The Many Faces of Development: Uneven and (Dis)incentivised Capability Enhancement
An implementation study of a girl’s school and empowerment programme in Vrindavan, Uttar Pradesh
MSc Conflict Resolution and Governance Graduate School of Social Sciences University of Amsterdam
June 2019
Author
Yasmin Wright (12190985) First Reader
Dr. David Laws (D.W.Laws@uva.nl) Second Reader
Dr. Anne Loeber (A.M.C.Loeber@uva.nl)
Words: 29150
Table of Contents
1. Framing an Implementation Study of FFLV………3
1.1The “Missing women” phenomenon………4
1.2 Motivating a study on FFLV………5
1.2.1 What is the studies purpose and perspective?...5
1.3 Research question ………7
1.4 Transnational significance ………...8
1.5 Female citizens in India………8
1.6 Vrindavan: situated in the state of Uttar Pradesh (UP)………9
1.6.1 FFLV in Vrindavan………9
1.7 Education as a remedy in Vrindavan………..10
2. Conceptual Framework 2.1 The need for empowerment, emancipation and autonomy……….11
2.2 Conceptualising empowerment………..13
2.2.1 Three Dimensions of Power……….15
2.2.2 The ‘gatekeepers’……….16
2.3 The Capabilities Approach……….18
2.4 FFLV’s (espoused) Theory of Change………...20
2.5 FFLV’s policy implementation………..21
3. Designing a Qualitative Case Study………23
3.1 Bounding the case……….24
3.2 The ‘Extended Case Method’ and sample selection……….26
3.3 Time frame………27
3.4 Encountering Problems in the Field: reflecting on developments and adaptations...27
3.4.1 The research environment………28
3.4.2 Translation problems………29
3.4.3 Building trust and offering anonymity……….31
3.5 A qualitative approach to field research……….32
3.5.1 Semi-structured interviews………...33
3.5.2 Focus groups………34
3.6 Ethical considerations………35
4. Signs of Development and Incentivised Education……….37
4.1 Organic developments that incentivise change………..38
4.1.1 A changing narrative and the benefits of schooling……….38
4.1.2 Creating opportunities for female role models………40
4.1.3 FFLV role models………...40
4.2 Discussion………..42
4.3 The role of a free lunch… ……….44
4.3.1 What is the role of implementing a costless education?...45
4.3.2 “Getting everything free…”……….46
4.3.3 How gender shapes education quality………..48
5. Disincentivising Marriage and Uneven Development………54
5.1 Education and child marriage………55
5.1.1 How alumni experienced conflicting perspectives throughout secondary education………..55
5.1.2 Preventing child marriage through law enforcement………...57
5.2 Discussion………..58
5.3 Arranging marriage post-FFLV……….62
5.3.1 Limiting girls’ freedoms: choosing a life partner………62
5.3.2 The educated prisoner………..64
5.4 Discussion………..65
6. Conclusion………...69
Bibliography………..……….75
1. Framing an Implementation Study of FFLV
By 5am in the morning the town of Vrindavan that is predominantly shared by monkeys, cows and spiritual devotees comes to life. These residents are joined by the staff, teachers and students from the Sandipani Muni school; a well-respected educational institution that also serves as an empowerment programme for over 1700 girls. The school is governed by the overarching non-profit organisation Food for Life Vrindavan (FFLV). Along the streets of Vrindavan small groups of girls with immaculately plaited hair and crisp uniforms walk diligently to the school or make the journey on a bull-powered school bus. The school day starts at 7.30am and the girls can expect a full day of broad educational activities that are designed to prepare and equip them for an (un)certain future. One certainty that FFLV and the school do provide however, is that these girls’ futures will not be limited by the lack of human security, derived from low levels of education and illiteracy, that 99% of their mothers have endured (Sen, 2002; FFLV, 2017). The girls sit graciously in their classrooms at 8am, in preparation for a day where the cohort of female teaching staff will passionately guide them in traditional subjects and in extra-curricular activities. The curriculum includes classes about menstruation & hygiene, self-defence, sewing & embroidery, art, and
traditional music & dance. Following the morning classes, a select group of girls will assist in serving the afternoon Khichri [dhal and rice] for the rest of the school. For many students, this is the main meal of the day (FFLV, 2017). The afternoon session ends at 3pm and the girls wander in clusters through Vrindavan or catch a bull-powered cart home.
Once the girls arrive at home, they will be expected to balance their family obligations to contribute to the upkeep of the household with the demands posed by the school. The girl’s homes are located in either one of Vrindavan’s slums or in one of the rural areas around the city where the lack of prosperity and basic infrastructure compromises the standards by which families live. Life at home contrasts starkly with these girls’ daily experience at Sandipani Muni school. The latter is said to feel like “walking into heaven for girls on a daily basis” (Alumni, 2019).
This desirable setting within the parameters of the school in which FFLV govern and where the girls are trained, educated and empowered, provides some insight into "how you should prepare your daughter for an uncertain future?", a question posed by many, but aptly formulated by Anthony Bourdain in an episode of Parts Unknown.
1.1 The “Missing women” phenomenon
The training and preparation that girls receive at Sandipani Muni school can be understood as a means to mitigate the gender bias that they experience in everyday life. Boys, for example receive enhanced educational opportunities in comparison with girls (Sen, 1990; Nussbaum, 2000). Amartya Sen (1990) formulates these gender-based preferences and societal
advantages in terms of the difference between “life and death” for girls and women. This comparison invokes a widely recognised effort to quantify societal discrimination towards females by calculating the number of “missing women” (Sen, 1990). These calculations reflect the difference between the number of women who should therefore theoretically be alive and those who are alive (Sen, 1990). Despite a widespread misconception that females outnumber males globally, there are, in fact, far more males alive (Sen, 1990).
This difference is surprising as a female foetus is comparatively less likely to miscarry, meaning that more girls are naturally born than boys (Sen, 2001). Calculating the difference between what is expected and what is observed is meant to reflect the impact that different forms of discrimination have on females in countries such as India, where the last calculation reported that 44 million women were ‘missing’ (UN, 2001). This figure is predominantly attributed to daily exclusion and marginalisation (Sen, 2001). In recent years, however, a spike in sex-selective abortions, in particular in Northern states of the Indian Union has been responsible for the estimated termination of over ten million female foetuses in a 20-year period (Bhaskar & Gupta, 2007).
Amartya Sen’s (2009) Capabilities Approach sheds a bright light on the significance and meaning of “missing women”. From this perspective, “the most basic functioning, or
condition of well-being, is literally life itself” (Sen, 1993). In other words, a premature death or the eradication of birth caused by ‘capability deprivation’ or female infanticide reduces or removes the chance females have for basic human functioning (Sen, 1993). Nonetheless, the day-to-day marginalisation and exclusion of girls and women is a key causal factor that contributes to the phenomenon of “missing women” and creates a sense of urgency around the need to emancipate girls and women and to help them develop their capabilities in settings (such as Vrindavan), where they otherwise could simply be dead (Sen, 2002).
1.2 Motivating a study on FFLV
The findings from the “missing women” study have helped to quantify women’s positions in society and have provided informed insights for international governing bodies, such as the UNDP who have now also adopted Sen’s Capabilities Approach as a central conceptual framework from this endeavour (Hicks, 2002). This now forms the backbone for the Human Development Reports that are published annually (Hicks, 2002). Sen’s insights have also helped to shape other studies, such as this one, that look to analyse inequalities at grassroots levels.
The interest in the thesis topic of gender, development and education within a localised setting was inspired by Sen’s recent academic acumen, as well as the historical
marginalisation of predominantly lower-caste women in India (Zubaan, 1993; Rao, 2003). Even in historical accounts of colonial times, Dalit (low-caste) women have been historically excluded from India’s reformation of gender and their independence struggle (Rao, 2003). This historical narrative excluded poor women; however, their modern-day reality still reflects many of the colonial structures and ‘templates’ that were established for women in the early nineteenth century (Rao, 2003). In Vrindavan’s context, the sophistication of the ‘social structure’ proves to be a driving force behind family decision-making regarding a daughter’s marriage, which is intrinsically linked to the length and quality of a girl’s
education (Human Development Report, 2011). This is problematic for FFLV’s educational programme and leads to the implementation of policies that directly respond to the challenges of these historical structures.
Although the experiences of women in poverty contexts are widely recounted today, this study has considered the historical position of Indian women, which has motivated questions about whether low-caste women, such as those FFLV help, remain voiceless? What has changed for this group? And, if changes have occurred, how have they taken place?
1.2.1 What is the study’s purpose?
This study attempts to address broad questions about females living in poverty in India today through the analysis of the community that is affiliated with FFLV’s school and
empowerment programme in Vrindavan. The purpose of this study it to better understand the perceptions and practices of two groups of people. This includes those who attempt to drive change around gender via the implementation of empowerment through the school, and those
who are the targets of these efforts. By studying the school and the families that are affiliated, this research hopes to uncover what follows when an external group seeks to address the situation of women by empowering girls through education. The exploratory research seeks to help FFLV to learn more about the complexity of the gendered relationships and the environment in Vrindavan. In turn, the study sets out to provide FFLV with a broader insight and an informed approach to their implementation of emancipatory policies and programmes.
This case study of FFLV explores a “broad-aimed programme” (Weiss & Rein, 1970) that targets girls, widows and families that experience high levels of poverty and live in urban slums or in poor rural villages in the vicinity of Vrindavan. The complexity of the context has led to a multi-faceted response by the Vrindavan-based community who initiated FFLV and, as such, the organisation’s response is comprised of a food distribution service, an
environmental development project, a social capital initiative, a medical facility and Sandipani Muni school. Despite the multitude of projects and approaches to address the needs of the wider community, FFLV’s primary mission is to “educate poor girls in Vrindavan, empowering them to transform their lives and communities, through a service-oriented approach” (FFLV TOC, 2017). This study explores what happens when the
organisation acts on this goal through its school and associated empowerment programme for girls.
The organisation’s own theory about empowerment will be outlined in Chapter 2 and aligns with the growing perception amongst gender theorists that focusing on the individual alone is not sufficient, and rather the relationships and environmental elements of emancipation are critical considerations to be made for the process to take place (Lombardini, Bowman & Garwood, 2017). This analysis argues that it is no longer constructive to treat gender relations and norms in isolation. Focusing on females individually does not make sense when gender is embedded in actions of everyday life across society (Monkman, 2011). In this context,
Supriya Baily (2011) has asserted that looking at the contextual and societal implications of making changes to gender inequalities would be more of a helpful approach than focusing on one group alone. In addition, for female emancipation initiatives to create significant change in relation to their environment, there is a need to understand how the structure and
functioning of empowerment programmes are related (Baily, 2011). As well as how their impact is shaped by deprivation in their living conditions, and by the wider context of power relations and socially defined roles (Baily, 2011).
In this regard, the research objective is to look at what has happened as FFLV has tried to change the gendered relations and environments that shapes the lives of girls and women in Vrindavan. The thesis explores this by collecting the narratives of those responsible for implementing the programme in Vrindavan and of some ex-students, parents and community members. A better understanding of the views and experience of these people provides insights about the complex social dynamics within which FFLV operates, and thus will help to inform the organisation’s approach to facilitating change in future. The goal of the study is to better understand what happens in the implementation of FFLV’s school and
empowerment programme and whether and how the capabilities of the girls have been enhanced. This research looks to see how this plays out in the context of the complex social relations that exist in Vrindavan and that continue to affect the life chances of young women.
The overarching research question and sub-questions below seek to guide the research towards achieving the aims and objectives of the thesis as described in the latter section.
1.3 Research question
How does an externally initiated empowerment programme facilitate change in the
capabilities of young women in Vrindavan, a micro-city in the Uttar Pradesh region of India?
Sub-questions
1. How has Food for Life (FFLV) implemented the school and empowerment programme in relation to the context of Vrindavan?
2. How do parents of the girls and the community respond to FFLV’s efforts?
3. How do FFLV staff member’s views about the organisation and its mission align with and diverge from those of the parents and community?
In order to respond to the questions outlined above about how FFLV try to implement
changes in terms of the gendered relations and environments that exist for girls and women in Vrindavan, the next four sections will frame the research context in terms of its transnational significance, its relevance in the state of India, and in terms of adopting education as an empowerment tool in Vrindavan. Due to the studies focus on the contextual drawbacks that females face, it is critical to provide a detailed backdrop of what the young women FFLV try to emancipate are ‘up against’.
1.4 Transnational significance
The urgency and increased public protest regarding gender inequality currently spans across and beyond boarders (Monkman, 2011). This is reflected in the way that gender was included as a priority within the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Goal Two outlines the need for primary level education, with a focus on girls and Goal Three states the need for
advancement of gender equality more broadly, again with a focus on the elimination of gender gaps in education (UN, 2010). The expansion of these goals into the new Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) highlights the pertinence of the issue. Goal Five emphasises the need to “achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls” (Krishnan et. al 2014). These goals are set for all states and, so, create a political agenda around gender. However, in the Indian context this has societal implications and can be seen to create “destabilizing contradictions” and “conflicts over the presentation of the purity of women” (Fernandez, 2000). The Indian government adopt the transnational SDG goals, however the tensions that arise between female emancipation and the traditional gender norms that maintain a female’s “purity” prevent the goal’s implementation in reality (Fernandez, 2000; Katiyar, 2016). Similarly, a number of government policies since the establishment of the National Committee of Women’s Education in 1957 have attempted to address failures in female education and training, however the majority of these have also failed to move from blue-print into everyday institutional practice (Katiyar, 2016).
1.5 Female citizens in India
It is striking how an abundance of emancipatory policies and female empowerment
programmes that have been adopted do not take effect, due to the contradictions they have with societies classical perception of an Indian woman (Fernandez, 2000; Baily, 2011). The persistent marginalisation of female citizens works against emancipation efforts. This
provides an intriguing backdrop for any study regarding change in relation to gender in India. Further, despite significant policy changes at a national level, gender remains a critical issue in India and is demonstrated through its rank in the Gender Inequality Index of 127 out of 160. Women remain a long way behind men in the economic, political and social realms (UNDP, 2018). Women in India have only 11.8% of seats in parliament. Only 39% attend secondary school and just 27% are active in the labour market (UNDP, 2018). This is a vast contrast to the male dominated political space, education system and labour market. 64% of males reached secondary school and 78% of men actively participate in the labour market
(UNDP, 2018). As such, across the Indian Union (as in Vrindavan) young women are not being provided with the equal opportunities to enhance their capabilities through education. Nor are they able to apply their capabilities through employment opportunities or political involvement in later life.
1.6 Vrindavan: situated in the state of Uttar Pradesh (UP)
The reference to policy implementation and female status across the Indian Union, however, is not context-specific and due to the expanse of India there are stark contrasts between and across regions and states (Chaudhuri & Roy, 2009). These distinctions unsurprisingly
manifest themselves in differing perceptions and practices regarding gender in society. There is a clear divide between North and South in India (Chaudhuri & Roy, 2009; Mishra & Tripathi, 2011). Females in the South have “greater freedom”, in the sense that they are perceived to have a ‘higher societal status’ and more access to education and employment opportunity (Dyson & Moore, 1983; Chaudhuri & Roy, 2009) than women in the North. Girls and women in the North, by contrast, do not hold decision-making power (Dyson &
Moore,1983).Girls and women in the North Eastern states, are typically seen as the “least empowered” (Mishra & Tripathi, 2011), Uttar Pradesh in particular is considered to be one of the “most populous and educationally backward states of the Indian Union” (Chaudhuri & Roy, 2009). As such, girls in Uttar Pradesh face severe deprivation of services, including education, which results in girls being half as likely to complete primary or secondary school as boys (Chaudhuri & Roy, 2009). This study of the FFLV-governed school is situated in Vrindavan within the Uttar Pradesh region where girl’s restricted access to education and therefore girl’s ‘capability deprivation’ is particularly prominent.
1.6.1 FFLV in Vrindavan
The FFLV programme in Vrindavan responded to this context of deprivation and gender inequality that prevails in Uttar Pradesh. FFLV (2017) advocate for the provision of facilities, in particular for girls in Vrindavan’s community in order “to give them [the girls] a better life and future”. FFLV staff on the ground suggest that the relational and contextual deprivation at play remains a concern for the girls and the community. The organisation’s Theory of Change that was developed in 2017 outlines their pragmatic focus on the girls and their families. The inclusion of the parents and the community in the girl’s education are seen as key factors in achieving desired outcomes for the girls (see Appendix 1). This builds on the
progressive notion that for gender shifts to take place in Vrindavan “everyone who is part of the social fabric” should be included (Monkman, 2011).
1.7 Education as a remedy in Vrindavan
Both national policy and local-level programmes treat education as a ‘bottom-up’ approach to empowering girls and women. This is based on the premise that “attending school is
sufficient to dislodge conventional gender ideas” by giving young people the space and opportunity to shape their own identity and beliefs (Jeffery et. al, 2012). Similarly, FFLV suggest that “if girls start school and keep attending” then “respect and equality for girls and women in Vrindavan” will be enhanced (TOC, 2017). This study questions whether an exclusive focus on educating the individual is sufficient to achieve change in a complex social setting like Vrindavan. Building a school or writing a new educational policy may be satisfying for those who wish to witness change, however many experts in the international education field are concerned with the simplicity of the normative idea that education for girls results directly in empowerment (Monkman, 2011). This research explores what follows when such a programme is put into action. The narratives of staff, parents, ex-pupils, and members of the community surface the complex interactions and counterintuitive effects that flow from action. This approach advocates for a more specific and context rich understanding of change and empowerment. The implementation of FFLV’s Theory of Change in a school provides the way to examine the relationship between the initiative and the context.
To summarise, this introductory chapter initially provides an insight into the daily lives of the girls who attend Sandipani Muni school. In doing this, it reveals how the training and
education the girls receive within FFLV’s parameters equips them with the capabilities to mitigate the uncertainties of their futures. This insight also demonstrates the contrast between the school and the young women’s precarious living scenarios at home. The chapter then draws significance to the female position in India through an explanation of Sen’s ‘missing women’ concept that quantifies this societal discrimination. The Capabilities Approach helps to elaborate on the ‘missing women’ phenomenon through a conceptualisation of how the most basic principle of a woman’s wellbeing is to be alive (Sen, 1999). This chapter then looks more specifically at the school and empowerment programme and those affiliated with it. It was stated that the study hopes to reveal what follows when a grassroots initiative tries to address the young women’s situation through education, in Vrindavan’s challenging context and web of social relations. The final four sections of this chapter framed both the
broad and specific context FFLV and the school function in. The backdrop is critical due to the need to understand the complexity of the context, and to therefore grasp the challenges of policy and programme implementation. The backdrop has also demonstrated the scope and depth of the societal discrimination that girls and women experience transnationally.
The next chapter begins to ‘theorise’ this story about the implementation of the school, using The Capabilities Approach (Sen, 1999) and the Three Dimensions of Power (Rowlands, 1995, 1997) as a way to conceptualise empowerment in a complex social setting. The conceptual framework in Chapter 2 also incorporates FFLV’s own theory of change and refers to implementation theory that will be used to analyse how FFLV’s policies and
programmes unfold in practice. Chapter 3 will then describe how the qualitative research was designed and subsequently carried out in the field. This section not only outlines and justifies methodology selection and the technicalities of the research approach, but the third chapter also reflects on some key limitations that cropped up and states how they were overcome. In Chapter 4 and 5 the initial sections present excerpts and an accompanying narration that reveal how the organisation are forced to implement imperfect solutions, in an attempt to emancipate the young women at the school. These findings will be analysed at the end of Chapter 4 and 5 within the discussion sections, where the thesis uses the conceptual framework to present how the school try to achieve their goals of empowering girls and enhancing their capabilities. The analysis states how this development occurs unevenly and is heavily incentivised. In Chapter 6, the conclusion brings together the distinct strands of the study and states how the implementation of a development project is highly complex, with unknown consequences and imperfect solutions shaping its route to empower the girls and young women at FFLV. Yet, despite these challenges and the ‘knock-on’ effects of the initiative, FFLV’s primary goal of female emancipation through the means of education, is being achieved.
2. Conceptual Framework
The second chapter of this thesis frames the studies approach to revealing how FFLV implements an emancipatory programme in the form of a school for girls in Vrindavan. The contextual ‘backdrop’ that was outlined in Chapter 1 provides a clear outline of themes that emerge and revolve around gender inequalities and biases presented on both a transnational and local scale. The “missing women” phenomenon then quantifies these distinct forms of
discrimination that are shaped by the exclusion of women in daily life. (Sen, 1999). These issues shed light on why change is needed and what counts as change. The conceptualisation of empowerment that includes the Capabilities Approach (Sen, 1999) and the Three
Dimensions of Power (Rowlands,1995,1997) are theories that are built on to address this need for change. The conceptualisation of empowerment also responds to how the organisation try to produce change and the grounds on which they do so. In order to respond to these issues, the framework then looks to FFLV’s implementation of the school and associated
programmes, through a view of the institution’s own theory about empowerment. This distinction between FFLV’s conceptualisation of change and what plays out in practice is ‘theorised’ using the Theory of Action (Argyris & Schön’s, 1976) perspective. Finally, the analysis regarding what happens when an organisation, such as FFLV, act on their theory of change will be incorporated in this framework through the use of implementation literature.
The choice of these concepts and theories seek to help the reader to understand the
perspectives, perceptions and responses of ‘beneficiaries’ and employees, as a result of the programme implementation, in the given context. These theories have provided a foundation with which to develop data collection methods, as well as guidelines to draw out and make comparisons of intriguing implications and subtleties from the data collected.
2.1 The need for empowerment, emancipation and autonomy
As demonstrated in Chapter 1, there are significant gender biases, norms and inequalities that create a challenging context for young women in India and more specifically in Vrindavan. The “missing women” phenomenon that calculates the difference between expected and observed female births reflects how distinct forms of discrimination towards girls and women exist (Sen, 1999). These can be attributed to the exclusion and marginalisation of girls and women in everyday life. (UN, 2001). The situation for women in places such as Vrindavan therefore requires change. This study suggests that the empowerment of girls and women in Vrindavan is necessary in order for change to take place.
However, empowerment is a disputed concept that is “complex and often open-ended” and that has been broadly (mis)used in the replacement of other terms, including influence, wellbeing, choice, autonomy, agency, self-esteem, power, freedom, confidence or control (Afshar & Alikhan, 2002; Baily, 2011; Mishra & Tripathi, 2011; Monkman, 2011).
in the context of female emancipation, there is a common misconception that it can occur as a result of solely exposure to a new form of education (Monkman, 2011). This is relevant for this study of the school in Vrindavan, as the emancipation of girls cannot take place without consideration for the complexity of the context and the social relations in which it is
embedded.
Similarly, Baily suggests that “the basis of empowerment is contextualised in one’s own experiences, choices, relationships and context” (Baily, 2011). Rekha Mehra (1997) also points to the importance of conceptualising empowerment in relation to the contextual scenario in which a person finds themselves. This thesis adopts the approach that a key component of empowerment is based on whether the girls at the school acquire the capabilities to exercise choice and influence, within the context of Vrindavan.
As alluded to, this study asserts how change needs to take place through the empowerment of females in Vrindavan. The term emancipation will be used interchangeably with
empowerment and is interpreted as female liberation from the relational, environmental and structural problems that make up gender inequalities. Similarly, the concept of autonomy will be used interchangeably with empowerment and emancipation. It is defined in this study as the development of capabilities to control or influence one’s surroundings, environment and close relationships, through the acquisition of social and practical skills (Dyson & Moore, 1983). Both autonomy and empowerment are viewed in a similar way, as they both
conceptualise how girls and women start to gain “control of their own lives vis-à-vis family, community and society" (Jejeebhoy, 2000).
This thesis uses the three terms and is inspired by theorists in this realm who have dealt with these three concepts of autonomy, empowerment and emancipation as ones that can be used to replace the other in academic scripture (Mason, 1998; Mason & Smith, 2000; Jejeebhoy, 2000). This thesis uses these terms to shed light on why change is needed in Vrindavan and to show what counts as change in the young women’s lives through their engagement with the school and FFLV’s affiliated programmes.
2.2 Conceptualising empowerment
As stated, this thesis utilises the term empowerment in response to the need for change amongst young women who attend Sandipani Muni school and who are faced with
it can help to explain why the girl’s situations are problematic and the grounds on which necessary changes are implemented.
For this study, empowerment as an approach is based on the broadly acknowledged notion that looks to help poor people to break out of a ‘cycle of poverty’ and in particular groups of people, such as females, who face marginalisation in specific contexts (Rocha, 1997). There is an abundance of interdisciplinary literature that writes on this notion of female
empowerment and that includes some broadly used concepts to form the basis of
emancipatory studies. Of these, the two key theoretical approaches derived from the term empowerment are the Three Dimensions of Power (Rowlands, 1995, 1997) and The Capabilities Approach (Sen, 1999; Sen, 2009). These approaches form the basis of the studies interpretation of empowerment, however they are developed and combined with other theories that challenge and stretch the foundation of the framework. Other theories of
empowerment seek to explain and elaborate on the need for change and are incorporated to respond to the complex scenario in which FFLV attempts to emancipate girls.
The framework will adopt theories and discuss literature with the view that empowerment is a process that takes place for an individual, in relation to other people and to a specific context. Therefore, it both challenges and builds on the perspective that empowerment comes from within and works at the level of the individual (Rowlands, 1995, 1997; Sen, 1999, 2009; Baily, 2011; Monkman, 2011). The rationale for looking beyond this “atomistic individual empowerment” (Rocha,1997) which looks narrowly at a person’s internal ‘problems’ is less relevant for this study, as for the females in Vrindavan, change requires the development of female capabilities to address the structural and systematic deprivation, due to the
challenging context outlined in Chapter 1. In addition to this, it can be said that the young women who attend the school need to also address their gender biases within their existing personal relationships, for emancipation to take place. This demonstrates why the
framework’s conceptualisation of empowerment should look beyond the level of the individual.
In light of this, the study analyses the school and the young women’s experiences through the consideration of interpersonal experiences that take place between the girls and their families, as well as between FFLV and the associated community. This is based on Elizabeth Rocha’s (1997) Ladders of Empowerment work that refers to the nature of empowerment as dependent
on a person’s surroundings, whereby “the goal is to understand how what goes on inside one’s head interacts with what goes on in one’s environment, to enhance or inhibit one’s mastery and control over the factors that affect one’s life” (Zimmerman, 1990).
2.2.1 Three Dimensions of Power
For the young women who attend the school in Vrindavan, the enhancement of ‘control’ or influence over their relationships proves to shape how far they can affect changes that they deem to be necessary. The Three Dimensions of Power (Rowlands, 1995, 1997) both addresses this need for change in the girl’s domestic relationships and responds to how the organisation try to produce change, for example through training that helps the girls to ‘take a stand’ against intra-familial decisions which they might oppose. The Three Dimensions of Power (Rowlands, 1995, 1997), requires people to engage in processes of negotiation in the ‘personal, close and collective’ spaces. In this model, power relations take place within these three spaces which helps to better understand empowerment from within, as well as external to a person or programme (Rowlands, 1995, 1997).
The Three Dimensions of Power is described as follows: 1) Personal – referring to the development of self-confidence, capacity and the process of rethinking oppression that has been internalised 2) Close relationships – meaning the development of capabilities to influence and negotiate with others within a personal or familial relationship, to the extent influence is exercised over an outcome of a decision and 3) Collective – the notion that individuals can achieve more if they work collaboratively, using group decision making and adopting local initiatives. For the purpose of this study, the discussion of power in ‘close relationships’ resonates with the scenarios that young women at Sandipani Muni school experience. In particular, when the empowerment training, they receive from school, conflicts with the perspectives they are exposed to at home, with regards to early or arranged
marriages. As a result, the emancipation of young women in Vrindavan requires the rethinking of the internalised oppression in the ‘personal’ space and the renegotiation of family relations in the ‘close’ space (Rowlands, 1995, 1997). Although the ‘collective’ approach does not appear to be utilised by the girls or FFLV to implement change, the findings chapter sheds light on how the ‘collective’ space is unused by the girls or the organisation as a means to facilitate change. As a result, the analysis argues that
but one that also needs to adopt collective dynamic actions, in order to shift power relations and target structural inequalities (Magar & Storer, 2009).
The study states how FFLV need to draw on ‘collective’ action as outlined in the Three Dimensions of Power, in order to make efforts to overcome the imbalances of power that lead to this sense of “voicelessness and powerlessness” amongst the girls, the parents and the wider community (Magar & Storer, 2009). This sense of “powerlessness” is often
experienced in communities where deprivation in living conditions and a lack of opportunity can leave people (in most cases females), in a position where they cannot change the situation that they find themselves in (Narayan, 2002; Magar & Storer, 2009). In this domain, the Three Dimensions of Power responds to attempts that are made at addressing change in Vrindavan’s context and also addressed the limitations of FFLV’s approaches.
2.2.2 The ‘gatekeepers’
As discussed in the latter section, ‘a lack of power’ can often be associated with people from impoverished communities who can appear stuck in a challenging reality (Baily, 2011; Narayan, 2002; V. Magar & G. Storer, 2009). Where deprivation exists, it is often girls and women who are burdened most, and as such organisations like FFLV develop and implement interventions in order to change a group of young women in Vrindavan’s life chances. These interventions take the form of policies and programmes that attempt to directly emancipate these females (Baily, 2011). However, the findings and analysis chapters reveal how the implementation of policies and programmes in fact indirectly emancipate the girls, and although they receive an education that helps them to develop their capabilities, the existent gender biases and norms are often not directly targeted. Another problem with FFLV’s programme implementation is that the individual girl’s needs are considered in the ‘close’ and ‘personal’ spaces (Rowlands, 1995, 1997), however this one-dimensional approach fails to regard the other in the relationship. For example, in the school girl’s context the parents or family’s needs and the cost to them, should their daughters only be the ‘beneficiaries’ of emancipation, are not taken into account by FFLV. As a result, this conceptual framework includes the ‘gatekeepers’ (and males) and suggests they are a group of people who also need to be considered and engaged using appropriate measures for an empowerment process to create change (Afshar, 1998; Connel, 2005; Unterhalter, 2005; Baily, 2011; Monkman, 2011).
In this conceptualisation of empowerment, the inclusion of ‘gatekeepers’ addresses the broader implications that efforts at emancipation can have in complex social settings. One form of this is the risk of “reversal dominance” of one group of people who were initially subordinate, over another group who were previously deemed as societally superior (Unterhalter, 2005). Where the young women who attend the school and FFLV are concerned, in order to transform the imbalances that exist between males and females, in particular in the ‘personal’ spaces, this study argues there should be a shift in policy and programme focus from the empowerment of girls, towards the equality of the sexes (Unterhalter, 2005). The adoption of an ‘emancipation of all involved’ approach does not prevent ‘gatekeepers’ and men acting as barriers to empowerment, however their involvement intends to reflect an understanding of this kind of sensitivity. This framework and the
analysis in Chapter 4 & 5 demonstrates how ‘gatekeepers’ and men should be given the space to reconfigure their perceptions of women and to express their sentiments of “voicelessness and powerlessness” (Connell, 2005; Baily, 2011). This study advocates for the inclusivity of both sexes in an empowerment process and therefore deviates from the assumption that power is a “rationed commodity” and something that cannot be shared amongst or between the sexes (Sen, 1999). However, there is now growing theoretical consensus that gender equality can practically be achieved through collaboration between all those who make up society, whereby both parties work to promote an improved quality of life and a sense of freedom across the sexes (Baily, 2011; Monkman, 2011). Due to the signs of ‘uneven development’ that are outlined and analysed later in the thesis, this approach of the emancipation and inclusion of the young women’s families and communities, is a response to the implications of empowering the young women in isolation.
Similarly, it is critical to not only enhance the freedoms and reduce the ‘unfreedoms’ of females, but to look to eradicate all the ‘unfreedoms’ that play a role in the daily
marginalisation of females and males (Sen, 2009). In Vrindavan’s context, the school girls mothers have experienced significant ‘unfreedoms’ due to little or no education access (FFLV, 2017). Therefore, these ‘unfreedoms’ experienced by the family can shape how far the girls are able to enjoy the freedoms that they acquired through the enhancement of
capabilities from the school. As a result, the framework states how empowerment is rooted in the idea of ‘freedoms’ and ‘unfreedoms’, where emphasis is placed on: “a person’s capability to lead the kind of life she values not only by the culmination of alternatives that she ends up
with, but by the processes of making choices involved, or one’s agency freedom, to choose alternatives within her ability and context” (Sen, 2009).
2.3 The Capabilities Approach
The girls at the school in Vrindavan have started to enhance the number of ‘freedoms’ they have through access to education (Sen, 2009). This enhancement of ‘freedoms’ can be explained through the Capabilities Approach which helps us to understand how the young women’s situations have started to change. It also provides scope to analyse the drawbacks of the girls ‘capability enhancement’ in a context where the parents and ‘gatekeepers’ do not have their capability deprivation addressed.
Amartya Sen’s (2009) Capabilities Approach looks to how an individual can acquire and enhance their ‘capability set’ relative to the life context in which they find themselves. This approach rejects the traditional economic perspectives that view international development through a financial lens, where the increment of a household’s income is considered a key indicator of development (Friedman 1962; Pareto 2014). Conversely, Amartya Sen (1999) asserts how circumstantial deprivation cannot be simply eradicated through material gain, as it comes down to the capacity one has to “live a life with meaning and opportunity”. The Capabilities Approach acknowledges the balance of poverty with agency and justice, where the context is seen as a prominent factor that shapes how far informed quality life choices can be made. In addition to this, the approach tries to provide a basis for discussing and acting on questions about justice and development by providing an account of human functioning (Sen, 2009). In light of this, the approach is deemed critical for this studies conceptualisation as it moves away from the normative discussions about ‘how people make decisions or what their beliefs are’ and re-focuses on how a person’s circumstances may have influenced these and how people might shape them (Sen, 2009).
This study of FFLV’s implementation of the school closely considers context as a poignant factor that underpins the empowerment of the beneficiaries, in this case, the young women (Mohanty, 1991; Marayan, 2002; Magar & Storer, 2009; Baily, 2011; Monkman, 2011). The societal, cultural and historical context of Vrindavan adds another dynamic to the oppression experienced by the individual girls (Mohanty, 1991; Monkman, 2011). This affects the way in which policies and programmes are implemented and in turn, how all the affiliated people respond.
As a result of these contextual constraints that females experience in settings such as Vrindavan, the path to a girl’s empowerment is not necessarily a direct route, but rather a process that is individualistic and bound by external factors (Rowlands, 1997). Therefore, through exposure to education alone, where a girl develops her capabilities through
schooling, it cannot be assumed that a girl will automatically become empowered (Rowlands, 1997; Monkman, 2011). Nonetheless, the analysis of nine case studies on educating girls for emancipatory purposes in India, Bangladesh and Pakistan demonstrated how external factors, such as embedded patriarchal structures and forms of control can in fact be reframed and utilised to strengthen the plight of those striving for change (DeJaeghere & Lee, 2011; Baily, 2011; Muskin et. al, 2011). The assumption that capability enhancement through education will directly lead to female empowerment and that negative forms of control in girl’s lives can be re-negotiated, is challenged in the analysis of this study. The entrenched norms and biases together with a ‘social structure’ that families use as a template, results in some scenarios where girls cannot use their capabilities to affect their own surroundings, and to influence others within their ‘close relationships’.
Nonetheless, FFLV’s attempts at enhancing girl’s capabilities through education can also be considered in many forms, as programmatic success. All the young women who attend the school in Vrindavan may not be able to influence their intra-familial decisions regarding their marriages, however some do. Other girls are able to shape internal and external
marginalisation in the ‘personal’ and ‘close’ spaces (Rowlands, 1995, 1997). That said, regardless of how the young women are able to apply their capabilities later in life, the study shows how a sense of “powerlessness” experienced by females in Vrindavan required
‘experts’ or an organisation such as FFLV, to intervene (Narayan, 2002). Elizabeth Rocha’s (1997) Ladder of Empowerment framework helps to shed light on the relationship between ‘beneficiary’ and professional, by paying closer attention to the role of FFLV as an institution that seeks to mediate empowerment between the girls, their respective families, and the community via the implementation of the empowerment programme. Such mediating relationships take place between the organisation and the “powerless” individuals, through the provision of services and local knowledge (Rocha, 1997). This theory will point to the need for change in Vrindavan and therefore for a group such as FFLV to respond, through the implementation of policies and programmes that set out to ‘help’ the young women.
Elizabeth Rocha’s (1997) theory will be applied to both demonstrate how this supports girls to understand their rights and reframe internalised oppression (Rowland, 1995), whilst also
revealing how a ‘top down’ approach to service provision can foster dependency amongst the girls and their families.
2.4 FFLV’s (espoused) Theory of Change
Despite the mixed outcomes, FFLV do attempt to ‘mediate empowerment’ through interventions that provide local emancipatory services and knowledge to the girls at the school (Rocha, 1997). In doing this, they frame their own theory about change to manage the complexities of Vrindavan’s context. FFLV’s own theory with regards to the facilitation of change is incorporated into this framework, in order to build on the conceptualisation of empowerment and to analyse what happens when an organisation design and act on their own theory of change. In an effort to ‘theorise’ this, the study looks at the relationship between FFLV’s ‘espoused theory’ and their ‘theory in use’ (Argyris & Schön’s, 1976). FFLV’s theory of change or their ‘espoused theory’ can be understood as “the words to convey what we do or what we would like others to think we do” (Smith, 2001). For FFLV, this refers to how the organisation communicate the way they implement policies and programmes to emancipate the young women, or the way they would like others to perceive the way the process is governed. In contrast to this, the ‘theory in use’ points to how pre-existing knowledge and experience shapes the way people respond to complex scenarios (Argyris & Schön’s, 1976). In FFLV’s case, the “assumptions about self, others, the situation and the connections among action, consequence and situation” (Argyris & Schön’s, 1976) influence the way things play out in reality. This provides an explanation for how those doing the implementation of the policies and programmes at FFLV may respond distinctly to what is outlined in their theory of change, due to the complexity of the social scenario in Vrindavan.
The assumptions that are made within the organisation’s theory of change (2017) are outlined below:
1. If parents get a better understanding of the importance of education and the rights of girls, they will support girls to attend school.
2. If the wider community learns about the rights of girls (and children in general) it will lead to the greater enforcement of child rights in the community.
3. If the family and community see girls contribute to the community they will value and respect them more.
4. If girls feel more supported by their families and the communities they will start and keep attending school.
In keeping with the notion that the relationships and contextual elements of empowerment are critical considerations for emancipation to take place, FFLV advocate for the inclusion of parents and community members in the promotion and support of the young women’s education and of their rights (FFLV TOC, 2017). This aligns with how this study
conceptualises empowerment, with the nature of change and a young woman’s ability to acquire and utilise her capabilities, seen as dependent on a person’s surroundings, as well as on the complex web of relationships they have to (re)negotiate. In this regard, FFLV’s ‘espoused theory’ builds on the Three Dimension of Power in that they consider the
‘personal’ and ‘close’ relationships with parents and the community members, as contributors to the organisation’s long-term vision of Vrindavan as a place where:
▪ Girls have a clear function & role in society ▪ The community respect girls
▪ Families respect girls
▪ Families and the community are happy and healthy
2.5 FFLV’s policy implementation
The vision that FFLV has for Vrindavan has been spelled out and is communicated through the organisation’s ‘espoused’ theory of change. It reflects FFLV’s interpretation of how change can occur for the young women affiliated with the organisation and the school. The ‘espoused theory’ combined with the selection of empowerment theories conceptualises the problematic situation for women and how the organisation try to facilitate changes in response. However, the framework up to now does not look at what happens when an
organisation tries to act or implement policies that are supposed to be directed by their theory of change. This section helps to elaborate on and discuss how FFLV act on their theory of change.
Implementation theorists suggest that those on the ground, such as the staff and teachers at FFLV, play a key part in rolling out policies (Durose 2009; Lipsky 1980; Maynard, Moody & Musheno 2000), however they have limited involvement when it comes to policy
development, despite the ‘practitioner’s’ exposure to the young women who are affected by the policy (Durose 2009; Lipsky 1980). In the case of FFLV, as in many other institutions, policies and therefore programmes are adapted without the input of those that are impacted
(Lipsky 1980; Maynard-Moody & Musheno 2000). This is particularly relevant in Vrindavan, as ‘policy improvisations’ are developed and implemented with no engagement with
beneficiaries (Goodman, 2019), often due to embedded ideas and norms regarding class, caste, age and gender hierarchies which shape interactions (Kowalski 2016). Therefore, those making decisions regarding policy at FFLV can be seen as holding power over those who need the services (Lipsky 1980; Maynard-Moody & Musheno 2000). This builds on the idea of FFLV purely acting as a ‘mediator of empowerment’ through the provision of services and local knowledge (Rocha, 1997). Although one solution to this ‘top down’ approach is to involve those who seek services in policy development, in practice, this is often extremely difficult to create harmonious solutions between the ‘beneficiaries’ desires and realistic interventions (Cooke & Kothari 2001; Mosse 2005; Swidler & Watkins 2009). This further demonstrates how those who hold the power often “dictate the direction of dependence and influence” (Goodman, 2019). However, these types of dependent relationships, as will be demonstrated between FFLV and the community, do not always turn out to produce the vision that policymakers set out to achieve that are designed to assist the oppressed people (Goodman, 2019). Classic implementation theorists help to explain how FFLV’s ‘espoused’ theory of change occasionally deviates from what happens in reality, as “baseline goals are often re-sculpted at the very scene of implementation” (Pressman & Wildavsky,1973). In this regard, it is difficult for an organisation like FFLV to implement policies based on a theory of change, as the role of the implementer, in this case the teachers and staff, becomes “a source of new information” in the process (Pressman & Wildavsky,1973). As a result, “organisations often perform contrary to their own rules and goals” (Lipsky, 1980). This ties in with the overarching perspective of this study that the “broader context within which organisations operate is crucial to explaining how improvisation in policy implementation unfolds” (Goodman, 2019). These insights to policy implementation provide a theoretical grounding for why FFLV sometimes deviate from their theory of change. This will be explored in more depth within Chapter 4 & 5.
To summarise, this framework’s outline has introduced the key concepts in the context of a conceptual story, that aligns with the broader story of this study of Sandipani Muni school, in Vrindavan. This chapter asserts how empowerment is shaped by the complex relationships and context in Vrindavan. The Capability Approach and Three Dimensions of Power are included to frame and analyse the problematic situation for young women. These approaches also seek to justify the school’s existence and the reasons for its interventions in affiliated
people’s lives. FFLV’s theory of change builds on this and reveals how FFLV’s ‘espoused theory’ provides an overview of how the group set out to change the situation for young women in Vrindavan. In Chapter 4 & 5 the conceptualisation of empowerment and the relationship between FFLV’s ‘espoused theory’ of change and its ‘theory in use’ will be used to analyse the implementation of policies and programmes, to see how the young women and their families respond. Through a view at the organisation’s ‘espoused theory’ and ‘theory in use’ the relationship between the two will be used to also expose the complex realities on the ground, when attempts are made to implement policies. In order to elaborate on and discuss how FFLV act on their theory of change in a complex setting, the implementation literature shows how those who create the policy often hold the power and when the ‘beneficiaries’ are engaged through participatory measure the expectations of both parties are often not met. Further, the chapter reveals the significance of the role of staff and teachers in implementing policy ‘at the scene’. It states how due to the complex social backdrop in which the policy is implemented, institutions such as FFLV can often behave in contrast to their aims and aspirations. In FFLV’s case their improvised implementation of policies that respond to challenging scenarios for the young women at the school often have unexpected implications for the target ‘beneficiary’ as well as the wider community.
3. Designing a Qualitative Case Study
The previous chapter conceptualises empowerment to include theories about capability enhancement, domestic power relations, implementation theory and FFLV’s own espoused Theory of Change. Chapter 3 of this thesis will initially outline how the case study of FFLV has provided parameters to the case, whilst also contributing context-specific ideas to the field. The chapter outlines how the case study approach has been adopted to not only ‘bound the case’ but also to guide the specifics of the research design, including the sample selection and time frame. This third chapter then reveals the complexity of conducting field research and the ‘reflexivity’ that had to be adopted in order to adapt and overcome the challenges encountered with the research environment, with the interpreters and with trust issues. The section regarding challenges utilises field notes to elaborate on these dynamics. Prior to outlining the ethical considerations of this study at the end of the chapter, the qualitative interview and focus group methods that were adopted will be described in more detail, with support from literature to justify the methodological selection. This design looks to respond to the research question that states: How does an externally initiated empowerment
programme facilitate change in the capabilities of young women in Vrindavan, a micro-city in the Uttar Pradesh region of India?
3.1 Bounding the Case
The decision to pursue a case study of this grassroots organisation in this region of India, was to gain a deeper understanding of how an empowerment programme implement their mission to emancipate girls through education and to explore how people respond to this approach, in this context. This exploratory case study looks at the perspectives of four groups affiliated with FFLV, in an attempt to shed light on the relationships and environment that shape how the empowerment programme functions. Due to prior connections with the organisation, this case study was seen to be practical due to the accessibility of the participants. Field results, observations and conclusive remarks will be shared with the organisation and fed into the development of future programmes.
Bent Flyvbjerg’s (2004) account of the Five misunderstandings about case study research reveals the benefits of a social inquiry against what he perceives to be common
misconceptions of the approach. Flyvberg (2006) strongly advocates for contributions to learning through “concrete, context-dependent knowledge”, whereby the researcher delves into a case within a specified context to then present the complex and rich ambiguities of the study. This differs to the critique rejected by Flyvberg (2006) which suggests that case study research is less valuable than “context-independent” studies that are more theoretically generalisable and arguably, more applicable later across the field of sciences (Flyvberg, 2006). According to Flyvberg (2006), this argument is flawed when studying humanity, as there “appears to exist only context-dependent knowledge, which thus presently rules out the possibility of epistemic theoretical construction”. In light of this, the design of this thesis is inspired by Flyvberg’s case study approach and will not aspire to produce knowledge that is widely applicable to the social sciences. Rather, it looks to reveal the complex interpersonal and environmental nuances experienced by an individual connected with FFLV, with particular importance given to the context of Vrindavan itself.
The pursuit of this case study research provides an opportunity for FFLV to obtain a snapshot of the perspectives on the ground. This development could contribute to a shift for FFLV, from being an institution that functions on assumptions about approaches that harness
empowerment, to one that has clarity on surrounding people’s perspectives, perceptions and practices.
The study has been carried out in a way that attempts to avoid the use of blanket theories and aligns with Flyvberg’s approach to be ‘open’, or in other words, to be somewhat inductive with the use of concepts and theory. Early on in the process the thesis started by using FFLV’s Theory of Change, identified as their ‘espoused theory’ (Argyris & Schon, 1976), as a basis from which to develop and conceptualise the term empowerment. In the initial design, the field research would attempt to uncover FFLV’s practice on the ground and in reality, or what can also be identified as their ‘theory in use’ (Argyris & Schon, 1976), with the aim of analysing how these two intersect and diverge. However, by exercising a reflexive approach whilst designing the research and later in the field, the use of Argyris and Schon’s (1976) concept in isolation was not sufficient to support FFLV’s story of their efforts to implement and facilitate changes in Vrindavan. As such, in executing this reflexivity, the study
challenged and stretched the initial theory selection (Burawoy, 1998), and has evolved to use the organisation’s own theory about empowerment, as well as further conceptualising the term through building on the Capabilities Approach and Three Dimensions of Power.
Burawoy (1998) and Flyvbjerg (2004) both assert how in a practical sense the case study provides research boundaries to help confine its parameters. Due to the range of projects and of the vast number of people connected to FFLV, this insight proved particularly useful in narrowing down and specifying the scope of the study in the initial stages of the design. After the data collection process, in reflecting on the accounts told internally (by the teachers or staff) and externally (by the parents and associated community members) the analysis of specific moments provides thought-provoking insights that reveal a lot about how FFLV implement their education programme, its accomplishments, and where the efforts to facilitate change have had unexpected outcomes. The case study has attempted to
demonstrate “people’s everyday practices” (Burawoy, 1998) and perceptions that affect girls who are affiliated with FFLV. In the organisational context, “the ideological position of the case” and the “questioning [of] assumptions behind beliefs and actions” can be seen as essential to understand the areas in which change needs to be further implemented (Habermas, 1972). This was done through direct contact with the people that inspire the programme and those that carry out the work – the following section of this design will therefore answer questions regarding those involved in the qualitative research.
3.2 The ‘Extended Case Method’ and Sample Selection
As discussed, insights regarding the extended case method support this study, due to the consideration made for the environmental and situational effects (Burawoy, 1998). In a distinct manner, positive science attempts to “produce the most accurate mapping of the workings of this external world, to mirror the world” (Rorty, 1979). It is therefore rigid in its quest for representativeness which means that “the respondents must be a carefully selected sample of the broader targeted population” (Burawoy, 1998). In contrast, this thesis attempts to follow a more reflexive, organic process, utilising “snowball sampling” (Biernacki & Waldorf, 1981). As a result, the interviews were initially coordinated by FFLV with a random selection of two people from each of the four groups. Thenceforth, the sampling strategy allowed the “insiders” to identity other suitable participants (Biernacki & Waldorf, 1981).
The data collection process took place at a multitude of levels within and external to the organisation, in order to gain a broader range of insights from the people associated with FFLV. Prior to the field work, the research design aspired to incorporate the views of four different groups and due to the participatory nature of the co-researchers, people from all four groups participated. The inclusion of staff members at FFLV to contribute to the study
through utilising their skills of translation and coordination, as well as their local knowledge, helped attract interviewees yet it also meant that the staff had more of a stake in the research outcome and its success in gathering compelling qualitative data (Lewis 1998; Prince 2015; West 2006). The following people were involved in the interviews and focus groups:
1) Teachers and staff (who work at FFLV schools or programmes) 2) Parents (who’s girl(s) attends the school)
3) Community members (who engage with FFLV programmes) 4) Others (graduated girls and sponsors)
The selection of these groups of people was based on feasibility and ethics. The limitations of time, experience, resources and local language skills meant a larger-scale study regarding current perceptions across the entire cohort of parents and families was unworkable. The girls who currently attend the school were also initially included in the research design, however this was dropped prior to the field work after ethically considering the sensitivity of the subject and the potential implications of the study on the child. Nonetheless, by incorporating the internal and external views of adults linked to FFLV it remains highly relevant for the
organisation to acquire knowledge and advance their learning. It is particularly significant as FFLV (TOC, 2017) identify the involvement of teachers, parents and the community as critical to the sustainability of the organisation’s mission to emancipate girls.
The design section now moves from a discussion about those involved in the study to providing a brief overview of the period that will be studied, as well as the data collection time frame.
3.3 Time Frame
FFLV opened as a food distribution service in 1991 and has gradually developed over twenty-eight years into three schools and a number of associated development programmes. Due to the longevity and complexity of the organisational history the interviews and surveys carried out with all selected groups will seek to evoke meaningful moments or events from the day FFLV opened the first Sandipani Muni School in (2005) to the present day.
With regards to the data collection time frame, the process took place over a period of three weeks in April and conveniently fell at the start of a new term for FFLV-run schools. The timing of the data collection with respect to the parents and community was significant for the research, as new parents of girls who had recently joined the school and have generally had less exposure to FFLV made for an interesting comparison to parents who have been involved with the organisation for some time.
During the three weeks spent in the field, minor challenges arose. The subsequent section of this design demonstrates how the researcher had to adapt to overcome barriers faced.
3.4 Encountering Problems in the Field: reflecting on developments and adaptations This research design does not formally incorporate participant observation as a method, however during the visit to Vrindavan there were a number of insights that were recorded through the use of field notes. In the initial stages of organising and analysing the data collected, the field notes proved to be a useful tool to remember the emotive experiences of encounters with different people, in challenging scenarios. The field notes will be used in this section to demonstrate how methods were adapted when confronted with something different than anticipated. It should be noted that there were a number of small adjustments made, so this section attempts to provide a snapshot of how key ‘problems’ were encountered and
overcome, whilst making sense of the school, its position in Vrindavan and in the lives of the families.
3.4.1 The research environment
One surprising element of the research was the significance of the place and surroundings. It quickly became apparent that interactions could not be “isolated from the political, social, and economic contexts within which they took place” (Burawoy, 1998). In light of this, whether an interview was carried out in the FFLV offices or in a home environment, both scenarios presented distinct challenges.
As a focus of the study is the contextual influence of poverty which is seen as impeding a person’s freedom (Sen, 1999), when designing the research, it was anticipated that the
‘external’ interviews carried out with the families would take place in their homes, in order to experience their environments first-hand. This was attempted with three families initially, however the following excerpt from the field journal reveals the nature of the challenge:
It was particularly difficult for her - we sat on the ground outside her house, her electricity was not working in her home, so it was too dark to sit inside which meant we sat in a courtyard in the middle of all the other houses. She became quite
overwhelmed at certain points– she said she wanted to continue despite the fact that her neighbours were heckling her.
Similar scenarios, where women were faced with harassment in the form of heckles, occurred during all three of the initial interviews that were carried out within or nearby the family home. Due to the efforts in maintaining a participatory-style approach that required a degree of decision-making involvement from the organisation in question (Bergold & Thomas, 2012), a discussion was held with co-researchers about the environment in which interviews and surveys should be executed. FFLV staff member’s views were recorded in the field journal revealing how conflicting perspectives were offered:
An FFLV staff member advised in private that people may feel uncomfortable or intimidated coming to an office, the air-conditioning for example makes it cooler than what they are used to.
