame showing irrational behaviour with her tough as a men/tougher than the men frame. In this case, the presence of the second would indicate the absence of the irrational women frame.

-naivety/boredom/irrationality versus

inner/outer drive, rationality, self-motivation -elements of propaganda and brainwashing

From Emancipated Warriors to Irrational Victims. Media Framing of Female Participation in Terrorism: Chechen Shahidkas and ISIS women