Fueling Political Violence: Police-Protester Interactions during 2019 Hong Kong Protests

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Fueling Political Violence: Police-Protester

Interactions during 2019 Hong Kong Protests

Name: Edwin So Student ID: s2574322

Supervisor: Simon Willmetts Second Reader: Joery Matthys

Program: Crisis and Security Management Master Thesis

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I. Introduction

When the Hong Kong Government introduced an amendment to extradition law in February of 2019, it could not have predicted the response that it would trigger. The proposed changes would allow for the extradition of suspects between Hong Kong and China.1 Many political elites, including prosecutors from the Department of Justice, had voiced their concerns on the matter on June 6th.2 On June 9th, an estimated million people had participated in a protest march against the extradition law.3 As the protests moved into the evening, scuffles between protests and Police occurred outside the Central Government Offices.4_{Despite the public disapproval, the}

government decided to continue forward with the second reading of the amendment on June 12th_.5_{On the morning of the second reading, protesters had surrounded the building and refused}

to let legislative members in.6_{While most protesters remained peaceful, a violent group had}

made efforts to breach the police lines.7 After the group had entered the building, the police responded with tear gas and rubber bullets in attempts to disperse the entire crowd.8 With the indiscriminate use of force on all sections of the protests, this event would mark the beginning of a political crisis within Hong Kong.

Protests have been common in Hong Kong’s history dating back to the 1970s however, the use of violence during protests has not occurred until the 2014 Umbrella Movement.9 Hong Kong’s democracy movement began in the 1980s, while it was still under British colonial rule and

continued after being returned to Chinese sovereignty.10 The handover would mark an increase in the amount of social movements although these would be exhausted quickly. Besides the 2019 events, a recent social movement foreshadowed the potential for escalation to occur. The Occupy

1_{Martin Purbrick, “A Report of the 2019 Hong Kong Protests,” Asian Affairs 50, no. 4 (August 8, 2019): 466.} 2_{Ibid., 468}

3_{Jin Wu, Rebecca Lai, and Alan Yuhas, “116 Days of Hong Kong Protests. How Did We Get Here?,” The New York}

Times, October 1, 2019, https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/world/asia/hong-kong-protests-arc.html.

4_{Martin Pubrick, “A Report,” 468.} 5_Ibid.

6_{Ibid., 469-70.} 7_Ibid.

8_{Jin Wu, Rebecca Lai, and Alan Yuhas, “116 Days”.}

9_{Yongshun Cai, “Protesters and Tactical Escalation,” in The Umbrella Movement: Civil Resistance and Contentious}

Space in Hong Kong, ed. Edmund Cheng (Amsterdam University Press, 2019), 222.

10_{Benny Yiu-ting Tai, “Stages of Hong Kong’s Democratic Movement,” Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 4, no. 4}

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Central with Love and Peace (OCLP) movement in 2014, later to known as the Umbrella Movement, would mark a dramatic shift in political culture within the country.11_{The Umbrella}

Movement was a planned occupation of vital areas in Hong Kong if the city was not granted universal suffrage in electing the Chief Executive, the head position of the government.12 The initial plan for the movement was to maintain a peaceful campaign of civil disobedience.13 However, as a student-lead occupation of the Government Headquarters had unexpectedly spilt onto the main streets, police attempted to disperse the crowd through the use of tear gas.14 This would trigger a 79-day occupation of key locations throughout Hong Kong.15 In attempts to clear these occupation sites, protesters and police regularly scuffled.16 A trend towards violence had grown within the movement and in attempts to stop this, organizers of the OCLP turned themselves in.17 Although the demands of the movement would not be facilitated by the government, civil disobedience had become an accepted tool for social movements to use.18

The events in Hong Kong have highlighted the potential for radicalization to emerge through the dynamics between the police force and their interactions with protesters.19 Experiences gained during the Umbrella Movement had influenced the actions available to the 2019 protests. As social movements rely on unconventional means of actions that break regular routines and challenge the government, tensions are inevitably created.20 Governments are tasked with responding to the claims of protesters through a wide range of actions.21_{They can choose to}

repress or facilitate the claims of the movement. The actions of the police forces during the 2019 Protests were heavily criticized by both citizens and external watchdogs, with demands of an investigation on their strategies.22_{The use of indiscriminately force on protesters during the June}

11_{Ibid., 361.} 12_{Ibid., 359.} 13_{Ibid., 361.} 14_Ibid.

15_{Ngok Ma, “From Political Acquiescence to Civil Disobedience: Hong Kong’s Road to Occupation,” in The Umbrella}

Movement: Civil Resistance and Contentious Space in Hong Kong, ed. Ngok Ma and Edmund Cheng (Amsterdam

University Press, 2019), 44.

16_{Benny Yiu-ting Tai, “Stages of Hong Kong’s Democratic Movement”, 362.} 17_Ibid.

18_{Ibid., 363.}

19_{Lorenzo Bosi and Stefan Malthaner, “Political Violence,” ed. Donatella Della Porta and Mario Diani, The Oxford}

Handbook of Social Movements, 2015, 441.

20_{Donatella Della Porta, Clandestine Political Violence (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 14.} 21_Ibid.

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12th_{demonstration had shocked many citizens.}23_{On June 21st, in response, protesters sieged the}

Police Headquarters, assaulted many police officers and vandalized the exterior of the

compound.24 Conflict between the two sides continue months after this event, with the frequency of violence increasing as little was done to calm the movement. Tensions between the

government and its citizens were palpable.

Studying the cause for the escalation is necessary to improve strategies of diffusing social movements while understanding how social movements respond to certain actions. The focus of this thesis is: To what extent have the interactions between the Hong Kong police force and protesters led to the escalation to political violence during the 2019 Hong Kong Protests? As the police represent a form of government reaction to a social movement, their actions can directly influence a social movement and the actions they take towards a government.25 The Hong Kong Police Force has developed a positive public perception in their role in society before the

Umbrella Movement.26 Signs of discontent towards protest policing were publicly voiced after police had used tear gas to disperse the crowd during the Umbrella Movement.27 In 2019, violent police-protester interactions became a frequent occurrence that saw large criticism towards the manner police handled protest events. Citizens and the media have emphasized police-protester interactions as the central factor of radicalization of the protests, despite research suggesting that many factors influence it. This research question seeks to explain whether these interactions between police and protesters caused the escalation or if there are other contributing factors.

Early research on social movements was focused on the increased activity found in Europe and the United States. The subsequent theoretical knowledge is focused on conditions found in these cities which might not translate to other countries. By applying this literature to the Hong Kong case, current understanding will be tested in a contextually different environment which can diversify theoretical knowledge. The Hong Kong Police Force may play a different role in protest policing as a result of these different political, historical and cultural environments. This may lead to different outcomes then expected due to these slight regional differences.

23_{Ibid. 470} 24_{Ibid., 471.}

25_{Donatella della Porta, “The Policing of Protest,” African Studies 56, no. 1 (January 1997): 106.} 26_{Adrojan and Lee 524}

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Furthermore, a focus into police-protester interactions can suggest the importance certain relationships have when attempting to control a social movement. Although indicators for political violence have been identified by scholars, they are not weighed against one another. This will test the overall role in which protest policing has on the emergence of political violence.

Hong Kong remains a unique space which it falls under Chinese sovereignty and influence, and yet retains the administrative and judicial systems negotiated by the British in 1997.28 The unique political situation of Hong Kong allows for overt forms of contention despite the government having to balance China’s expectations.29_{Hong Kong citizens are hesitant to}

concede the way of life that they have established under this political system and use the space to voice displeasure towards China’s involvement in Hong Kong affairs.30 The continued use of violent forms of collective action suggests that there are inefficiencies in the current police strategies. Through the understanding of the response’s protesters had to certain police action, information can be gathered on improving the efficiency of protest policing strategies. Although reactions may differ around the world, this provides a baseline for further innovation in police-protester relationships.

After this introduction, the thesis will proceed as follows. The second chapter is divided into three subchapters. First, the Hong Kong Case will introduce a brief history into social movements in the city, with a specific focus on developments due to the 2014 Umbrella Movement. Second, a literature review will be conducted and separated into five sections that explain the features of social movement, the use of repression and the police as a form of repression. These subsections outline existing knowledge on features of contentious politics, cycles of social movements and available actions, emergence of political violence, the use of repression and use of police as a form of repression. The last chapter will explain the theoretical framework developed by Post, Ruby and Shaw that will be used to identify indicators associated with increasing the likelihood for political violence.

28_{Charles Tilly, Regimes and Repertoires (University Of Chicago Press, 2006), 151-52.} 29_Ibid.

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The third chapter explains the methodology and choices made in the thesis. Specifics of the research design, including case selection and data collection, will be found in this chapter. It will also explain the limitations of the selected methodology and biases that arise from the choices. The fourth chapter will focus on the analysis and assessment of the empirical data collected through media analysis. The final chapter will summarize the findings of this thesis and provide an answer to the proposed research question.

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II. Theoretical Framework

To answer whether the interactions between the Hong Kong police force and protesters led to escalated violence during the 2019 protests, this thesis will attempt to understand when interactions between police and the social movement can create violence. First, the history of social movements in Hong Kong will be introduced. The concepts of social movements and contentious politics will be defined before exploring the features of social movements. Next, the reasons political violence can emerge will be explained. How governments choose to respond to a social movement also has severe impacts on the direction a social movement may trend

towards. A common form of coercion or repression that a government may use is the police force.31_{However, the misuse of the police force can backfire given the right conditions and}

situations.32_{The extent to which a certain aspect of social movement influences escalation must}

be compared to a wide range of other potential factors. This thesis will utilize Post, Ruby and Shaw’s multidimensional approach towards explaining political violence in social movements through the examination of features such as the historical roots, organizational features, regimes, and current environment of protest.33

A. Insight into Hong Kong’s History of Social Movements

Contention does not operate in isolation and requires time and space to develop. Although Hong Kong has witnessed protests since the 1970s, protestors rarely broke into violence or utilized disruptive tactics.34 Political participation through mass marches and demonstrations had become popular since Hong Kong returned to Chinese sovereignty in 1997. Involvement of a more vocal youth in contentious politics evolved the tactics and repertoires of social movements throughout Hong Kong. Before the Umbrella Movement, the population had been more concerned about

31_{Jennifer Earl, Sarah A. Soule, and John D. McCarthy, “Protest under Fire? Explaining the Policing of}

Protest,” American Sociological Review 68, no. 4 (August 2003): 585.

32_{Donatella Della Porta, Clandestine Political Violence, 38.}

33_{Jerrold M. Post, Keven G. Ruby, and Eric D. Shaw, “The Radical Group in Context: 1. An Integrated Framework for}

the Analysis of Group Risk for Terrorism,” Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 25, no. 2 (April 2002): 73.

34_{Francis Lee, “Solidarity in the Anti-Extradition Bill Movement in Hong Kong,” Critical Asian Studies 52, no. 1}

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social stability and familial interests that would increase their chances for monetary success.35_A

sojourner mindset was firmly established in Hong Kong and citizens did not complain about governance as long as it worked “normally” by providing opportunities to earn money and better their lives.36 However, before the handover of Hong Kong back to the Chinese in 1997, the British had begun a process of democratization in the city.37 The “One Country, Two Systems” policy in Hong Kong, negotiated during the handover of Hong Kong allows Hong Kong to maintain its own economic and administrative systems while under Chinese sovereignty. This retained many of the civil liberties that Hong Kong would become used to. After China had promised that the fifth Chief Executive of Hong Kong would be elected by universal suffrage, an organization known as the Occupy Central with Love and Peace had planned the occupation of the main streets of Central District if promises were not kept.38

In general, citizens were not accepting of the idea of civil disobedience before 2014.39

Organizers of the OCLP understood that a nonviolent campaign of civil obedience was necessary to ease citizens into receiving these performances. However, the original plans of the movement were discarded after students had managed to gain access to the Government Headquarters Office during the night of 27th of September 2014.40 When supporters of the OCLP joined the student movement, the unexpected number of participants had led protesters spill onto the main streets. In an attempt to disperse the crowd, police used 87 canisters of tear gas on the peaceful protesters.41_{This event triggered a massive mobilization of people who wanted to vent their}

frustrations with how the police handled the dispersion of the crowd. Although the OCLP was the central organization before, the new influx of participants was unreceptive to the student or OCLP leadership.42 In response the occupations, the government allowed police to utilize coercive tactics.43 The Hong Kong government also adopted a strategy in which they waited for the movement to die out by itself as the social inconvenience caused would led citizens and

35_{Benny Yiu-ting Tai, “Stages of Hong Kong’s Democratic Movement”, 355.} 36_Ibid. 37_{Ibid., 357.} 38_{Ibid., 359.} 39_Ibid. 40_{Ibid., 362.} 41_Ibid. 42_Ibid.

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companies to no longer tolerate it.44_{As exhaustion began to set, students and more radical}

groups of the social movement attempted to besiege the Government Headquarters and clashed with police. Although the social movement failed in achieving its demands, a shift in political culture ensued as more disruptive tactics placed pressure on the government.45

Protest organizers in both the Umbrella Movement and 2019 protests committed to the use of nonviolent tactics in attempts to increase legitimacy and participation in the campaign.46

Nonviolent campaigns were more successful in reaching their political goals, with 53% doing so, compared to the 26% of instances in violent resistance.47 However, the change in political culture in Hong Kong had seen violent action justified when police used excessive force on protesters.48 The environment enabled more radical forms of action as public acceptance for these actions had increased since 2014. Along with the polices use of tear gas and indiscriminate force when controlling the crowd protesting outside the Government Headquarters on June 12th, protesters had been given justification to reciprocate the force they were met with. This attempt at social control had backfired and saw citizens of Hong Kong demanding an investigation into the incident.49 Although there was a small group of militant demonstrators that vandalized the Government Headquarter buildings, the indiscriminate use of force had raised concerns of excessive force being used on protesters.50 There would be numerous allegations of excessive force during future protests such as July 14th_{and August 31}st_.51_{Along with the lack of action}

when protesters were attacked on the subway in Yuen Long on July 21st_{, the dynamics between}

protesters and police have dramatically changed. With media presence and smart phones, interactions between police and protesters during an event are highly visible. The increased exposure had led citizens to criticize police action as the cause for the violent clashes.

44_{Benny Yiu-ting Tai, “Stages of Hong Kong’s Democratic Movement”, 360.} 45_{Yongshun Cai, “Protesters and Tactical Escalation,” 228.}

46_{Maria J. Stephan and Erica Chenoweth, “Why Civil Resistance Works: The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent}

Conflict,” International Security 33, no. 1 (July 2008): 9.

47_{Ibid., 8.} 48_{Daniel Shek 12} 49_Ibid.

50_Ibid. 51_Ibid.

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B. Literature Review

1. Contentious Politics

Contentious politics describes/refers to episodic and public interactions of claim-making, through collective action, in which the government is involved.52 The involvement of politics affects the way contention occurs. As the state holds a monopoly over coercive means, such as the police force, it gives them an advantage over the claimants.53 States also govern the rules and spaces in which contention can occur in. This provides a political opportunity in which collective action can be facilitated or inhibited based on the features of contentious politics. Under the Public Order Ordinance (Cap.245) in Hong Kong, groups who intend to hold a public meeting of more than 50 people or public procession of more than 30 people must notify the Commissioner of Police.54

Contentious politics can vary greatly in the issues, claims, actors, interactions, and outcomes depending on the context in which it arises from. Despite the variations of features of contentious politics, there are similarities in the performances and repertoires based on the context of

contention.55 A performance can be described as the act of collective claim making on another set of actors.56_{There are a variety of forms of action that actors can take to bring attention to}

their claims.57 The most common performance in modern contentious politics are demonstrations, a passage through a public space on behalf of a claim.58

Contentious repertoires are the known and available performances and tools that claimants can use in the pursuit of shared interests.59 Repertoires not only involve the forms of action but also their previous history and the expectations from others.60 As a result, these repertoires can

52_{Charles Tilly and Sidney Tarrow, Contentious Politics (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2015), 8.} 53_{Ibid. 9.}

54_{Hong Kong Government, “How to Give Notice of Public Meetings or Processions in Hong Kong,” GovHK, accessed}

May 2020, www.gov.hk/en/residents/government/rights/givenotice/givenotice.htm.

55_{Sidney Tarrow and Charles Tilly, “Contentious Politics and Social Movements,” in Oxford Handbooks Online, ed.}

Carles Boix and Susan C. Stokes (Oxford University Press, 2009), 441.

56_Ibid.

57_{Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement : Social Movements and Contentious Politics, 3rd ed. (New York: Cambridge}

University Press, 2011), 98.

58_{Sidney Tarrow and Charles Tilly, “Contentious Politics and Social Movements,” 441.} 59_{Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement : Social Movements and Contentious Politics, 98.} 60_Ibid.

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change and are influenced by previous encounters.61_{During an episode of contention, there are}

three categories of collective action or repertoires that are available to a group. Violent actions are easy to initiate and can be carried out by small groups with minimal resources that are willing to risk repression.62 Contained actions build on expected routines but lack excitement.63

Disruptive tactics often break up routines and is the source of innovation in repertoires yet can easily lead towards violence or become institutionalized.64

2. Social Movements and Their Features

Social movements are a form of contentious politics that are defined as sustained campaigns of organized and public collective claim-making that involve the state.65 The group interacts with the state or regime in hopes of enacting social change or raising awareness of injustice within society.66 Social movements and other forms of contention do not disappear but instead exhibit cyclical behaviours.67 After a period of heightened conflict within the social system, there is a diffusion of collective action from the group of initiators to groups that were once unrelated.68 This is the beginning of mobilization and where new opponents; potential alliances and institutional settings shape the progress of the social movement.69_{It is also the phase in which}

innovation in performances occurs.70_{Although these performances are exciting at first, they}

require high levels of commitment from participants and organizers.71_{A decline in participation}

occurs, although this decline does not occur at an equal pace and results in a shift in balance between moderates and radicals within the movement.72 This provides the conditions for

radicalization: the shift in ideology towards the extreme and the adoption of violent repertoires of

61_{Sidney Tarrow and Charles Tilly, “Contentious Politics and Social Movements,” 441.} 62_{Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics, 199.} 63_Ibid.

64_Ibid.

65_{Sidney Tarrow and Charles Tilly, “Contentious Politics and Social Movements,” 442-3} 66_Ibid.

67_{Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics, 201.} 68_{Ibid., 205.}

69_Ibid. 70_{Ibid., 199.} 71_{Ibid., 206.} 72_Ibid.

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action.73_{Institutionalization is the shift away from extreme ideology and the adoption of}

contained forms of action. Despite being opposing processes, they can occur simultaneously as social movements are rarely unified under the leadership of a single organization.

Social movements utilize a mixture of unconventional and conventional performances in attempts to push their opponents towards conceding to their demands.74 As part of the diffusion stage, the use of disruptive tactics helps increase excitement and pushes the mobilization of new participants. However, disruptive tactics are perceived as unstable as they can easily harden into violence or become routinized.75 Disruption provides uncertainty that can be used as leverage against the authority, yet they are often uncommon and unsustainable.76 Innovation in disruptive forms of action require a high level of commitment from participants especially when met with police and a stable regime.77 Stereotyped performances, such as mass gatherings and solidarity marches, lose effectiveness the more frequently they are used.78 To avoid the exhaustion of contentious actions, innovation is necessary to ensure continued participation and to find new methods for claim-making.79 Innovative repertoires often put pressure on the authoritative party as they scramble to find an appropriate response to these new actions. Over time, these

innovations will become conventionalized as authorities develop new strategies to cope with the disruption.

Hong Kong has witnessed this cycle in its history of social movements, as once innovative performances became normalized. Due to the dissatisfaction for Hong Kong’s first Chief Executive, along with the Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome epidemic, a large-scale procession and demonstration was planned on July 1st.80

73_Ibid.

74_{Paul Almeida, Social Movement: The Structure of Collective Mobilization (California: University of California}

Press, 2019), 6.

76_{Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics, 103.} 77_Ibid.

78_{Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (Cambridge Cambridge University}

Press, 2001), 138.

79_Ibid.

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3. What is Political Violence and When is it Used

Walter Benjamin and Giorgio Agamben proposed that violence constantly looms over politics and power.81 Political violence can be defined as collective action that involves the use of physical force towards an opponent to achieve a political objective.82 This form of action can be used by both the state, state sponsored actors and non-state actors as well.83 Decisions to use violence are shaped by the actors' goals and identity but also in response to the changing environment and actions of their opponents or allies.84 However, violence is not adopted overnight. From a relational perspective, encounters between social movements and authorities cause reciprocal adjustments. Consistent clashes between police and political adversaries

heightens radicalism and justifies the use of violent forms of action.85 Cultural processes such as the emotional realm of contention also contribute to the likelihood of violence emerging.

Especially since political violence can be seen as a symbolic gesture, its emotional intensity along with the narratives created can cause violence.86 The emergent characteristic of violence emphasize that not only do motivations change through action, but cleavages, identities and interests are affected during the struggle.87 These assumptions on the contextual, organizational and interpersonal perspectives (micro, meso and macro levels) on when political violence may be chosen.

According to Charles Tilly, collective violence can be separated into six categories. Brawls are attacks between individuals in groups that were part of a previously nonviolent gathering which require little coordination. Opportunism explains individuals who are shielded from social control use damaging means to pursue otherwise illegal ends such as looting during a natural disaster. Scattered attacks describe when participants engage in damaging acts during the course of nonviolent interactions. Broken negotiations are less likely to result in violence but can when one escalates the conflict through the threat of violence. Coordinated destruction describe when

81_{Jeffrey Stevenson Murer, “Political Violence,” in The Oxford Handbook of U.S. National Security, ed. Derek S.}

Reveron, Nikolas K. Gvosdev, and John A. Cloud (Oxford University Press, 2018), 493.

83_{Lorenzo Bosi and Stefan Malthaner, “Political Violence,” ed. Donatella Della Porta and Mario Diani, The Oxford}

Handbook of Social Movements, 2015, 440.

84_{Ibid., 441.} 85_{Ibid., 19.} 86_{Ibid., 20.} 87_{Ibid., 21.}

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individuals or organizations deliberately damage others such as terrorism and war. Violent rituals are the most certain to result in violence as they are a known script of violence used by

organizers to compete for priority.88 These definitions allow for an easier identification of violent actions during the 2019 Hong Kong protest.

4. The Use of Repression

“When a government is vulnerable or receptive to challenges, disruption works, however when they are not, disruption invites repression.”89_{Innovations in tactics can also create tension as the}

government attempts to react to these new performances.90 If a government perceives disruptive tactics as a threat, they will respond in a manner that maintains control and the status quo.91 They do not often sit idly by as these groups act and perform their versions of contention, although some regimes will attempt to wait for exhaustion to occur.92 Instead, the government can choose strategies that either repress, facilitate or a combination of the two. However, due to the high costs associated with accommodating the movements demands, governments are less likely to offer concessions. Governments resort to repression when faced with increased dissent activities, with unique disruptive performances and when abnormal interactions occur.93_{Severe repression}

should also be expected the larger the perceived threat is to the government.94

Repressive tactics are often distinguished by two characteristics: the visibility of repression (covert or overt), and the kind of force used (coercive or channelling).95_{Despite the differences}

between the types of repression, their goals remain the same. Repression increases the cost of protest by discouraging potential participants and making mobilization difficult for the

88_{Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics, 106-7.}

89_{Marco Guigni, “How Social Movements Matter: Past Research, Present Problems, Future Developments,” in How}

Social Movements Matter, ed. Marco Guigni, Doug McAdam, and Charles Tilly (University Of Minnesota Press,

1999), xviii.

90_{Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics, 101.}

91_{Jacqueline H. R. deMeritt, “The Strategic Use of State Repression and Political Violence,” Oxford Research}

Encyclopedia of Politics, October 26, 2016.

93_{Sabine C. Carey, “The Use of Repression as a Response to Domestic Dissent,” Political Studies 58, no. 1 (February}

2010), 168.

94_{Jennifer Earl, Sarah A. Soule, and John D. McCarthy, “Protest under Fire?,” 583.}

95_{Jennifer Earl, “Repression and Social Movements,” The Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia of Social and Political}

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movement.96_{One of the most common methods of repression is increased policing or protest}

policing.97_{With the police being tasked with maintaining law and order, it is often placed}

between protesters and their political aims. The constant interactions between the two parties highlight the cyclical behaviour of contention, as the adaptations from these experiences are reciprocal to one another.98 The process of re-stabilization is not easy for governments.99 There are serious consequences to using repression. Protests and repression are interrelated strategic decisions by the government and opposition.100 Although governments seek to maintain the status quo, evidence has suggested mix results in the effectiveness of repression on dissent.101 When repression is successful, it can halt the mobilization of social movements along with increasing costs for future action.102 It can also backfire, in which social movements can escalate towards violence and public outrage.103

5. Protest Policing

Political violence in social movements often arise as a result of inter-group competition from within or during struggles with the police.104 Della Porta has stated that policing of protests are a central factor in the radicalization of protests.105_{The police are able to employ many strategies in}

response to social movements. There are three approaches in explaining the variety of police action in tackling? social movements. The threat approach states that police repression increases as the threat to political elites increases.106_{The weakness approach suggests that governments}

will only repress movements that they assume will fail under pressure.107 Weakness can be defined as the inability of protest participants to react to repressive forces. It can also describe

96_{Jacqueline H. R. deMerritt, “The Strategic Use of Repression”.} 97_{Jennifer Earl, “Repression and Social Movements,” 2.}

100_{Abby Peterson and Mattias Wahlström, “Repression,” in Oxford Handbooks Online, ed. Donatella Della Porta}

and Mario Diani (Oxford University Press, 2014), 644.

101_Ibid. 102_Ibid. 103_Ibid.

104_{Sidney Tarrow and Charles Tilly, “Contentious Politics and Social Movements,” 452.} 105_{Donatella Della Porta, Clandestine Political Violence, 36.}

106_{Jennifer Earl, Sarah A. Soule, and John D. McCarthy, “Protest under Fire?,” 583.} 107_Ibid.

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external audiences’ willingness to monitor and react to repression as protesters are not protected by the media.108_{Thirdly, internal police characteristics such as their capacity and resources can}

determine the level of repression that is possible.109 The variety of actions available to the police can be further categorized as coercive, persuasive and information strategies.110 Coercive

strategies refer to the use of coercive force or arms in order to control or disperse a crowd.111 Persuasive strategies are attempts to control protests through contact with organizers and activists.112 Finally, information strategies are covert measures of information gathering in attempts to identify those who break the law or as a preventative element.113

Protest policing represents one of the most common forms of repression that is available to a government.114 Not only do police interact directly with protesters, they also represent the larger system of repression and systems of social control that a government is implementing.115 While the police are sensitive to the demands of the government, they are also subjected to public opinion.116 Once police are present at an event, they cannot simply ignore acts that threaten their ability to control the space.117 Applying the weakness approach, police will target weaker protesters although the amount of force will be capped as not to increase attention of the media and public.118 However, police are also placed in a difficult situation in which psychological conditions breakdown self-control.119 Certain coercive strategies require officers to act

aggressively while anonymous due to protective gear.120_{Along with the justification that these}

actions are for upholding the law, aggression and violence are a circumstance of the situation.121

It becomes difficult for police to restraint themselves in these situations and the reciprocal adjustments that occur in these interactions can lead to escalation from both sides. Even if police forces may have developed techniques for controlling mass crowds, they may still be ill prepared

108_{Ibid., 584.} 109_Ibid. 110_Ibid. 111_Ibid 112_Ibid 113_Ibid. 114_{Ibid., 585.} 115_Ibid.

117_{Jennifer Earl, Sarah A. Soule, and John D. McCarthy, “Protest under Fire?,” 586.} 118_Ibid.

119_{Donatella Della Porta, Clandestine Political Violence, 125.} 120_Ibid.

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for isolated and small groups within larger ones.122_{Ultimately, the dynamics of the environment}

severely influence the responses of the police, especially when coercion is planned.

C. The Four Dimensions of Political Violence

With the plethora of factors influencing the chances of escalation in tactics, a concise framework to incorporate the historical, cultural and contextual features, organizational structure, actors involved and triggering event is necessary. The dynamics and processes of contention vary greatly through space and time, an analysis of an episode of contention should not only involve the current event but also a retrospective overview. Increased frequency in political violence during an episode suggests a deep-rooted issue or frustration emanating from society. Analyzing an event such as the 2019 Hong Kong Protest requires a framework that allows for an expansive exploration into the mechanisms leading to political violence. This thesis will utilize the

framework developed by Post, Ruby and Shaw (PRS). The PRS framework conceptualizes the process of radicalization through four dimensions: historical, cultural and contextual features, key actors affecting the group, group characteristics and processes and the triggering events.123 Each of these dimensions has individual indicators that provide an overall picture of variables that access a groups risk of political violence. By assessing multiple variables that may present in the Hong Kong protests, the influence that police-protester interactions had on the use of violent collective action can be measured.

The first dimension of the PRS framework involves the historical, cultural and contextual features that influence a group towards violence.124 The environment in which a social

movement develops from can be conducive to radicalization. Historical acceptance of violence as a legitimate means to voice discontent in a region increases the chance for future groups to use similar tactics. Current conflict between domestic groups, whether it is religious, ethnic or

socioeconomic, should also be taken into account. Lastly, political, economic and social

122_{Ibid., 126.} 123_{Ibid., 77-78.} 124_{Ibid., 78.}

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instability of a region can provide reason to use violence as the regimes are viewed as weak and unable to handle these issue areas.

The second dimension focuses on the social movements relationship with other actors involved such as the government, opponents, supporters and competitors.125 While the government may be the main opponent in contentious politics, other opponents can originate from alternate

sources.126 These opponents are often aligned with the government, whether they are tolerated or allied. The identity of a group along with their sympathizers or foreign support groups can influence the direction the social movement takes.127 It should be noted that these supporters can either deter or encourage radical behaviour depending on their influence over the movement. Additionally, the presence of other radical groups that are competing for similar benefits or goals can increase the chance of violence being used.128

According to the Post et al. article, the third dimension highlights the groups characteristics, processes and structures that increase the risk for political violence and is considered the ultimate indicator on a group’s progression towards violence.129_{The ideology and goals of a group, as}

defined by their leaders, can indicate the level of risk associated with a group. Members with prior experience in violent campaigns can be used to predict future violence. These individuals can share their expertise or influence the recruitment of more radical members. As the

personality of leadership shapes the group, exhibiting signs of narcissism, paranoia and sociopathy are common indicators for the risk of violence. Authoritarian or charismatic leadership styles can have a profound effect on the risk of violence as the group may be more willing to follow the orders of their leader. Organizational decision-making variables such as absence in central authority, factionalization and split decision-making can be conducive to violence. Processes such as recruitment, screening and selection, socialization, training and attrition can introduce radical elements into the social movement as militant member increase due to these processes. Groupthink and polarization can also leave groups vulnerable to decision-making that directs groups towards radicalization. Ideological, financial and material support a

125_{Ibid., 81.} 126_Ibid. 127_Ibid. 128_{Ibid., 83-84.} 129_{Ibid., 84.}

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group can alter their direction as they receive weapons or change their initial ideology. Political violence becomes a legitimate option when there is a perceived threat, making it a crucial indicator for prediction.130

The final dimension focuses on the immediate events that challenge a social movement and their reaction to it.131 As a contrast to the long-term indicators in the previous dimensions, this

dimension looks at singular events or a series of events in close succession that cause a group to use violence. These events include attacks, arrests or assassination of members, fraudulent voting results or anniversaries commemorating violent events. In Hong Kong, the use of tear gas to disperse a peaceful crowd in 2014 can be identified as the triggering event for the mobilization of more supporters.

Table 1: Summary of Dimensions and Indicators

Indicators Indicator-Specific Categories Historical, Cultural and

Contextual Features

Historically Rooted Culture of Violence

Current Communal Conflict Political, Economic and Social Instability

Key Actors Affecting the Group

Opponents Regime

Other Opponents Constituents and Supporters

Competitors

Group Characteristics, Processes and Structures

Group Ideology and Goals Groups Experience with Violence Leadership Personality Characteristics Narcissistic Personality Paranoid Personality Sociopathic Personality Malignant Narcissism Leadership Style and

Organizational Decision Making

Charismatic Leader-Follower Relationship

Authoritarian/Totalitarian Leadership and Strong Central Organizational Decision Making

130_{Ibid., 96.} 131_{Ibid., 97-98.}

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Communities of Belief Factionalization and Split Open vs Closed Group Organizational Processes Recruitment

Screening and Selection Socialization

Training

Assignment and Promotion Attrition

Groupthink and Polarization Group Psychological Progression towards Terrorism

Humiliation and need for Revenge

Sense of Threat

Negative Characterization of the Target Group

Type of Support Behavioral Indicators of Movement toward Terrorism

Assessment that the Benefits of Terrorism Outweigh the Risks Formation of Fighting Units Negative Actions toward Target Group

Final Preparations for Violence and Terrorism

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III. Research Design

The choices behind the research design of this thesis will be explained and justified in this chapter. First, the selection of specific incidents and the rationale behind these choices will be explained. Follow this, the research question will be dissected so that the key concepts become measurable. Once these variables are operationalized, the method of collecting data on these variables will be explained, along with the limitations and biases presented.

A. Case Selection

The 2019 Hong Kong Protests has yet to conclude. Nonetheless, there have been numerous incidents that can be used in the study of the extent police-protesters interactions have caused the increase of violent tactics. In order to narrow the scope of the study, this thesis will focus on seven incidents that occurred throughout 2019. The Independent Police Complaint Commission (IPCC) released a report that selected six specific incident dates due to the number of complaints surrounding them along with public concern expressed over these incidents.132 Although these incidents may be connected to one another, they represent an events that are resolved over a single day. Including the siege of Hong Kong Polytechnic University allows for an analysis of how interactions between police and protesters develop and evolve over multiple days.

June 9th is the first date in question, as a protest march from Victoria Park to the Government Building deteriorated into violence as protesters clashed with police in the evening.133 As the first large scale procession against the Extradition Bill, estimates of 240,000 to 1 million people participated.134 However, the majority of clashes occurred after the procession had concluded, when protesters refused to disperse. 23 total complaints were lodged by both civilians and reporters who cited the use of batons against them.135

132_{Independent Police Complaints Council, “A Thematic Study by the IPCC,” Independent Police Complaints}

Council (Hong Kong: Independent Police Complaints Council, May 2020),

ipcc.gov.hk/em/public_communications/ipcc_thematic_study_report.

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The second date selected is June 12th_{, as the continuation of the second reading of the}

amendment had caused protesters to surround the Government Headquarters.136_{A few hundred}

protesters made violent efforts in attempting to break into the building and eventually gained access. This causecauses the police to respond by attempting to clear the entire crowd, including those that had remained nonviolent. A total of 60 complaints were filed with 37 claiming the use of excessive force by the police.

The third date in question is July 1st, as protesters had yet again gained access into the

Government Headquarters and began to vandalize the interior.137 July 1st also marks the yearly celebration for the handover of Hong Kong and a subsequent counter rally held by the Civil Human Rights Front.138 Although complaints were few, the manner in which the situation unfolded was scrutinized by citizens.

On July 21st, protesters returning from the event were attacked by suspected triad members in the Yuen Long MTR station.139 Despite hundreds of emergency calls made to the police, they did not arrive at the scene until much later. Once the police arrived, the attackers that remained were questioned but no arrests were made. The approach taken by the police had led citizens to suspect that they were in collusion with triad members. Previous public perceptions and trust of police had plummeted even further due to these allegations.140

In the fifth case, police conduct during clashes that occurred in the subway stations in Hong Kong had been brought to attention. On August 11th_{, the use of rubber bullets and tear gas in the}

confined space of Kwai Fong station had led to many complaints about endangering protesters. The actions had sparked more protest activities such as a series of sit-ins at the international airport.

The final incident that will be examined is the siege of Hong Kong Polytechnic University as it represents an intense period of conflict. Starting on November 17th, protesters had set-up roadblocks around the main roads, one of which is the entrance to the Cross-Harbour Tunnel.

138_Ibid. 139_{Ibid., 473.}

140_{Daniel Shek, “Protests in Hong Kong (2019–2020): A Perspective Based on Quality of Life and}

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Protesters had retreated into the university campus and been trapped in by the police force. After multiple days of sieging, the police were able to enter the university and confiscate any weapons found. Investigating this event allows for data to be collected on how police and protesters interact over consecutive days rather than the span of one day.

These events not only represent a range of environments in which protesters and police had interacted in, but also show varying levels of escalation in response to one another. A diverse representation allows for a better understanding of the kind of actions that can contribute to the use of violence. It is important to note that all examples involve environment of high tension, intensity and emotion among the participants involved. Selecting these cases allows for an analysis on how violence emerged from these interactions.

B. Operationalization

In order to collect the necessary data, the relevant concepts in the research question must be made measurable. Social movements utilize different forms of collective action in order to achieve their established political goals, often relying on innovative performances to increase support. The government often responds to these repertoires of action by choosing to facilitate or repress the movement. Not willing to concede to the demands of a movement, governments may often choose to repress it. This can lead to the subsequent radicalization of a movement and the use of violent tactics may appear. Violent interactions can be operationalized into six categories as defined by Charles Tilly.141_{The six typologies are: scattered attacks, opportunism, brawls,}

violent rituals, broken negotiations and coordinated destruction.142_{Using this typology allows}

the identification of violent collective action during the seven dates selected in the Hong Kong case. During a social movement event, it may be difficult to distinguish between disruptive and violent tactics. This presents a clear definition for violent actions that can be applied to protesters actions and how police respond will reveal certain strategies used by the police. The level of coordination for each typology indicates how widespread the mentality to resort to violence has become within the social movement as well.

141_{Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics, 106-7.} 142_Ibid.

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By analyzing the media portrayals of interactions between police and protesters during the given events, the indicators used by the PRS framework can be applied to actions to see the potential effects it may have on further escalation during a social movement cycle. Using a chronological sequence of events will also help in potentially linking indicators to this escalation. This

escalation will be measured by the level of coordination required for the violent collective actions shown during these interactions. Categorizing the actions observed by the three news outlets into the typologies will aid in determining the coordination involved. The overall effect may show if any link between protester-police interactions may cause the escalation or de-escalation of social movement repertoires.

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C. Data Collection

This thesis will utilize qualitative research methods in attempting to answer the research question; whether these interactions between police and protesters caused the escalation or if there are other contributing factors. The research method selected is media content analysis. Media content analysis utilizes a wide range of data collected from media sources that can identify discourse on a topic over an extensive period of time.143_{Ronald Berger defines the}

method as a technique that attempts to measure something (escalating violence due to police-protester interactions) in a representative sampling of a form of mass media.144 Newspaper articles will be the form of mass media analyzed and the selected cases occur over a period of 6 months. Observing the way the media outlets have reported on the protests allows for a general overview of potential public opinion, attitude and perception.

In order to tackle this question, media content analysis of three Hong Kong based, English news media outlets will be used. To ensure a representative sampling is achieved and any potential political bias is addressed, the three media outlets selected have varying political variation while also being popular sources in Hong Kong. The South China Morning Post (SCMP) is the largest English-language newspaper in Hong Kong and thus reaches a large portion of society. Having been purchased the Alibaba Group in 2015, there has been a gradual increase in pro-Beijing sentiment, despite the opinion section still retaining some degree of variety.145 The Standard a free English-language newspaper that is owned by the Sing Tao News Corporation.146 Sing Tao News Corporation’s investors have ties with China and to maintain their relationships, often have a pro-Beijing stance, which carries over to The Standard. Finally, the Hong Kong Free Press (HKFP) is an independent English-language newspaper that

predominately leans towards a pro-democracy perspective on local politics. Without pressure

143_{Jim Macnamara, “Media Content Analysis: Its Uses; Benefits and Best Practice Methodology,” Asia Pacific Public}

Relations Journal 6, no. 1 (2005): 6.

144_{Ibid., 2.}

145_{Sonny Shiu-Hing Lo, Steven Chung-Fun Hung, and Jeff Hai-Chi Loo, “Influencing Civil Society through Mass}

Media, Education and Migration,” in China’s New United Front Work in Hong Kong (Singapore: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019), 293.

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from mainland owners or stakeholders, they have been able to take a critical stance towards the response to protesters in Hong Kong.147

Table 2: Keywords for Factiva Criteria

Incident Keywords Used

June 9th _{barricades, clashes,}

June 12th _{Second reading, Legislative Council}

July 1st _{Occupied OR stormed, destruct*}

July 21st _{Triads, Yuen Long, MTR, assault}

August 11th _{Kwai Fong, MTR,}

November 17th_{- 30}th _{siege, Polytechnic University,}

Due to the growth of interest into the 2019 Hong Kong Protests as the movement drawn out, events that occurred later in the period experienced more coverage from the same news outlets. Some articles would take a more comprehensive look at the social movement, these should be excluded due to the lack of focus on the specific police-protester interactions of the given dates. Therefore, it is necessary to be precise with the selection of articles to ensure data collected concentrates on the case selected. Articles from The Standard, HKFP and SCMP are easily found on Factiva, an international news database that aids in aggregating articles depending on given criteria. By developing keyword options and date publication limits, it allows for Factiva to provide more accurate articles that directly refer to the interactions of the selected dates. Keywords will be found by the identifying characteristics established in Chapter 3A while article publication dates will be limited to within 2 days after the incident date. These are summarized in Table 2.

Table 3: Example of Raw Data Collection

News Source Protester Action Police Action

HKFP (1) Protesters used lethal methods to attack police by setting fires, using metal bars, throwing bricks and damaging public facilities

(1) At least 22 protesters sustained injuries after police pushed the crowd back on Wednesday using rubber bullets and tear gas

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Protesters formed barricades on Lung Wo Road using metal barriers and trash

Police attempted to clear protesters in Admiralty when their permit expired around midnight

SCMP (2) 1. Hundreds of protesters rushed towards the police line in the demonstration area, throwing metal barriers and bottles, and trying to break into the legislative complex

(2) 1. Police wielding batons and pepper spray pushed back

Forced protesters off Lung Wo Road and divided them into tow groups channelled towards Central and Wan Chai

Coding the data collected from the news articles is the next step that must be addressed. Since the focus of the research is a specific kind of interaction, a human coding method will be used to gather data. By choosing this method, a sacrifice on reliability and speed will be made in return for interpretation of the semantics of the interactions.148 Especially since an inference on the interactions is needed, human coding may be more appropriate in providing data to link causality. Based on the content communicated by the articles, the data collected will be focused on actions by the protesters towards other protesters or police and police actions towards protesters. Table 3 is an example of how raw data from the selected articles will be organized. The bracketed number will denote the article the data was taken from while the doted numbers refer to connected pieces of data. More condensed codes will be formed on the overall kind of action performed, without the additional wording from the raw data. This description of action can than be assigned to one of the six typologies of violent collective action (scattered attacks, opportunism, brawls, violent rituals, broken negotiations and coordinated destruction). If the data contains information on reasonings behind certain actions, these will be added accordingly. Lastly, any indicators that may be relevant for a given data point will be added in the end. The shortened code will then be compared to the Post, Ruby and Shaw framework, to identify the dimension and the subsequent indicators they may trigger. This can be seen in Table 4. For example, when the code suggests that police responded with rubber bullets or violence towards protesters, indicators such as sense of threat or experience with violence will be highlighted. While codes suggesting multiple kinds of groups can suggest a factionalization. The given descriptors of these indicators will help in determining whether the code fits.

148_{Klaus Krippendorff, “Content Analysis,” in International Encyclopedia of Communications, ed. Erik Barnouw et}

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Table 4: Coded Data and Associated Indicators

Protester Action Category of Action

Response Reasoning for Action or Response

Indicators for Political Violence

HKFP Set fire, threw bricks and damaged public facilities

Violent: Coordinated Destruction

- tear gas and rubber bullets

(1) Sense of Threat (2) Experience with Violence

Created roadblocks Disruptive - attempted to clear protesters

SCMP Protesters charged police line and threw objects at police

Violent: Brawls - batons and pepper spray - channelled protesters away from offices

(1) Factionalization

While researching the police-protester interactions through the use of media content analysis, there are certain limitations to this method that should be addressed. Designing a sample that is representative of interactions that occurred between police and protesters is influenced by the potential political biases that the newspaper may have. These affiliations may affect the narrative presented by a given newspaper however, the aggregation of articles over each source should help in identifying key facts surrounding each date. The separation of coded data into their respective news sources along with limiting the publishing window and excluding opinion pieces should help balance the information. Having noted the potential bias present will help in ensuring a higher validity in the data collected. Both the number of cases studied and the restrictions of date of publications may also restrict the research conducted. Restrictions of publication dates are placed in order to for Factiva to provide relevant articles that focus on the interactions that occurred for any given case. However, this can also exclude articles that are published at a later that either follow up on a given case or that provide additional context.

With representative sampling for political bias in the media selected been designed for, a question arises with the cases selected as well. Many of the cases selected occur at the beginning (June 9th and June 12th) or in the following month (July 1st and July 21st). The heightened conflict and mobilization phase of the cycle would attract many individuals who may not be involved when the cost of protesting increases. This is balanced with two cases, August 11th and Nov 17th -30th, which come at a later stage of the cycle of contention. Missing from the sampling are cases that exhibit the exhaustion phase of the social movement. Since these dates are close to the beginning of the cycle of contention, it can be expected that a stronger sense of fervor and energy can be demonstrated during these cases. However, due to the excitement caused in the beginning of a cycle, this research may provide insight into how police actions can affect the repertoire of a

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social movement. Especially since this qualitative method can preserve the chronology and consequences of specific events, it may allow for a clearer analysis of the effects.149

Another limitation would be an indirect attempt to look at the motivations of the

protesters in their actions. Seeking for causal links such as motivations requires a more intrusive research method that allows for more precise data. Although sampling should cover a variety of perspectives due to the different political stances, explaining motivations is difficult without interviewing protesters. Even though newspaper articles can take statements from protesters and police alike, without control of the questioning and other issues of sampling, the data collected may have biases that need to be framed correctly. Further problems may arise when trying to include interviews at this current time due to political sensitivity, therefore caution must be taken when looking at conclusions.

Governments are critical actors involved with tackling social movements and this is still the case in Hong Kong. Assessing the exact actions of the government, by means other than the police, is not a focus of the research. This means that peripheral actions may be affecting the actions of the social movement but cannot be fully accounted for in this design. Especially with the influence of China in political decisions in Hong Kong, it is difficult to understand the exact motivations or reasonings behind their actions. An attempt to isolate the variables of police-protester interactions and its role in escalating tensions will be the focus of the research but it is necessary to acknowledge this key actor. Certain media outlets may include statements and such from government officials that can be used to explain police actions but without direct

questioning with these actors, true motivations can only be inferred.

149_{Michael Neal, “Media Content Analysis: Qualitative Methods,” in The Oxford Handbook of Media Psychology,}

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IV. Results and Analysis

In this chapter, the shorted codes from the content analysis will be presented along with the assigned indicators for political violence, as defined by the Post, Ruby and Shaw framework. Each case finding will be explained and summarized in their respective sections before a final section will provide an overall analysis of all the data collected. This will include an explanation into the events of the date and the kind of interactions that occurred between police and

protesters. The resulting indicators found to be associated with these actions will be further expanded upon. It will follow a chronological order of the dates.

A. June 9

th

_{: First Large Procession Against Extradition Bill}

Protester Action Category of Action

Response Reasoning for Action or Response

Indicators for Political Violence SCMP Protest march Contained - helping march by widening

roads

(1) Political Instability Planned occupation of roads

surrounding government building

Disruptive - pepper spray and batons - Reminiscent of Occupy Movement

(1) Group Experience with Violence Decision to escalate action

(through social media)

(1) Communities of Belief

Two groups rushed police line in demonstration area

Violent: Brawls - pepper spray and batons (1) Factionalization

HKFP Formed barricades on roads Disruptive - pepper spray to disperse crowd The Standard - confiscated weapons (hammers, lighters) - Behaviour suggests planning (1) Type of Supporters (2) Factionalization

The initial protest activities during June 9th_{followed the usual script of an organized}

march and demonstration through the city. During this time, the police monitored the protesters but also helped in ensuring the march went off smoothly, even widening roads to improve the flow of protesters. The protest had proceeded without brawls or attacks although the mass mobilization of citizens seemed to have taken the police by surprise. Although individual acts of aggression were seen during the march, these were handled in isolation by the police.

Demonstrations and marches are categorized as contained forms of action, as the government and police have experience in handling these performances. The lack of collective violence during the march suggests that contained actions allow police to better prepare for the protesters.

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While the government provided a permit for demonstrations to last until 10pm, smaller groups of protesters had organized extra performances after the end of the march. Some had organized the occupation of the roads surrounding the Legislative Offices (LegCo) which would have been reminiscent of the 2014 Occupy Movement. However, through the use of social media, a call to escalate action and charge the police lines at the LegCo offices was made. The police responded with pepper spray and batons in an attempt to dissuade protesters. As the protesters retreated, they began creating blockades around the complex, yet the police continued to chase them away. The confiscation of weapons, such as hammers and lighters, had suggested a degree of premeditation by protesters to escalate actions beforehand. Initially, the contained action was the only planned action that was to be taken that day however, the presence of weapons may suggest a group willing and prepared to escalate their actions. Individual acts of aggression also allude to this potential factionalization between certain members of the social movement.

Contextually, Hong Kong’s prior experiences with social movements may have played a role in the factionalization. June 9th was the first large-scale protest event since the end of the Umbrella Movement, providing an opportunity for new members to voice their concerns which may have been carried over from 2014. Although the Umbrella Movement had failed to achieve its goals, it had changed the perspective on the effectiveness of disruptive and even violent forms of actions. Many youths were finally able to participate after being influenced by the Umbrella Movement. These new members and those who experienced the Umbrella Movement may have created a community of belief that is willing to use escalated forms of action, such of violence or disruption. Descriptions on the utilization of social media channels such as Telegram in the organization of individuals may suggest different levels of commitment arising in the social movement. Although coordination displayed during these brawls were minimal, formations of sub-units within the social movement may form from social media groups. Potential for more radical members, willing to escalate towards more violent forms of collective action, to organize with each other is possible.

Fueling Political Violence: Police-Protester Interactions during 2019 Hong Kong Protests