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Social identity construction through global journalism

The effects of global journalism on cosmopolitan and national identities

written by

Romy IJzerman

Student ID: 10416056 Master’s Thesis

Political Communication track

Master’s programme Communication Science Graduate School of Communication Supervisor: mw. Dr. P. H. Sheets Thibaut

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Abstract

The increasing globalization and digitalization of the world lead to the arrival of a transnational news media, which creates access to news from anywhere in the world. However, most news is still domesticated, adapted to the national culture of the reporting country, in which nation-state still play central roles. But transnational politics require a journalism that represents a world which goes beyond a nation’s border. Global journalism is an emerging news style which attempt to cater to this. Since news media affect and create social identities, the question in this study is what role global journalism plays in the construction of social identities. The aim of this study is to see what role domesticated and global journalism plays in the global and national identity of readers. A two 2-condition is carried out on news articles with two different outlooks (domesticated, global) and two global issues (climate change, Google) to assess the influence of news styles on social identities. However, results show there are no significant effects of news styles on identities. Other significant results show that nationality plays a role in the level of global and national

attachment of the respondents. Recommendations for further research contain exploring prior knowledge levels of respondents and conducting a longitudinal study on news articles and how these affect identities in the long term.

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Table of contents

Abstract 2 1. Introduction 4 2. Theoretical framework 6 2.1 Domesticated journalism 6 2.2 Global journalism 7

2.3 Media and social identity 8

2.4 National identity 10 2.5 Cosmopolitan identity 11 3. Methodology 14 3.1 Research design 14 3.2 Sample 14 3.3 Procedure 15 3.4 Materials 15 3.4.1 Independent 15 3.4.2 Dependent 17 4. Results 21 5. Discussion 25 6. Literature 28 Appendix 34

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1. New introduction

With the increasing globalization and digitalization of the world, the arrival of transnational news media was only a matter of time (Atad, 2017). People are now able to get access to news from anywhere in the world. To make foreign news comprehensible to the local audiences, it is adapted to the national culture of the reporting country (Atad, 2017). This process is called domestication, which puts the nation-state at the center of things (Clausen, 2004). However, the rise of transnational news media questions whether the role of nations is still central in news media (Atad, 2017).

Besides, processes of globalization and digitalization lead to a transnational political system as well, which goes beyond a nation’s borders and represents a broader world (Berglez & Olausson, 2011). A new type of journalism is emerging which seems to cater to these transnational politics with a more global audience, namely global journalism. With this new mode of journalism, people will understand the world as a single place, and gain knowledge about political and personal relationships all over the world (Berglez, 2008). Although, there is not yet much research done in this area, global journalism is becoming more established in academic research and journalism professions.

Furthermore, news media have played a significant role in creating social identities (Chan, 2014) and especially in creating national identities, by making it possible for people to engage in national discourse and think of themselves as a national community (Li, 2009). However, this exact way of thinking about a national identity can lead to war and conflict when a nation-state is at crisis (Billig, 1995), by negatively evaluating other nation-states as out-groups. Moreover, a lot of scholars argue for the necessity of fostering a cosmopolitan identity (Barth, Jugert, Wutzler & Fritsche, 2015; Caselin & Kros, 2011; McFarland, Webb and Brown, 2012), because this can lead to a global cooperation since current environmental, political and economic problems transcends national boundaries (Caselin & Kros, 2011). The question which then follows is, does global journalism fosters a more global identity? And what role would a national identity play in this?

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The aim of this study is to see what role domesticated and global journalism plays in the global and national identity of readers. To test this, news articles with different outlooks (domesticated and global) will be compared, together with different global issues (climate change and Google). A two 2-condition experiment is carried out to assess the influences of news styles on social identities.

This study first explains the theoretical framework, which elaborates on domesticated journalism and global journalism. Followed by a detailed description on social identities and media, specifically in relation to national and cosmopolitan identities. Secondly, a section with the outline of the experiment will be presented. This is followed by a chapter with the results of the experiment, in which the hypotheses will be discussed. Lastly, in the discussion, the findings of the experiment will be discussed, together with the limitations of the study and recommendations for further research.

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2. Theoretical framework

2.1 Domesticated journalism

The flow of information across countries and the increased visibility of other cultures in the news is characteristic for news media of the twenty-first century (Clausen, 2004). As Clausen notes, one could expect this to have one of two outcomes for the news: either news itself becomes more globalized and homogenized worldwide, with reporting tending to look more similar in different parts of the globe, or news becomes more heterogenized and particularized across the globe, in an attempt to help audiences differentiate their culture and what’s relevant to them (2004). In fact, she finds a bit of both: while news techniques are more universal, the actual way stories are told and made relevant for domestic audiences remains significantly different across countries and news contexts (Clausen, 2004).

The local culture represents the domestic audience for whom the news is produced. The process by which foreign news is made comprehensible, appealing and relevant for domestic audiences is called ‘domestication’, and it constructs the meaning of events in ways that are compatible with the culture and the dominant ideologies of societies media outlets serve (Clausen, 2004). This special framing of events –in ways that they are clearly relevant for the home audience- becomes important because it facilitates the target audience’s comprehension of interest in the news (Clausen, 2004).

Domestication of foreign news involves news from “outside” a nation-state that is constructed to reinforce nation-state discourse and identity (Olausson, 2014). In this type of news, interpretations of the world involve a national outlook, which puts the nation-state at the center of things when framing social reality (Berglez, 2008). Domestication is also defined as designing foreign news to fit into the national culture of the reporting country (Atad, 2017). Different scholars have thus identified a sort of paradox, whereby the potential for nation-states to become less relevant in globalization is directly countered by the tendency of news outlets to reinforce national differences through domestication. And this is to say nothing of the more extreme cases of national bias in news when it comes to times of war or

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crisis, where frames which favor the nation-state are often the most dominant (Entman, 1991). Thus, even in a globalizing world, the news seems to reinforce nationhood.

Chan (2014) talks about the implicit cultural assumption that nations are relatively fixed in-group and out-group categorizations that are mutually exclusive along geographical boundaries. Such categorizations are single-level and do not take into account diverse formal and informal linkages between nations (Chan, 2014). These formal and informal linkages get more attention nowadays and are shifting in nature, since globalization and digitalization processes give more space and possibilities for them to exist. Processes of globalization and digitalization lead to a global economy, borderless information technology, transnational conglomerates (including media industries), new cultural practices and flows without national belonging, generated by consumption and mobility (Berglez & Olausson, 2011). These

processes argue for a transnational political system -an entire re-ordering of the political and information world that better reflects globalization than challenges it (Berglez & Olausson, 2011). In a transnational political system, processes and events occur which represent a broader world which are based on relationships between nation-states as well as supranational communities.

However, how can a transnational political system come to exist in a news environment that consistently reinforces traditional notions of nationhood? Scholars and journalists have sought to answer this question, by focusing on a new type of journalism which can cater to these transnational politics, with a more global audience: global journalism. Because news media are the social agents which determine how these social processes and events are constructed (Berglez & Olausson, 2011), proponents of global journalism argue that the practice of journalism must respond to those processes by being updated in a global sense as well (Reese, 2008). Olausson and Berglez (2011) argue for a new journalistic mode of news reporting, which challenges the nation-state paradigm. They

propose the function of news media as a “‘discursive bridge’ between communities, powers and spaces” (p.48, 2011).

2.2 Global journalism

As Reese (2008) states, “no media practice has escaped the transformations of globalization” (p.241). That is, the process of globalization in journalism -even if not yet clearly manifested in content- certainly presents a new arena for journalism, in which “the conception of the world acting in a single community held together in time and space by the news gathering and distribution framework” (Reese, 2008, p.241) can take hold. This is called the ‘global news

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arena’ and forms the foundation for global journalism. Global journalism itself, however, is a concept which is difficult to define, since theorizing and conceptualizing this is still under construction. Nevertheless, many researchers have attempted to contribute to the study of global journalism (Berglez, 2008; Reese, 2008, Leuven & Berglez, 2016).

Reese (2008) defines global journalism as a system of newsgathering, editing and distribution which is not based on national or regional boundaries, where it is not expected that shared national or community citizenship is the common reference uniting newsmakers, journalists and audience. Berglez (2008) defines it as a news style. This involves the form, structure and rules of journalistic writing. The central dimension of globalization is ongoing relations, which should be the foundation for a definition of global journalism (Berglez, 2008). These relations go between regions and people, generated by trade, human mobility and technology. Therefore, global journalism is the practice of journalism that investigates how these entities are interrelated (Berglez, 2008).

Both definitions are focused on the idea of transnational journalism, which goes further than national borders and national audiences, and covers transnational topics and relations. Global journalism inherently comes with a particular epistemology, defined as the global outlook (Berglez, 2008). This outlook contains a search to understand and explain how economic, political, social and ecological practices, processes and problems in different parts of the world affect each other, are linked, or share commonalities. The global outlook is about a particular kind of knowledge, and not about the way technology makes information through global communication more easily accessible. In news information, a global outlook means to journalistically explain and understand the world as a single place, and about establishing knowledge about how lives are intertwined all over the world (Berglez, 2008). As Reese (2008) argues, we should look for a global practice of journalism, but also have in mind how to adapt it to a specific local context.

Apparently, the need for journalists to have a global writing style and global values is becoming more prominent in journalism research and practices. This illustrates that the theorization about global news production has found its way in scholarly discourse. However, little work has yet been done on how global journalism is received by audiences, and more specifically, how readers’ identities are affected by reading news with either global outlooks or more traditionally domesticated outlooks. But in a globalizing world, the question of identity is of continuing importance. It is for this reason that this study aims to explore the relationship between, and effects of, global journalism on the identity conceptions of readers.

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2.3 Media and social identity

Social environments enable individuals to undertake social action. Moreover, they also provide a system of self-reference, in which an individual can create and define its place in society. The concept of “social identity” is derived from the social categories of which an individual perceives himself he belongs to (Tajfel & Turner, 1986). The identification of a social identity is mostly relational and comparative to members of other social groups (Tajfel & Turner, 1986). It is the ‘self’ defined and evaluated in terms or attributes shared with other members of a self-inclusive social category (Hogg, Abrams & Brewer, 2017).

Simultaneously, with the self-placement of an individual in one social group, this person places others as belonging to other social groups (Brewer, 1999). This categorization of in- and out-groups influences the forming of a social identity through identification with the in-group, which is in contrast with an out-group (Brewer, 1999).

The media play an important role in forming and reinforcing social identities, arguably especially in an era of digitalization and mediated social relations. That is, people do not only build their identity through physical and social place. They use new communication formats to select, organize and present information, which, in turn, reshape social activity. This creates new environments for self-development and identification (Cerulo, 1997). Individuals also can enhance their social identities by seeking out particular messages which help them gather information about one’s self and the social world, and to maintain or increase a positive view of the self (Knobloch-Westerwick & Hastall, 2010).

In addition to that, intergroup relations are socially constructed through news

discourse (Chan, 2014). For example, when a newspaper reports on the same event, it selects and emphasizes certain aspects, while leaving out other aspects. A newspaper does this through the lens of the ideology and values of the in-group, while the out-group is negatively evaluated (Chan, 2014). Individuals make social comparisons in news messages on these aspects between their in-group and out-groups, which enhances their social identity. (Knobloch-Westerwick & Hastall, 2010). A social identity can therefore be constructed by news media, and this reinforces the distinction between social groups.

The question then becomes, does the news style—either domesticated or more global—affect the inclusiveness or exclusiveness of the identities of readers? Do they feel more ‘global’ after reading global journalism, and more ‘national’ after reading domesticated news? It is this question that the current study hopes to answer. A brief look at these two types of identity will help specify the concepts before turning to my hypotheses.

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2.4 National identities

Many scholars have studied the role media play in forming and reinforcing national identity. A national identity is a subjective or internalized sense of belonging to a nation-state1 (Huddy

& Khatib, 2007). According to Müller (2013), media contributes to national identity building. Exposure to domestic media coverage will enhance the evaluation of the own nation-state and the identification with the own nation-state. Besides, ‘domestication’ strategies of news can be used as a means of protection of national identity in international newsrooms (Clausen, 2004).

National newspapers play an important role in creating national identities. Newspapers make it possible for people to engage in national discourse and to think of themselves as a national community. This feeling of national community is produced through the mass communication of ideas in newspapers, as well as the shared experience as readers, and the knowledge that people in the nation-state are performing the daily ritual of reading the same newspaper (Li, 2009).

Importantly, these studies suggest that national identity is no less relevant today than it was before the era of globalization. That is, even though the nation-state has lost its status, it still affects the environment in which the media institutions function, through legislation or on social and cultural level. Also, there is a continuously, unconsciously, reminding of

nationhood in nations, which refers to their established national place in the world of nations. This is embodied by social habits such as thinking and using language, which consequently creates a national identity (Billig, 1995). The patterns reviewed above, including simple domestication of daily news reporting, potentially strongly reinforce national identity in audiences. Therefore, we cannot ignore the role of the nation-state while researching globalized news (Nossek, 2004).

However, this concept of nationalism lead to a greater distinction when a nation-state is at crisis (Billig, 1995). Here, a nation-state is still at the center of things, together with its

1

Since the concept of ‘nation’ is often misused and misunderstood (Barrington, 1997), for the purpose of this study the term ‘nation-state’ is used, which is a group “of people linked by unifying traits and the desire to control a territory that is thought of as a group’s national homeland.” (Barrington, 1997, p. 713)

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own normality, but distinguishes in a negative sense between groups who are bound by other nation's borders, therefore possibly leading to war and conflict in name of one nation-state (Billig, 1995). Thus, reinforcing national identities can lead to more in- and out-group forming, in which the other group is negatively evaluated (Chan, 2014). But by merging this group into a bigger subordinate global group, intergroup bias is reduced, and friendly feelings and positive evaluations are promoted towards all members (McFarland, Webb and Brown, 2012).

2.5 Cosmopolitan identity

If ‘regular’ domesticated news tends to reinforce national identity, can global journalism build or reinforce a more global, cosmopolitan identity? The national culture and identity is

maintained in the production processes of national news media. However, the rise of transnational news media creates the opportunity for news to become more global in their outlook and to be directed towards a more global audience. This can also have an effect on the identity of this audience, while this is becoming more global too.

Different scholars have defined the term global or cosmopolitan identity2. In the study

of Buchan, Brewer, Grimalda, Wilson, Fatas and Foddy global identity is defined as the social identification with the world community (2011). Another often used term is ‘cosmopolitan’, which literally means ‘citizen of the world’ (Corpus Ong, 2009). It is also seen as a cultural identity in which the belief is that all humanity is of a single community (Roberts, 2011).

Besides, the importance and necessity of having a global identity is also discussed in many studies. First, McFarland et al. argue that identification with all humanity has positive qualities, such as empathy, moral reasoning and general morality (2012). It also ascribes the priority given to human rights over national self-interests and greater knowledge regarding global humanitarian concerns (McFarland et al., 2012). Besides, environmental, economic or political problems require cooperation and mutual support that transcends local, national, religious and ethnic boundaries, because these problems themselves transcend these

boundaries (Caselin & Kros, 2011). As a result, a global identity can lead to collective action for a global public good, without other interests (Barth, Jugert, Wutzler & Fritsche, 2015; Buchan et al.).

A global identity can therefore lead to a bigger global cooperation, based on shared values and expectancies. This said, a global media system can cater to these shared values and

2

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expectancies, with its well-defined agenda of news and issues circulating around the globe (Reese, 2008), thereby fostering a global identity.

However, as Roberts (2011) critically claims, it is difficult to find stability in debates about the role of the media (international and national) and how people from different cultures and nations can work together. This is where global journalism can help connecting these different cultures. Global journalism seeks to explain and concentrate on the global relations between people in the world. People have more possibilities to use global communication to create identities. It can therefore create an identity which is connected with that same world.

There are two different perspectives on having both a national as well as a

cosmopolitan identity at the same time. The first perspective believes that different identities can’t coincide, and the second believes different identities can exist along each other in the form of layers. So first, when a global community is expected to be united by a cultural identity, cosmopolitanism is problematic, because ‘citizenship to the world’ is often in opposition to national identity (Roberts, 2011). Additionally, research shows that a national identity represses a cosmopolitan identity in news media (Berglez & Olausson, 2011).

On the other hand, some scholars suggest that a cosmopolitan identity can be seen as an extra layer on an already existing national identity. Or as Olausson states: “The national and the global are not mutually exclusive but constitute two sides of the same coin “(2014, p. 723). This can be illustrated by the example of a European identity. As Olausson put it, a European identity adds another layer to already existing identities (2010). Identifying oneself with a European political community does not exclude the possible identification with the nation-state. Thus, the same argument can be made for the cosmopolitan identity, which can be seen as the top layer of a social identity, on top of a national and maybe European identity. Chan agrees, saying social identities are hierarchical (2014). This means that one can feel cosmopolitan as a bigger identity, next to the feeling of a national identity.

Thus, it is not yet clear how and if national and cosmopolitan identities are mutually exclusive or not, and what role domesticated and global journalism plays in this. Does global journalism affect a cosmopolitan identity? Or is the strength of a national identity stronger than any effects from news styles?

The following hypotheses are constructed:

H1: People who are exposed to news articles with a domesticated outlook identify themselves more with a national identity than people who are exposed to a global outlook.

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H2: People who are exposed to news articles with a global outlook, identify themselves more with a cosmopolitan identity than people who are exposed to a domesticated outlook.

I expect that domesticated news increases the feeling of national identification, because it talks about cultural symbols, collective memories and national identities of a nation, therefore enhancing the national identity (Chan, 2014). Next to that, I expect that global news increases readers’ sense of cosmopolitan identity, since it talks about global cultural symbols, collective memories and cosmopolitan identities of the world (Chan, 2014).

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3. Methodology

3.1 Research design

The study consists of two 2-condition experiments, with two different news styles and two different topics of focus. The data was collected by an online survey. The manipulations are randomly assigned to the respondents to ensure that group characteristics don’t influence the results (Neuman, 2004). Respondents were randomly assigned to one of two versions of a news article: global or domesticated outlook. However, in order to control for the influence of topic, two different topics were addressed in the articles (climate change and technology companies). Thus, respondents were randomly assigned to one of 4 articles – national climate

change, global climate change, national tech company, or global tech company.

A pilot-test was conducted (N = 40) to test whether the differences between global and domesticated news were indeed perceived in the manipulations. First, the reliability of the scales was tested, which shows that two items have a high reliability (Cronbach’s alpha =.81) if the item relevancy for Dutch citizens is deleted. Therefore, the first two items are combined as the variable manipulation combined and the variable relevancy for Dutch citizens is used as a single item measure.

An independent t-test was carried out to show that the differences between the manipulations in the news items are significant for the variable manipulation combined (F(5.47, 38) = 9.90, p <.001) and relevancy for Dutch citizens (F(3.71, 38) = 6.33, p =.001). Respondents were asked to indicate the extent to which the story represents a global or local outlook3. For the variable manipulation combined, local scores lower (M = 2.50, SD =1.27) than global (M = 4.21, SD =.64) which means that the domesticated news articles are indeed perceived as more local and the globalized news articles indeed as more global (Cohen’s d = 1.70). On relevancy for Dutch citizens the local news articles (M = 1.42, SD = .84) score lower than the global news articles (M = 2.62, SD = 1.16), which means that the articles with

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a domesticated outlook are more relevant for Dutch citizens than the global outlook articles (Cohen’s d = 1.18).

3.2 Sample

For this research, 250 participants were recruited. They were targeted with a snowball sampling method, through the author’s own social networks. The target population for this research are people who are 18 years or older, and live in Europe, or more specifically in the Netherlands. The survey was conducted in English, in order to ensure the possibility of a wider variety of participants than only Dutch-speaking subjects. Participants who did not meet the criteria were excluded from the analysis. 76 persons dropped out because they didn’t finish the survey. This resulted in a total of 174 participants. The age ranged from 18 to 67 years old (M = 27.1, SD = 8.8), of which 58.2 % female, 41.2 % male and 6% identified differently. Most of the participants had a Dutch nationality (79.3%) and a Bachelors (52.9%) or Advanced (25.3%) degree.

3.3 Procedure

In a period of twelve days (17 December 2017 to 28 December 2017) the data were collected online through the Qualtrics survey software. The subjects were sent a message, with

information about the study and a link to the survey-experiment. The message contained information about the goal of study, the privacy of the subjects, their rights to stop the survey any time and contact information. The link contained a questionnaire, which was designed with Qualtrics.

After clicking the link, the respondents received additional information about the study before giving their informed consent. Then, they were randomly assigned to one of the four stimuli: climate-global, climate-local, tech-global and tech-local. These news articles were derived from real news articles from The Guardian, but each was adjusted for the research (see next section for an explanation).

After reading the article, the respondents received a set of questions about how the respondent identified him- or herself, his/her opinion about the article, questions about the topic of the article to check if the manipulation was indeed carried out and about his/her demographics such as age, education, gender and native language. At the end of the survey, the respondents were debriefed with the real purpose of the study.

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3.4 Materials

3.4.1 Independent

The independent variables are news styles and issues in news articles. The news articles were based on real articles from the English newspaper The Guardian. These articles were selected by their topic, which is either tech company (Google) or climate change. These issues are also used in the studies of Berglez (2008) and Berglez and Van Leuven (2016) about global news. First, I will give a description of the news styles in the articles, which are global or local, and then I will give a description of the issues in the news articles.

News styles are defined as either global or local. A global news style contains news articles with a global outlook. A global outlook means that the article is aimed at a global public, talks about the world as a single place and discusses processes and problem in different parts of the world which affect each other (Berglez, 2008). For the global articles, this means that they are focused on multiple countries in the world, by describing the effects of issue for multiple countries and aiming at a global public by explaining the relationships between these countries. Multiple places in the world are mentioned and some keywords (such as: ‘globe’, ‘our planet’ and ‘the world’s nations’) are put in to manipulate the reader to perceive it as more global.

Example of a paragraph from a global news article: “Effects can be seen across the

globe. Coral reefs are badly affected by rising sea temperatures, from the Seychelles to Belize, where the northern hemisphere’s biggest reef is situated. Rising global temperatures are also causing mountain glaciers to rapidly shrink, from Kilimanjaro in Tanzania to the Rocky Mountains in Canada and the Swiss Alps’ Jungfrau-Aletsch area – home to the largest Alpine glacier.”

A local news style contains a domestic outlook, is aimed at a local public, puts a nation state at center of things and talks about the implications of processes and problems in the world for a nation-state. This means, the main focus is on one nation, in this case The Netherlands. In the article, the effects of the issues for The Netherlands and the people who live in The Netherlands are described. Keyword such as ‘in The Netherlands’, ‘rising water levels’ and ‘unique tidal flats and islands in the north’ are put in to manipulate the reader to perceive it more local.

Example of a paragraph from a local news article: “One of the most important

heritage sites in the Netherlands, the Wadden Sea, is at very high risk of being destroyed by climate change. Rising water levels could destroy the area, eventually causing the unique tidal flats and islands in the north of the Netherlands to disappear.”

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A new variable was computed to collapse the news style conditions. The new variable

news style contained two groups, ‘global’ and ‘local’, which makes a distinction between

people who read an article with either a global outlook, or an article with a local outlook. The issues of the articles are climate change and tech company. These issues can be domesticated as well as globalized, since the effects or company operate on both global and local level. The climate change articles talk about the effects of climate change on natural heritage sites in the world (for the global article) and in The Netherlands (the domesticated article). The tech company articles talk about the Google company and its privacy policy breaking data protection laws in different European countries (for the global article) and in The Netherlands specifically (for the domesticated article).

The effects of different news styles, can be influenced by individual’s attitudes towards a specific issue and the individual’s prior knowledge (Lecheler, de Vreese and Slothuus, 2009; Zaller, 1992). Therefore, in current study will be controlled for the attitude towards the article itself.

3.4.2 Dependent

The dependent variables are national identity, cosmopolitan identity and issue attitude.

National identity is the sense of belonging to a nation-state (Huddy & Khatib, 2007) as a

member of a group, together with value and emotional significance towards that nation-group.

National identity was first assessed, simply, by asking the respondent’s nationality and if

he/she has multiple nationalities to get them thinking of their own nationality. These questions were given with a drop-down menu and a yes/no option. Then, questions about how the respondent identified him/herself with this identity were asked, such as how they see

themselves, how attached one’s feeling to a city, region, country of the world more broadly, how important nationality is for them, is they are typical citizens of their country, and how they talk about their country. All these questions were in the form of a Likert-scale, ranging from negative to positive. The questions were based on the research of Huddy and Khatib (2007).

To measure national identity a principal component analysis was conducted. It showed that eight items form three scales, component 1 with an Eigenvalue of 2.68, component 2 with an Eigenvalue of 1.44 and component 3 with an Eigenvalue of 1.04. Four items load

positively on component 1 (of which ‘Attachment to country’ has the highest factor loading of .76), two items load positively on component 2 (of which ‘How often do you think of yourself as citizen of the world’ has the highest factor loading of .91) and two other items load

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positively on component 3, (of which ‘Talking about ‘we’ or ‘they’’ has the highest factor loading of .84).

Only the reliability of the first two scales if sufficient (Cronbach’s alpha = .70 for attachment nationality and .77 for self-perception nationality). Attachment nationality is the feeling of attachment a respondent has towards its own country and nationality.

Self-perception nationality4 is the how the respondents perceive themselves as their own

nationality and how important this is for them. The third scale has a very low reliability (.47) and therefore, this item is not used in any analyses.

Cosmopolitan identity is the sense of being a ‘citizen of the world’ (Corpus Ong,

2009), also as a member of a group, but then with value and emotional significance towards a world-group. To measure cosmopolitan identity, the respondents had to indicate their opinion on slider scales. Statements such as “I feel I am a citizen of the world” were posed, with a scale ranging from ‘strongly disagree’ to ‘strongly agree’5. These questions were based on the

research on European identities of the Eurobarometer 2017.

To measure cosmopolitan identity a principal component analysis was conducted. It showed that seven items form two scales, one component with an Eigenvalue of 2.86 and one component with an Eigenvalue of 1.24. Four items load positively on component 1, of which ‘Knowledge about global society’ has the highest factor loading of .84 and three items load positively on component 2, of which ‘Want to know more about rights as world citizen’ had the highest factor loading of .81.

The reliability of the scales is sufficient, with a Cronbach’s alpha = .75 for component 1 and .70 for component 2. This would not increase with deleting items. So therefore, these items measure two latent variables, namely knowledge about global society and global

attachment.

Article attitude is about the individual’s opinion about the article (Lecheler et al.,

2009) and knowledge of concerned issue (Zaller, 1992; Shat et al., 2004). To measure article

attitude, the respondents got several questions on which they had to indicate their attitude

about the news article. For instance, they had to indicate to what extent they liked the article (‘dislike a great deal’ to ‘like a great deal’ on a 5-points Liker scale)6.

Next to that, the respondent his/her interest in certain issues was asked. These issues are: the effects of climate change for the world, the effects of climate change for The

4

This is different than the actual national identity of the respondents, as indicated earlier.

5

See Appendix for all the questions about cosmopolitan identity.

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Netherlands, the Google company, traffic regulations in global cities, international sports competitions, public transport in Amsterdam. These issues are either global or local.

To measure the attitude towards the article, a principal component analysis is conducted. Six items form component 1 (Eigenvalue 3.63), two items form component 2 (Eigenvalue 1.43) and three items form component 3 (Eigenvalue1.35). ‘Likeliness to read more about this article’ has the highest factor loading (.81) for component one, ‘Interest in climate change NL’ has the highest factor loading (.88) for component two. ‘Interest in traffic regulation global cities’ has the highest factor loading (.74) for component three.

The Cronbach’s alpha for the first scale shows that there is a strong reliability (.82). This variable is named as ‘attitude articles’, ranging from ‘negative’ to ‘positive’. The second scale shows a weak reliability (.66) and the third scale shows a weak reliability as well (.43), therefore they are not used as reliable measures.

The questionnaire ends with a couple of questions for a manipulation check and demographic questions, such as age, gender, education and native language. To check if the manipulation was carried out, questions were asked about the article itself. First, a question about the topic of the article was given (‘the effects of climate change’, ‘the Google

company’, ‘traffic regulations in global cities’, ‘international sports competitions’ or

‘endangered species’) to assess respondents’ recall of the article. Afterwards, the respondents had to indicate on a 5-points Likert scales to what extent the article was global or local, with question such as ‘to what extent do you think this article represents a global or local public’7.

A factor analysis was conducted on the manipulation check items. It shows that two of the three items load on one component with an Eigenvalue of 1.63, which is supported by a clear inflexion on the scree plot. Both variables load strongly on this component (‘Focus on specific place or the world’ .85 and ‘Representing global or local public’ .87). A reliability test shows a Cronbach’s alpha = .71 for this scale, if the third item, ‘Relevancy to Dutch citizens’, is deleted. Therefore, the third item, ‘Relevancy to Dutch citizens’, can used as a separate manipulation check variable. Afterwards, the items ‘Focus on specific place or the world’ and ‘Representing global or local public’ are averaged to compute the new variable

manipulation check.

A t-test was carried out to check the manipulations. First, the manipulation of news style between global and local was tested on the variable manipulation check. The difference between the articles is significant (t (169) = 7.34, p < .001). The articles with the global news

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style (M = 4.05, SD = .77) were perceived as more global and the articles with the local news style (M = 2.99, SD = 1.10) were perceived as more local. The mean difference is 1.06 and the effect size is Cohen’s d = 1.12. Second, the manipulation of news style between global and local was also tested on the variable relevancy to Dutch citizens. The difference between the articles is significant (t (169) = -3.13, p = .002). The articles with the global news style (M

= 3.84, SD = .95) were perceived as less relevant to Dutch citizens than the articles with the

local news style (M = 4.26, SD = .81). The mean difference is -.42 and the effect size is Cohen’s d = 0.48. The results of these tests show that the manipulation was carried out properly in the articles.

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4. Results

The first hypothesis posited that people who are exposed to news articles with a domesticated outlook identify themselves more with a national identity than people who are exposed to a global outlook. To measure this, a t-test was conducted8. The results for the t-test on the national identity variables are not significant. Therefore, the first hypothesis has to be

rejected. Table 1 shows there are no differences between people who read a local news article versus people who read a global news article on the variable national attachment (global: M = 3.19, SD = .85, local: M = 3.16, SD = .77) nor on the variable self-perception nationality (global: M = 3.20, SD = .90, local: M = 3.00, SD = 1.02). This means that there are no effects from news styles on the identification with nationality.

Table 1: Results of a t-test on news style and national identity

National identity News style N M SD t df p

National attachment Global 88 3.19 .85 .223 172 .824 Local 86 3.16 .77 Self-perception nationality Global 88 3.20 .90 1.365 172 .174 Local 86 3.00 1.02

Note. scale ranging from 1 (negative) to 5 (positive)

To test hypothesis two, which expected that news style would affect the extent to which respondents reported a cosmopolitan identity, a second t-test was conducted9. The results of the t-test showed that the differences between the groups on cosmopolitan identity variables is not significant. Therefore, the second hypothesis has to be rejected. Table 2 shows that there are no differences between people who read a global news articles versus people who read a

8

An ANOVA analysis didn’t show any significant differences between all four conditions on the variables national attachment and self-perception nationality.

9

An ANOVA analysis didn’t show any significant differences between all four conditions on

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local news article on the variable knowledge about global society (local: M = 3.02, SD = .78, global: (M = 3.11, SD = .71) nor on the variable global attachment (local: M = 3.70, SD = .70, global: M = 3.56, SD = .83). This means that there are no effects of news styles on the

identification with a cosmopolitan identity.

Table 2: Results of a t-test on news style and cosmopolitan identity

Other analyses were carried out to explore if other variables show significant results. First, to test whether there are differences between the degree to which people identify themselves as more cosmopolitan or more their own nationality, a dependent t-test is conducted. The t-test showed significant results (see Table 3). First, that means that the respondents feel more globally attached (M = 3.63, SD = .77) than national attached (M = 3.18, SD = .81) (Cohen’s

d = .57). Besides, there is no difference between how respondents perceive themselves as

their own nationality and their national attachment. Last, their self-perception of nationality (M = 3.10, SD = .96) as well as their knowledge about the global society (M = 3.06, SD = .74) is both at a moderate level (Cohen’s d = .05). This means they don’t perceive themselves very strongly national or cosmopolitan, and they have a fair amount of knowledge about the global society.

Cosmopolitan identity News style N M SD t df p

Global attachment Global 88 3.70 .70 -.759 172 .449

Local 86 3.56 .83

Knowledge about global society

Global 88 3.02 .78 1.142 172 .225

Local 86 3.11 .71

Note. scale ranging from 1 (negative) to 5 (positive)

Identity measures N M SD t df p

Global attachment 174 3.63 .77 4.936 173 .000

National attachment 174 3.18 .81

National attachment 174 3.18 .81 .717 173 .474

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Table 3: Results of a dependent t-test on global attachment, knowledge about global society,

national attachment and self-perception knowledge

Second, a two-way ANOVA was carried out to test whether there is an interaction effect between news style and nationality10 on the degree of global attachment. This to see if

nationality has a moderating effect on how people feel globally attached after reading news

articles with different news styles. A divide is made between Dutch and non-Dutch respondents. The results showed there is no interaction effect (see Table 4). However, nationality by itself does have a significant effect (F(1, 173) = 7.86, p = .006), meaning that people with a Dutch nationality (M = 3.54, SD = .78) feel less globally attached than people with a non-Dutch nationality (M = 3.94, SD = .66).

Table 4: Results of a two-factor analysis of variance on global attachment

Sum of Squares df Mean Square F p η2

Nationality 4.485 1 4.485 7.858 .006 .044 News style .644 1 .644 1.127 .290 .006 Nationality * News style .049 1 .049 .086 .769 .000 Error 97.043 170 .571 Total 102.399 173 Note. N = 173

Third, a two-way ANOVA was carried out to test whether there is an interaction effect between news style and nationality11 on the degree of national attachment. This analysis is carried out to see if nationality has a moderating effect on how people feel nationally attached after reading news articles with different news styles. A divide between Dutch and non-Dutch respondents is made here as well. The analysis showed that there is no interaction effect (see

10

The variable nationality is the actual nationality of a person.

11 nationality is the actual nationality of a person.

Knowledge about global society 174 3.06 .74 -9.158 173 .000

Global attachment 174 3.63 .77

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Table 5). However, here again, nationality by itself is significant (F(1, 173) = 9.85, p = .002) on the degree of national attachment, meaning that people with a Dutch nationality (M = 3.27, SD = .74) feel higher nationally attached than people with a non-Dutch nationality (M = 2.81, SD = .96).

Table 5: Results of a two-factor analysis of variance on national attachment

Sum of Squares df Mean Square F p η2

Nationality 6.244 1 6.244 9.848 .002 .056 News style .184 1 .184 .291 .590 .002 Nationality * News style .163 1 .163 .257 .613 .001 Error 107.782 170 .634 Total 114.145 173 Note. N = 173

Last, a t-test analysis was carried out to see if respondent have different attitudes towards the topic of the articles. The effect of news topic on attitude articles is significant (t(172) =

2.61, p = .010), which means that depending on the topic of the article, people have a different opinion about it. The climate article (M = 3.41, SD = .68) is perceived as more positive than the Google (tech) article (M = 3.14, SD = .70), but the difference is not very big.

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5. Discussion

In a globalized and digitalized world, global journalism is emerging to cater to changing transnational politics. Since news media play an important role in creating social identities, the aim of this study was to explore whether global journalism has an effect on national and cosmopolitan identities. However, this research shows unexpectedly that there were no

significant effects of global or domesticated news on social identity. Consequently, this means that the global or local news styles do not affect a person’s social identification processes - at least not in the short-term.

A few explanations possibly explain the non-significant results. First, repetition of the frame increases the strength of the relevant attitude (Druckman, Fein & Leeper, 2012). In the case of the current study, the frame was shown only once, and therefore possibly not much of an influence. Additionally, attitude, together with identification, change gradually over time (Zaller, 1992). Thus, the frame of global journalism has to be repeated over a longer time period to see any effects on identity. Besides that, having an identity is complex and more about the ways we talk about ourselves than a vast object which one can acquire or not (Billig, 1995). It is therefore difficult to study in a one-off experiment, with few conditions to test and a small set of identity measures.

In addition, as Tajfel and Turner state, it is extremely difficult for individuals to move from one group to another, even though the individual’s characteristics overlap with both groups (1986). Additionally, since national identity represses transnational identity, perhaps it’s even more difficult for an individual to construct a global identity (Berglez & Olausson, 2011). It can be the case that national identities in this study are so deeply-rooted, that it leaves no space for other, global identities to occur, making it seem they do not exist.

The current study did find other significant results. The significant results showed that all respondents felt more globally attached than nationally attached. Additionally, the non-Dutch respondents in the sample felt more globally attached than the non-Dutch respondents,

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whereas Dutch respondents felt more nationally attached than non-Dutch respondents. This is an interesting phenomenon, since the non-Dutch respondents from this study live in The Netherlands. Living abroad can lead to a greater self- and global awareness and appreciation of intercultural difference (Gieser, 2015). This can explain that living abroad can enhance the feeling of having a global identity. Therefore, intercultural exchange between nation-states should be promoted by school, universities and companies.

The other results also showed people that have moderate knowledge about the global society. Perhaps this shows that there is a shortage of knowledge about global problems and events. Preexisting networks of knowledge have different influence on readers (Lecheler et al., 2009), and therefore investing in knowledge about the global society might eventually foster a more global identity. Global journalism can cater to this lack of knowledge, by

presenting relevant news which connects global processes to local societies, therefore creating identities which feel more responsible towards the world as society.

Another significant result is the attitude of the respondents towards the articles. People rate both climate change articles more positive than both Google articles. Prior knowledge levels of certain beliefs make people more susceptible to framing (Lecheler & de Vreese, 2012). If the respondents’ prior knowledge levels on climate change are higher, it can explain the more positive ratings when their preexisting ideas about the topic are also positive. Further research should look deeper into preexisting knowledge of news topics and reasons people rate news articles more positive.

Some limitations should be attributed to the research. Firstly, the sample is drawn on a very specific group. Most of the respondents are higher educated and between 20 and 30 years old. Therefore, the results cannot be generalized to a bigger group. This can be improved by taking a bigger sample which includes multiple countries. It should be taken into account that news articles for multiple countries should not only be made global but also domesticated to the specific country to see if any domestication effects are at work.

Secondly, the experiment is conducted in a very short time frame. As mentioned before, the repetition and exposure time of a frame can have an influence on changing identities (Druckman et al., 2012; Zaller, 1992). Therefore, a longitudinal study on news articles and how this affects identities in long term would be recommended. Long time exposure to global news will possibly foster a more global identity.

Although identities are not affected in this experiment, it is still interesting to see to what extent global journalism has an effect on readers. Research on global news is increasing, since news agencies and journalists are more concerned with reporting on global news and the

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world is becoming more interconnected. Therefore, further research must be done on how readers are affected by global news, especially in regard to the ever-changing global world and people’s identification processes with it.

For instance, other kinds of news which are not researched in this study can influence identities, especially global identities. Leuven and Berglez propose a hybrid form of domestic news, which is ‘glocalized’, bringing domestic and global realities together (2016). In this, global journalism is embedded in domestic news sections (Leuven & Berglez, 2016).

Despite these limitations, this research contributes to a broader perspective on global journalism. Even though it shows that there are no direct effects of global news on the construction of identities, global journalism research on identities actually requires more academic attention. Particularly because global identities are very important for understanding and feeling connected to this continuously globalizing world. We must therefore strive

towards a paradigm shift in journalism, in which global journalism is incorporated, and explore how to foster global identities with global news.

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Appendix

Survey

Welcome and thank you for participating in this study.

This is a study about people's opinions about news articles. In this online survey, you will first read a news article and afterwards answer several questions about the article and yourself. There are no right or wrong answers. The survey should take about 10 minutes, and your responses are completely anonymous. Please read the article carefully. You have the right to stop the survey any time, without giving a reason for doing so, and your personal data will not be passed on to third parties.

√ I understand the text presented above, and I agree to participate in the research study. 1. Yes (1)

2. No (2)

Q1 Can you please write down a few thoughts that came to mind while you were reading the article? It doesn’t matter what you write, but we’re just curious what sorts of thoughts occurred to you while reading. This can be a few words or phrases, or complete sentences. There are no right or wrong answers.

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Q2 Before we go on with questions about the article, we want to ask you something about your background.

Q3 What is your nationality? (In case you have more than one, please indicate what you consider to be your primary nationality in this moment.)

▼ Afghan (1) ... Zimbabwean (201)

Q4 Do you have multiple nationalities? Yes (1) No (2)

Q5 Some people think of themselves as not only their own nationality, but also as citizens of the world. How about you, how often would you say you think of yourself as a citizen of the world?

Never (1) Always (5)

Q6 In general, do you see yourself as ... ?

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Q7 When talking about where someone is from, people may feel more attached to their town or village, to their region, to their country or to the world more broadly. Please tell me how attached you feel to…

Not at all

attached (1) Very attached (5)

Your city/town/village (1) 3. 4.

Your region (2) 5. 6.

Your country (3) 7. 8.

The world more broadly (4) 9. 10.

Q8 Some people feel strongly about their own nationality. How important is being (selected nationality) to you?

Not at all important (1) Very important (5)

Q9 To what extent do you see yourself as a typical ${Q34/ChoiceGroup/SelectedChoices}? Not at all (1) A great deal (5)

Q10 When talking about citizens of your own country, how often do you say 'we' instead of 'they'?

Never (1) Always (5)

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Q11 For each of the following statements, please indicate to what extent this corresponds to your own opinion.

Strongly disagree

(1) Strongly agree (5)

I feel I am a citizen of the world (1) 11. 12.

I know what my rights are as a citizen

of the world (2) 13. 14.

I would like to know more about my

rights as a citizen of the world (3) 15. 16.

Q12 Please indicate to which degree you feel...

Not at all (1) A lot (5) ...you belong to a global

group/society (1) 17. 18.

...you have sufficient knowledge and information about the global society

(2)

19. 20.

...your actions seem relevant in a

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Q13 To what extent would you say you are interested in the following issues?

Not interested (1) Very interested (5) The effects of climate change for

the world (1) 23. 24.

The effects of climate change for

The Netherlands (2) 25. 26.

The Google company (3) 27. 28.

Traffic regulations in global cities

(4) 29. 30.

International sports competitions

(5) 31. 32.

Public transport in Amsterdam

(6) 33. 34.

Start of Block: Article attitude

Q14 In this section, you will be asked a couple of questions about the article you just read.

Q15 Please indicate to what extent you liked the article. Disliked a great deal (1) Liked a great deal (5)

Q16 How likely are you to read more about this issue? Extremely unlikely (1) Extremely likely (5)

Q17 How likely would you be to share this article with your friends and family? Extremely unlikely (1) Extremely likely (5)

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Q18 How important do you find this article?

Not at all important (1) Extremely important (5)

Q19 Please indicate to what extent you find that the article presented honest information. Not at all (1) A great deal (5)

Start of Block: Manipulation check

Q20 Which of the following best represents the topic of the article you just read? 35. The effects of climate change (1)

36. The Google company (2)

37. Traffic regulations in global cities (3) 38. International sports competitions (4) 39. Endangered species (5)

Q21 Some news articles focus on how issues/problems affect a specific place in the world. Others focus on the world more broadly and address the effects of issues/problems across the globe. Which would you say better describes the article you just read?

Specific place (1) World more broadly (5)

Q22 Not all information in news articles is relevant for everyone. Some issues are more relevant than others, depending on where someone lives, for example. What would you say: how relevant is this news to citizens of The Netherlands?

Not relevant at all (1) Very relevant (5)

Q23 And if you look at your own situation: how relevant is the information in the news article to you?

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Q24

News articles represent either a local public, which is mainly created within national borders, or a global public, which is a community which goes beyond these national borders. To what extent do you think this article represents a local or global public?

Local public (1) Global public (5)

Start of Block: Descriptives

Q25 What is your age?

Q26 What is your gender?

Male (1) Female (2) I identify differently (3)

Q27 What is your highest level of education you have completed? 40. Less than high school (1)

41. High school graduate (2) 42. Trade/technical school (3) 43. Some college, no degree (4)

44. Bachelors degree (or equivalent) (5) 45. Advanced degree (Master, Ph.D, M.D) (6)

Q28 What is your native language (multiple answers possible)?

Q29 Thanks for participating! With this study, I aim to find out which effects different news styles have on how people identify themselves. The article you have read is based on original articles from the English newspaper The Guardian, but was adjusted for research purposes. This means that this article was not published in the newspaper, and contains artificial information that was invented for the purpose of this study. If you wish to receive more information about the research, either now or in future, you can contact Romy IJzerman at romy.ijzerman@gmail.com. If you have any complaints about this research, you are welcome to contact the academic supervisor ms. dr. P. H. Sheets Thibaut at

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