Education and happiness : a comparative study between two Dutch Schools with differing pedagogical philosophies

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Education and Happiness

A comparative study between two Dutch Schools with

differing pedagogical philosophies

Assignment: Master thesis Study: General Sociology Student: Arnoud Kartahadimadja Student number: 6160549

First reader: Don Weenink Second reader: Rineke van Daalen

Date: 21-10-2014

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1. Introduction

1.1. Happiness as educational outcome

For centuries, humanity has been struggling with the idea of what the purpose is in life. Happiness has been a continuing determining factor within this debate. Although the achievement of a happy life seems to be the gross goal of the majority of people on earth, the implementation of happiness within education has been relatively little researched till now. Happiness as a goal is challenged from different sides. According to some scholars happiness and the pursuit of it can lead to an “easy going” mentality and an “irresponsible optimism”. Furthermore, it can lead to egoistic and individualistic behavior, which has a devastating effect on an individual’s social bonds and moral consciousness (Argyle & Martin, 1995). Many sociologist and psychologists counter this negative perception on happiness for they focus on the positive aspects, which it brings forth such as: active involvement, creativity and better personal relations. The latter can be the cause or the outcome of happiness, depending on which perspective is taken. Personal relations can improve due to an increased state of happiness of an individual, or alternatively, a solid personal relationship can increase an individuals’ happiness. According to these psychologists happy individuals are more capable in creating and sustaining sincere relations (Diener & Seligman, 2002). Furthermore, it is proven that happiness has a positive influence on stress and life vulnerability, thereby increasing life expectancy (Veenhoven, 1991). Happy people tend to experience less stress and are more capable of handling difficult and challenging situations, which makes them less vulnerable to negative outside influences (Diener, Sapyta & Suh, 1998). In this master thesis research, the focus will be on the influence of different educational philosophies on the happiness of pupils. Through the use of an adjusted form of the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire (OHQ), the degree of happiness of pupils from different educational systems within the Netherlands will be examined. The aim is to get a better understanding of the extent to which pupils attending schools with different educational systems score differently on the factors contributing to happiness. In this research, the definition of Veenhoven’s

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happiness (1991) will be central. According to him, education can have a positive effect on:

• self-esteem, • autonomy

• control (Veenhoven, 1991)

The above stated factors contribute to the personal happiness of a pupil (Veenhoven, 2000). From the above stated theory the following research question is developed:

To what extent are differences in pupils’ happiness related to different pedagogical philosophies at school? And to what extent are these different pedagogical philosophies related to the factors that determine the happiness of pupils – self-esteem, autonomy and control -?

To answer this main question several sub questions are developed. In this research, an adjusted questionnaire, which is based on the original Oxford Happiness Questionnaire (OHQ), will be used. The three factors autonomy, control and self-esteem will be the foundation on which the adjusted questionnaire is developed. The original OHQ taps into a diverse set of factors, which contribute to an individuals’ happiness. Factors such as kindness, social interest and sense of purpose are incorporated in the original OHQ (Kashdan, 2004). Veenhovens’ earlier research, which indicated that education has a direct influence on self-esteem, autonomy and control, will be used as the foundation on which the OHQ will be adjusted. This means that the factors self-esteem, autonomy and control will be incorporated in the adjusted questionnaire. In addition, pupils’ general subjective wellbeing will be considered as a measure of happiness in general. Pupils attending the fourth year of the Dutch pre-university level at two different schools with two different educational philosophical ideologies will be tested, using the adjusted OHQ. One of the schools’ philosophies focuses on a more traditional dedicated working ethic whereas the other school focuses on working together and

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creating independency. Pupils at the latter school, which is a Dalton school, are expected to score higher on the factors self-esteem, autonomy, control and general happiness on the adjusted OHQ.

The following chapter provides an examination of perspectives on happiness, thereby laying the foundation on which the empirical analyses are based. Furthermore it delves deeper into the definition of happiness. Chapter three focuses on the different educational systems that are examined in this research. After delving deeper into how education has an influence on an individuals’ happiness chapter four divides the main question into several sub-questions. Chapter five focuses on how happiness is measured for this particular study. Chapter six explains the method that is used followed by chapter seven that focuses on the results. Finally, chapter eight describes the conclusion followed up by the discussion, wherein an attempt will be made to answer the main question and give possible insights for future research in the field of education and happiness.

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2. Happiness

2.1. Philosophical background

Throughout history humanity has been struggling with the meaning of life. According to Aristotle: “Happiness is the meaning and the purpose of life, the

whole aim and end of human existence.”. In the sixteenth century, a new

paradigm emerged which can be seen as the foundation for the later modern age, namely humanism. Within this paradigm, the pursuit of individual happiness was acknowledged and the notion that individuals were able to control their own happiness emerged, allowing for the sense of being in control of ones’ destiny (Ryan & Deci, 2001;Siegel, 1968). Subsequent to this mode of thought emerged existentialism, which can be seen as an extension to humanism in the sense that individual happiness is malleable through the individual’s deeds and actions (Diener et al., 2006;Sartre, 1960). Happiness became an aspect that could be formed and created by the individual himself. These philosophical backgrounds indicate a substantial change in human society, because from that point on people where seen as being able to have an influence on their own happiness. It created a new pathway wherein people sought happiness through the use of their own human capabilities. No longer was it common to think that happiness was the result of the workings of some elusive divine power.

The philosophical background on happiness written above is clearly a different one than the sociological interpretation of happiness. According to Veenhoven (1991) happiness has a large variety of meanings, and it is. Important for each research to clearly state which type of happiness the research is concerned with. Veenhoven (1991) researches happiness as a form of life-satisfaction. In this approach, individuals mostly represent themselves as happier than they usually are. He sees happiness as being strongly affected by two factors - ego-defensive and social desirable -, thereby creating happiness as a desirable trade for each individual. Although the latter statement does sound convincing until now hard evidence for this statement is not available.

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2.2. Happiness: the sociological perspective

Although happiness is a globally recognized term, its meaning remains subjective and thereby implies multiple perspectives (Lu, 2001). Therefore happiness can be seen as a broad term that is associated with a large variety of interpretations. According to Biswas-Diener et al. (2009), the interpretation of happiness as a singular defined aspect falls short in understanding the wide range of factors that influence a persons’ wellbeing. Wellbeing is formed through the degree through which people satisfy their basic needs such as: food, shelter and clothing, and through the degree through which people find a balance in satisfying autonomy, competence, and belonging (Sheldon & Niemiec, 2006, in: Biswas-Diener, Kashdan, & King, 2009). Other research has indicated that environments that support the autonomy of individuals provide the foundations on which wellbeing can increase, again taking in consideration the importance of finding the right balance and degree to which the needs of a person are satisfied (Biswar-Diener et al., 2009). Examples of these environments are schools wherein pupils are stimulated to actively engage with other pupils, teachers and staff.

Happiness is defined by Veenhoven (1993: 17) as: “the degree to which an individual judges the overall quality of his own life as-a-whole favorably”. This definition strongly focuses on happiness as life-satisfaction. According to Veenhoven (1997), the evaluation of life as a whole draws on two types of information: how a person feels in general and the manner in which a person appraises his success in comparison to other standards. The emphasis lies on the weight that an individual ascribes to her subjective wellbeing. Besides the focus on degree and the individual there is a focus on intellect in this definition, for the judgment of an individual’s happiness requires certain intelligence. Consequently, animals, retarded people and small children are unable to accurately determine their personal subjective wellbeing (Veenhoven, 1993). Veenhoven sees happiness as relative; for his theory sees happiness as a result of how individuals compare themselves with their social environment or with past life experiences. Individuals actively make conscious mental comparisons between their lives, past experiences and others around them, followed by the assessment of a degree to which the

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individuals’ standards are met. In other words, the comparison theory assumes that the evaluation of life is based on a mental consideration and weighting, in which the perception of life in the current stage is measured against standards of how it should be (Veenhoven, 1993). These standards are presumed to be variable, instead of being fixed. These standards can thus be regarded, as Veenhoven (1993) calls it, perceptions of possibilities, wherein the individual makes a judgment of life and what it realistically could be. The standards of comparison theory are on the one hand adjustable and arbitrary, for the standard of an individual can rise or fall according to a change in living conditions and the individuals’ mental construct does not necessarily fit any real requirements for a ‘good’ life, referring to an obtainable notion of what ‘good’ is. For example, a suicide bomber can feel happy when committing the act of taking other peoples’ lives and his own for in this way he meets the high standards of his social environment, wherein taking ones life for the greater good is seen as a highly respectful act.

The comparison theory of Veenhoven is accompanied with several inferences that give a better understanding of how happiness works. According to Veenhoven (1997) happiness is insensitive to the “real” quality of life because of the arbitrariness of the standards of comparison. This means that people can be feeling subjectively happy in objectively bad situations or vice versa (Veenhoven, 1993). The word real is in quotation marks for the real quality of life cannot be grasped, for it is only real through the perception of the individual perceiving it as such. Another inference according to Veenhoven is that happiness cannot be raised enduringly over a long period of time for the standard with which happiness is compared with, time and time again, keeps on changing. Therefore, a steady increase of a persons’ happiness seems impossible. It is always in motion, for the moment an individual assesses his own happiness he weighs his subjective wellbeing in comparison to the world around him. Thus, there can never be a steady increase in happiness. Another inference is that happiness builds on hardship because standards of comparison are fixed in previous experiences, happiness seems to increase after people experienced difficult times (Veenhoven, 1993). A final inference that Veenhoven brings forth is the tendency of people to be neutral, for the

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constant shift in balance between unhappy and happy causes people to balance towards the middle, creating a tendency toward a neutral position (Veenhoven, 1993). Happiness in the sense of life-satisfaction as Veenhoven describes, depends largely on comparison whereas other scholars from different fields, such as psychology, emphasize on the internal individual processes through which happiness develops. Therefore in the next section the psychological perspective on happiness will be examined.

2.3. Happiness: the psychology perspective

SWB is referred to the person’s evaluation of life concerning both affective and cognitive properties (Diener, 2000). This psychological perspective on happiness focuses more strongly on the internal individual struggle whether or not somebody is happy or not, which is in contrast to the sociological perspective that mainly focuses on the comparisons an individual makes with the social environment. People perceive their SWB more positively when they experience a higher degree of pleasant emotions over unpleasant emotions, when they experience more pleasure rather than pains, when they are involved in interesting activities, and when they consider their lives as satisfactory (Diener, 2000). There seems to be an increasing tendency towards the creation of self-fulfillment, for in the western world the basic necessities of human beings are largely fulfilled. This opens the way to the pursuit of goals that concern other secondary types of fulfillments such as televisions, computers and mostly material things that become available after basic needs such as food, clothes and water are fulfilled (Maslow, 1968). But what makes a person happy? There is a wide variety of academic research devoted to this question and a large variety of scholars have come up with different and somewhat overlapping answers. According to Csikszentmihalyi (1990, 1999) people who are happy experience what he calls flow. This is an experience in which the individual is actively engaged with the situation at hand. Other aspects, which contribute to an individual’s wellbeing is the amount of good relationships we behold. We humans are social beings and we go to great lengths to seek acceptance and belonging (Baumeister & Leary, 1995). The importance of social ties can have positive

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and negative effects on humanity, for family and friends are positive relations but also street gangs and fanatic extremists are formed through individual people seeking acceptance and belonging (Myers, 2000). This shows that the effect of being an insider of a certain group can have a positive influence on the insiders’ happiness but can have negative effect on people outside the group. Research indicates that people who are happy and have strong social ties and where the social ties are based on reciprocity and trustworthiness are less prone to disease and are emotionally more stable (Williams et al., 1992: Helliwell & Putnam, 2004).

Other studies demonstrate that subjective wellbeing to a lesser extent depends on exterior material things. If people have a certain degree of wealth and if the most basic needs are met than the amount of money and other materialistic things seems to account for an insignificant increase in subjective wellbeing (Myers, 2000). Based on his livability theory, Veenhoven (1995) describes that when in a country the living conditions are better, the inhabitants are more likely to be happier as well. This theory focuses on the quality of life within a country instead of focusing on the individual and thereby the relative difference (Veenhoven & Ehrhardt, 1995). Veenhoven argues that people who live in good living conditions can be happy even though they are aware of the fact that there are other people living in even better conditions (Veenhoven & Ehrhardt, 1995). ‘Good’ in this instance is assumed to be conditions that are well suited for each human being such as basic material necessities, having a social network and having enough to eat and drink. Thus according to Veenhoven, income has a positive effect on wellbeing only when it allows people to meet their basic needs (Diener & Oishi, 2000). 2.4. Happiness and Education

To the question whether or not happiness can be learned, different answers are in order. Philosophers have stressed the importance of discipline and the development of a sober personality, but this manner of thinking about happiness seems outdated. There are many factors, which can be learned in order to increase the possibility of living a happy and joyful existence. The aspects of control over situations, the decrease of hatred towards things and

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people, and the decrease of ignorance are all, according to Veenhoven (1991), factors that contribute to happiness. Furthermore factors such as autonomy, control and self-esteem are factors, which indirectly contribute through educational programs to happiness (Ryan & Deci, 2000; Veenhoven, 1991). Education can provide an environment through which pupils develop the right foundations on which happiness can more easily thrive.

Autonomy

There are a large variety of definitions and perspectives on autonomy. For the sake of this research, autonomy is perceived as the ability of people to take control over their own lives (Benson, 2013). Inclusive to this perspective is the ability of people to take charge of, or take responsibility for, or control over their own type of learning (Benson, 2013). Autonomy becomes the ability not only to learn by yourself but also to be able to create your own learning directive. By this is meant that a highly autonomous individual is not only better at learning on an individual level but is also more capable of venturing out to learn for himself. An autonomous learner is characterized by the ability to independently choose aims and purposes and to set goals; to choose materials, tasks and methods; and to choose independently the manner of approach to a certain educational problem and the ability to organize and plan the tasks ahead (Roth, Assor, Kanat-Maymon & Kaplan, 2007). The autonomous learner takes a pro-active role in learning in contrast to a more reactive approach to stimuli created by peers and teachers (Roth et al., 2007). Thus far, the perspective on autonomy that has been outlined indicated the influence it has on education and what role it plays in education. In the following section a deeper understanding on the influence of the different conditions that influence autonomy are outlined. According to Sheerin (1997) teachers play a crucial role in shaping pupils to become autonomous learners that individually exercise control over their learning behavior. A teacher that is able to give pupils a helping hand, thereby changing the role of the teacher from an information giver to a knowledge counselor, is able to teach pupils to overcome and solve problems themselves (Thanasoulas, 2000). Teachers are able to promote autonomy within pupils through the creation of an open and

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tolerant educational environment wherein the pupil is given positive and honest feedback. Here, the educational environment is characterized by collaboration in contrast to competition; in which pupils and teachers have respect for ideas and stances of others; and where the main goal is to improve the self instead of achieving an external goal such as a grade or degree (Thanasoulas, 2000). These aspects can be seen within different educational systems throughout the Netherlands and they might affect the personal subjective wellbeing of an individual. For people who are more actively involved and increasingly engaged with their environment are not only significantly more autonomous, but this is associated with greater happiness as well (Csikszentmihalyi 1990, 1999).

Through different educational systems pupils’ autonomy are affected differently. Educational systems that focus on programs and other educational type of assignments to foster the autonomy of pupils might thus be seen as indirect facilitators of happiness (Nodding, 2003). For pupils who are more autonomous are more capable of handling internal behavior making them increasingly more capable in self-actualization. Autonomous individuals are described as having an internal locus of evaluation, thereby minimizing the factor of evaluating themselves on the basis of the norms and values of the masses (Ryff, 1989). Being able to control and to incorporate an individual locus of evaluation also indirectly increases the chance that the pupils will become happier in a current and latter stage of their lives (Nodding, 2003). Dalton schools are designed to give pupils separate time slots in which they are able to venture out on their own. Pupils are given tasks to do in these time slots, but these tasks are very open. Pupils are able to choose which direction they want to take in order to complete the tasks. Furthermore, they are free to choose whether or not they want to work together with other pupils or ask questions to the teacher (Sliwka, 2008). This type of educational system is expected to have a greater effect on the individual autonomy of the pupil in comparison to a more traditional educational system where pupils are passive receivers of knowledge and less stimulated to venture out on themselves.

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Control

The factor autonomy shares a close resemblance to that of the factor control. In the following, the factor control will be assessed. While autonomy mainly focuses on the capability of individuals to regulate their behavior from within, control is mainly directed to the ability of an individual to cope with the environment surrounding them (Ryff, 1989). Individuals with a strong mental health are more capable to choose, create and control an environment that is suited for the individuals’ wants and needs (Ryff, 1989). Being able to create a suitable environment asks of the individual to partake and thereby take on an active attitude with his surroundings. This strong mental and positive psychological stance is one foundation on which happiness can emerge, for a strong individual is generally more actively engaged with its surroundings and is more open toward other individuals (Ryff, 1989). Another study indicated that the feeling of being in control has a large influence on the difference between peoples’ happiness. This means that people that experience feelings of control to a lesser extent are more prone to experience a difference in subjective wellbeing (Larson, 1989). People who have a stronger sense of being in control over different situations generally experience less stress and thereby strengthen their foundation on which happiness can flourish (Larson, 1989).

Through different educational practices, the factor control can be strengthened within an individual. These practices share a great resemblance with practices that have a positive influence on autonomy. Educational systems that provide an open and tolerant environment, in which a pupil can freely explore knowledge and methods to explore that knowledge, are more likely to increase the factors autonomy and control. Pupils learn to proactively engage with their surroundings and change it according to their personal needs. Through the creation of an open environment, in which teachers guide pupils to explore knowledge and come up with their own solutions to different educational obstacles, pupils increase their ability to take control over situations and are expected to increase their happiness (Bullough, 2011).

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Self-esteem

Self-esteem has a large influence on happiness according to a large range of studies (Baumeister, Campbell, Krueger, & Vohs, 2003). People who have high self-esteem are less prone to depression and have a more positive image of life. Furthermore they tend to be better able in handling stress

(Baumeister, Campbell, Krueger, & Vohs, 2003). In general, self-esteem is

referred to as: “a person’s evaluation of, or attitude toward, him- or herself” (James, 1890; 2004). Although the notion of self-esteem comprises many different detailed definitions, self-esteem is commonly perceived as the person’s evaluation of the self. Furthermore, people in general go through great lengths in pursuing and defending high levels of self-esteem (Pyszczynski, 2004). A person with a high sense of self-esteem experiences high levels of self-respect, whereas a person with low self-esteem experiences feelings of self-rejection and self-dissatisfaction (Nassar‐ McMillan & Cashwell, 1997). Adolescents in the ages of 10 to 18 have a general tendency to be concerned about the self (Alpay, 2004; Nassar‐ McMillan, & Cashwell, 1997). This period of uncertainty, in which adolescents are preoccupied with their self-image, is mainly caused by the unusual large set of changes that are occurring during these years. Adolescents face a large amount of decisions including career choices and dating decisions; and this period can be regarded a long, rather ambiguous period in which adolescents do not have clear expectations (Nassar‐McMillan & Cashwell, 1997). The self-esteem of adolescents is particularly vulnerable within this time period, for without clarity of who they are and what will become of them their self-esteem is tested and retested. Peers and teachers become important significant others that influence the construction of the individual self as a young pupils try to figure out who they really are. A pupil compares himself with his peers and their results. This social comparing process, which generally is increasingly present in adolescents, has a strong impact on the perception of the self and the strengthening or weakening of the individuals’ self-esteem (Bachman & Malley, 1986). This latter argument indicates the influence that education has on an individuals’ esteem. Pupils that have high self-esteem are found to be better able at making decisions, are less likely to

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become depressed and are more capable in developing coping strategies (Nassar‐McMillan & Cashwell, 1997). Furthermore, they tend to have more interaction with other peers and people in general (Nassar‐McMillan & Cashwell, 1997).

Several studies indicate that education may have an influence, positive and negative, on self-esteem. Incorporating a methodological stance, in which the teacher acts as a guide or mentor in helping students find answers to their educational problems, increases the likelihood of developing a pupil into an individual with high self-esteem (King, Vidourek, Davis & McClellan, 2002). Important here is that the teacher has a positive and upbeat attitude that encourages pupils to take on assignments. Teachers should intervene from time to time and help pupils to set new goals, reflect on their work and use the time to build up a personal relationship (King, Vidourek, Davis & McClellan, 2002). By incorporating these teaching methods the school provides the pupils with an open and tolerant environment where the pupils are positively reinforced in contrast to reinforcement by threats of punishment. The former has a more positive influence on self-esteem (King, Vidourek, Davis & McClellan, 2002).

Working simultaneously through education, the factors autonomy, control and self-esteem may contribute in strengthening the development of pupils. Thereby hopefully creating stronger and more confident individuals that are capable in handling different situations, which indirectly lays the foundation for a happier life. The latter can work in the opposite way as well. Schools and educational systems can have a negative impact on autonomy, control and self-esteem, later on having a negative impact on a pupils’ happiness.

Within this research, different educational systems, including Dalton and a more traditional educational system, will be examined with regard to the degree to which their pupils score on the different factors, which contribute to our definition of happiness. Therefore the next section of this thesis discusses the different educational systems and their approaches.

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3. Types of Education

...for anyone interested in understanding or improving public schools, one important place to start is with the investigation of other types of school

systems. (Uhrmacher, 1995: 382)

Nowadays, in meritocratic post-industrial societies, children experience a large variety of socialization regimes in comparison to only a few decades before (Van Daalen & Schaffer, 2008). A wide variety of educational systems have emerged within Dutch society. These different educational systems are taking over a large part of the former pedagogical aspects that were the responsibility of the parents in earlier times. These developments can be

traced back to the beginning of the 20th_{century when in the Netherlands,}

around 1901, the law of universal education made its entry. This meant that everyone in Dutch society had the right to a basic level of education. The existence of different religions within Dutch society resulted in the formation of many educational systems (Van Daalen & Schaffer, 2008).

In the Netherlands, several thinkers had an influence on the different educational ideologies that formed the foundation of the middle schools around the country. These thinkers included: Rudolf Steiner, Peter Petersen, Helen Parkhurst, Célestin Freinet and Maria Montessori (Kruijthof, 1988). This research considers two different schools: one Dalton school and one more traditional school.

3.1. Daltonplan education

The Daltonplan type of education first entered the Netherlands in 1923. The original Daltonplan was brought forth by Helen Parkhurst in 1922. It was a system that was originally based on tending to the individual needs of each pupil in an efficient manner. This new type of education loosened the traditional bonds between teacher and pupil within the classroom. This loosening of the bonds within the classroom would open up an educational environment that was more attuned to the development of the individual

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student and less focused on strict hierarchy (Sanders, 2008). Unlike other educational systems that developed from anthroposophical and pedagogical reformists, Helen Parkhurst came up with de Daltonplan as a practical solution for the problems she faced within the classroom.

Parkhurst (1922) makes a distinction between freedom and collaboration, for according to her; pupils need to be able to be free to choose which type of subject they want to delve into and in what manner. Furthermore, she stresses the importance of “interaction of group life” which according to her is more than just living together (Parkhurst, 1922). It is the active interaction between group members to achieve a certain goal. Through the use of various methods autonomy, interdependency and rationality are strengthened (Sanders, 2007). Other pedagogical factors such as individualization, activation, interaction and contextualization are strengthened through the Daltonproces (Sanders, 2007). Individualization seems contradicting at first but through the Daltonplan pupils learn to not only work together and actively participate in learning but through these factors they become individually strong adolescents that are capable in handling and adjusting to different situations. The factors to which the Daltonplan contribute are not unique to the Dalton educational system, what sets the Daltonplan apart from the other educational systems is the didactical focus on: working with assignments, seeing the school as a workplace, working together, and being able to self-determine the assignments and tasks that the pupil would like to do (Sanders, 2007).

According to Parkhurst, traditional education focuses mainly on transferring knowledge from the teacher to its pupils, instead of focusing on developing pupils into individuals that can cope with society at large. According to her what is left out in the traditional manner of education is the “real experience”, which can only be achieved through the completion of assignments and tasks (Sanders, 2007). The “real experience” is applicable not only in school but in real life as well. Important in this respect is that the pupils are able to work in flexible groups, because in society at large people work together as well. Through this type of education Parkhurst wanted to prepare pupils for working

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together with people of different backgrounds socializing them and strengthening pupils’ abilities to become citizens. What makes the educational system “real” in comparison to the society at large is the mixture of pupils with different backgrounds and of different ages, who are free to work together. The subjects that the pupils need to learn over a year are divided into monthly tasks and weekly tasks. The students are given the freedom to self-determine how they would complete these assignments. This freedom supports autonomy and responsibility (Sanders, 2007). The Daltonplan lets pupils take over and provides them the environment in which pupils are encouraged to actively engage with knowledge. They are able to choose methods, materials and people in order to complete tasks. Therefore, they become autonomous, active learners who are not only able to learn by themselves but are able to create their learning directive. Making the pupils more capable of venturing out on their own. Pupils are able to decide how long they work on assignments and with whom they will work together. They are able to use tools if they need them and a teacher, who is specialized in certain subjects, is at the pupils’ disposal. This teacher has the task to guide pupils in their quest to solve problems and not to dictate them in acquiring knowledge. Thereby pupils do not become passive receivers of knowledge. Daltonplan schools provide pupils with an open and tolerant environment in which they may be more likely to experience more control of their surroundings to their educational needs. Interacting freely with the educational surroundings and being able to choose with whom to work and what materials to choose probably enhances pupils’ experience of gaining control over the surrounding (Ryff, 1989). The feeling of being in control may in turn result in a greater self-esteem and it may strengthen the foundation on which the individual experiences happiness, for generally people who feel more in control over their lives are happier (Ryff, 1989).

Tasks within the Daltonsystem

As stated earlier, tasks form the crucial innovative aspect in which the Daltonplan sets itself apart from other educational systems. The design of the tasks plays a crucial role in the manner in which pupils develop themselves. There are several notions on which Parkhurst has designed the tasks. Firstly,

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pupils need to be able to instantly get an overview of what is expected from them. Secondly, tasks are always written down in a clear and orderly fashion. Thirdly, tasks are designed to teach pupils how to work and to stimulate instead of to dictate. The tasks are then, with the agreement of the teacher, transformed into so-called learn-plans, wherein the pupil is stimulated to venture out and do research on how to tackle certain problems. Suggestions are given to stimulate the pupils and the environment is arranged in an open and tolerant manner to stimulate collaboration (Sanders, 2007). The agreement of the tasks into learn-plans enhances collaboration not only between the pupils but also between the staff members as well. This manner of education fosters; autonomy through proactive learning; control through the ability to choose methods, collaborations, and materials; and finally self-esteem is strengthened through these factors. Pupils thereby are expected to develop into individuals who have a stronger foundation on which happiness can emerge and they are expected to be more resilient to changes that can affect their happiness negatively.

3.2. Traditional education

In comparison to the Daltonplan a traditional Dutch educational system focuses more strongly on the classical hierarchy in the classroom. The teacher explains an educational subject to the pupils in the classroom who are silent and mostly passive receivers of knowledge (PAPUC, 2012). This means that they are less stimulated to actively engage with knowledge and the environment around them. Pupils are less likely to become active learners that actively engage with knowledge and fellow peers. This puts a restraint on their development as autonomous individuals who are able to control and adjust the environment to their personal needs. Pupils attending traditional schools seem to have less freedom to explore the world of knowledge on their own. The educational environment in the traditional school seems more fixed in terms of schooling. The divide between teacher and pupil seems more apparent for the teacher provides information during class and the pupils need to listen and passively receive the knowledge. Furthermore questions and assignments are more strictly defined in comparison to tasks. This fixed environment is expected to have a lesser impact on the autonomous

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development of pupils in comparison to pupils from the Daltonplan. Within the lessons there are, from time to time, moments in which student can learn for themselves but this stands in sharp contrast to the freedom that is given in the Daltonplan school. Students are less encouraged to work with other students and venture out and look for answers on their own. The questions they need to answer are more strictly bound which reduces the possibility for the pupils to explore a personal direction. This fixed environment is expected to have a less positive effect on the factors autonomy and control. Pupils are expected to feel less autonomous and to experience less in control in certain situations due to the fact that they, through their education, are less developed and less stimulated to work in an autonomous manner.

The strict hierarchy within the classroom and the classical setup of teaching, in which the teacher explains certain subject and the pupils passively receive knowledge, discourages input from the pupils. The educational environment, in comparison to a Daltonplan school, seems less open and tolerant toward its pupils. This has a negative impact on the development of the self-esteem of the pupils (Nassar‐McMillan & Cashwell, 1997). Traditional schools seem more focused on educating pupils to become good learners in contrast to developing them to become capable human beings who can cope with problems in- and outside the school environment (Zimmerman, 1990).

All the above stated aspects seem to indicate that a Daltonplan school is more attuned to develop pupils into autonomous, in-control adolescents who have higher levels of self-esteem and thereby a greater chance to become happy individuals, in comparison to a more traditional school. To verify this, the next sections are devoted to arrive at a better understanding between the differences between a Dalton school and a more traditional school. The following sections will try to statistically investigate the differences between happiness, autonomy, control and self-esteem between the Dalton school and the more traditional school, thereby attempting to come to an answer to the main question.

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4. Research questions

The following research question is derived from the theoretical considerations above:

- To what extent are differences in pupils’ happiness related to different pedagogical philosophies at school? And to what extent are these different pedagogical philosophies related to the factors that determine the happiness of pupils – self-esteem, autonomy and control -?

To answer this main question the following hypotheses are developed. It is expected that pupils from the Dalton school will score higher on the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire in contrast to pupils from the more traditional school. Similarly pupils from the Dalton school are expected to score higher on the different factors autonomy, control and self-esteem, which are the factors through which education has an influence on happiness.

4.1. Conceptual scheme

The conceptual scheme as written above indicates the indirect effect that educational programs have on happiness through self-esteem, autonomy and control. These variables, according to Veenhoven (1991), have an effect on happiness. Other variables including income, stable family environment and personal background are factors that will be included as control variables (Veenhoven, 1991). These personal factors will be accessed in several questions in addition to the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire. This will allow

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for the categorization of the individual pupils and thereby controlling for the factors as mentioned above.

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5. Measurement

Recent psychological research has indicated that subjective wellbeing can be measured in a valid and reliable way through the use of simple self-rating questions about ‘happiness’ and ‘life-satisfaction’ (Helliwell & Putnam, 2004). In general, self-rating questions that focus on ‘happiness’ tend to reflect short-run, situational expressions of a persons state of mind, whereas self-rating questions on ‘life-satisfaction’ seem to measure wellbeing on the long-term (Helliwell & Putnam, 2004). Nonetheless both types of measurement seem to produce broadly consistent findings (Helliwell & Putnam, 2004). Furthermore, the different responses to the different questions seem to reflect real differences between individuals, which correspond to the overt behavior of individual persons (Diener et al., 1999). The most powerful predictors of subjective wellbeing include measurements of genetic make-up and personality including factors such as self-esteem and optimism (Helliwell & Putnam, 2004). The main focus of this research is on aspects such as autonomy, control and self-esteem as contributors to happiness.

The Oxford Happiness Questionnaire (OHQ) is an alternative scale that measures happiness and was derived from the earlier developed Oxford Happiness Inventory (OHI) test. The OHI was developed to measure personal happiness and was mainly used at psychological departments across a divers range of countries (Hills & Argyle, 2002). These countries mainly included western countries such as USA, Britain, Canada, Spain and Australia. Later on it was translated to Hebrew and tested in Israel. It furthermore laid the ground foundation for a Chinese Happiness Inventory (CHI) test and was later used in Taiwan as well (Hills & Argyle, 2002).

The OHQ is a lengthy questionnaire that measures several aspects of happiness, including self-esteem, autonomy, life satisfaction and control. The questionnaire was tested several times and demonstrated high scale and item reliability (Hills & Argyle, 2002). All items correlated differently, though highly with happiness (see appendix 3). This can be explained by the different

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manner through which the items on the questionnaire correlate to the different factors.

The OHQ has been criticized for its theoretical and analytical issues concerning the structure of subjective wellbeing (SWB) (Kashdan, 2004). The OHQ was criticized for incorporating items that do not strongly associate with the different factors. It is criticized for being a measurement tool that is too broad and not entirely based on theory. Therefore, it is seen as not measuring SWB precisely, but as capturing a large variety of traits including, self-esteem, self-acceptance, social interest, kindness, sense of purpose, sense of humor, sense of control, and autonomy. Within this wide range of aspects a few are seen as not necessarily features of SWB (Lyubormirsky, 2001). The critique given by the different authors on the OHQ was used in order to come to an adjusted version of the OHQ that incorporated a smaller number of items, which correlated highly to the factors autonomy, control, self-esteem and happiness.

5.1. Current situation schools

The two different schools that were investigated in this research each have a different educational ideology. The first school is comparable with a more traditional school hereby referred to the traditional school, while the second school is a Dalton school. The schools will be both addressed anonymously, for ethical reasons. Both schools differ strongly from one another and thereby are expected to show different scores on the adjusted OHQ.

School 1

The first school advertises itself as a school, which is traditionally open and permissive. The school presents itself as a traditional school, which focuses on increasing its pupils’ activity and involvement with the school and other activities outside the school. Pupils are expected to show dedication and motivation. The schools’ education is based on classical education, where pupils are disciplined through strict teaching and structural obedience (hlz.nl, 2014).

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School 2

The second school is a Dalton school that focuses on active behavior, independency, responsibility and collaboration. The school portrays itself as an environment wherein pupils are able to choose from a wide variety of courses that reaches out to not only cultural and drama courses but also internationally oriented courses. After the regulatory courses there is a Dalton-hour in which the pupils can work on their own and choose freely on what subjects they will be working on and with whom they want to work with. Another aspect of the school is that the year is divided in four periods in which each period a few subjects are given. Fewer courses in one period means more hours for a few subjects, which allows for pupils to delve in deeper in a particular subject.

The pupils of the Dalton school are expected to develop a stronger sense of autonomy and being in control in situations in comparison to the pupils from the traditional school. Furthermore, the pupils from the traditional school seem less stimulated to socialize and work together on educational problems. This could have a negative effect on the self-esteem of the pupils. Therefore, a discrepancy between the self-esteem of the pupils of the traditional school and the Dalton school is expected. In the following section data received from the adjusted Oxford Happiness Questionnaire will be shown in order to measure if both schools differ significantly from each other and whether or not the Dalton school scores higher on the three factors autonomy, control and self-esteem.

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6. Method

This research uses a quantitative approach. With this approach the aim was to approach a large amount of respondents to assess to what extent there is a significant difference between scores of the schools on the different factors that contribute to happiness.

6.1. Participants

An amount of 154 respondents participated in this research. From the traditional school 88 respondents participated and from the Dalton school 66 respondents participated. A total of 72 male and 82 female respondents participated in the research. The respondents were pupils that attended the fourth year at pre-university level.

6.2. Procedure

To keep time as a constant, every test was taken around the eight hour of the day. This means that every test was taken at around 14:15 on a midweek day. In most cases the researcher apprehended the test in person to the classroom. This happened in five out of nine cases. This implied that the researcher went out to the class and performed the test on location. A script was written wherein a detailed approach on how to behave and what to say within each classroom was written down (see appendix 10.4). This was used in order to provide a similar set-up at each classroom. The researcher would enter the classroom and after the announcement by the teacher I started talking conform the prewritten script. Overall, the pupils received the test positively and worked on the questionnaire in a silent and proper manner. There were a few cases in which the researcher had to give additional explanations, but overall the questionnaire was clear and easy to complete. In the other four cases the researcher apprehended the script to the different teachers, who were asked to follow the instructions on the script and on the test document itself. All four cases were on the traditional school.

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6.3. Materials

This research incorporates a theoretical and a practical approach, for the aim was to firstly find a theoretical basis on which the quantitative approach could be grounded. The first part explains what perspective and definition of happiness is used to arrive at a clear-cut and suitable concrete definition of happiness. This has led to the use of the adjusted Oxford Happiness Questionnaire (OHQ) (see appendix 2). The adjusted Oxford Happiness Questionnaire is a variation to the original Oxford Happiness Questionnaire (see appendix 1) that focuses on a variety of different traits that are correlated to happiness, including extraversion, neuroticism, psychoticism, and also self-esteem, control and autonomy. Regarding this research the latter three factors autonomy, control, self-esteem and general happiness are included within this research. For the three factors autonomy, control and self-esteem are the three measurable factors, through which education is expected to contribute to the happiness of the pupils.

The increased time to work together and socialize with other pupils during class is expected to increase the self-esteem of the pupils of the Dalton school. Furthermore, the ability to freely choose which subject to work on and with whom to cooperate is expected to have a positive effect on the autonomy, independency and sense of responsibility of the pupils of the Dalton school.

6.4. The construction of different indicators within this research

Within this section the criteria for the construction of the indicators are mentioned. Within this research the following indicators were used in order to come to a better understanding of happiness and the influence the pedagogical background of a school has on the happiness of its pupils. The indicators self-esteem, autonomy and control were chosen as indicators because the theory indicated that these factors contributed to an individuals’ happiness through education. Furthermore, prior written studies and questionnaires about happiness laid the foundation on which the indicators were chosen. The other indicators such as gender, profile, father and mother ethnic background, and the educational level from the father or mother were

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chosen to incorporate in this study because they were aspects that generally all respondents shared. This allowed for more accurate findings. In the next chapter the results of this research will be demonstrated.

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7. Results

7.1. Scale reliability

The adjusted Oxford Happiness Questionnaire demonstrates a high scale

reliability of 16 items (Cronbach’s α= .87) respectively. Taking the different

factors in consideration, the adjusted OHQ indicates relatively high values of

Cronbachs’ α, which indicates that the items on the questionnaire measure

about the same construct. Taking a closer look at the different factors and considering that each factor consists of 4 items the following appears.

Each of the factors was found to be moderately reliable for the factors autonomy (α = 0.62), control (α = 0.68), self-esteem (α = 0.67), and happiness (α = 0.69). Taking into consideration that a minimum α-score of 0.70 indicates reliable scores, the above scores are moderate only. In order to arrive at a better understanding of which factors contribute to the outcome happiness, a factor analysis was conducted. The results are shown in the following section. 7.2. Factor analysis

The first interesting outcome is that the items in Table 2 all have a positive correlation, which means that there is a global factor within the data. Because the research is focused on measuring happiness as an outcome and the general factor of happiness is incorporated within the question items of the questionnaire, the mainly positive correlations resemble the positive relation between the item types self-esteem, control, autonomy and happiness. Thus, all the factors mentioned in the theory section at first glance seem to correlate

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positively with happiness, which corresponds to the first Crondbach’s alpha findings as mentioned in the former section.

Taking a closer look at which components largely correlate with happiness, the scree plot gives an

indication that there are mainly three components that matter. The point of influx is at the third point in the scree plot. This gives a first

indication that three

components are primarily

associated with the variance in the data. This means that three components within this

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Table 2 demonstrates that after running a factor analysis, the data appears in three different components that in various degrees contribute to happiness. For this research the value of 0.65 has been set as the minimum threshold, as values between 0.65 till 0.80 are considered good (Field, 2009). Thus, the highlighted items in grey are taken together to form scales. For some items the scores were reversed for they had a negative connotation.

The component happiness most strongly correlates with items such as; “I am very happy”; “Life is good”; and “for the most part I am satisfied with my life”.

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These statements clearly focus on the subjective value that is given by an individual for its current wellbeing. The second component demonstrates the factor self-esteem and decisiveness, in which the personal perception on the self is clearly visible in the statements; “I have the feeling I can handle anything”; and “I find it hard to make decisions” in contrast to the statements; “I am not particularly optimistic about the future”, which portrays an aspect that is clearly outside the individual self. Looking further, the component autonomy can be seen as the third component. The grey highlighted items, which are associated with autonomy, likewise demonstrate aspects of control. These items clearly suggest the influence and commitment an individual has on the measured component, which highly demonstrates aspects of control. As stated earlier in the theory section, autonomy and control are two factors that appear similar. However, autonomy is more focused on the internal self-control of an individual, and because the highlighted items seem to suggest this internal sense of control, and for the purpose of bringing more clarity within this research, the third component will be referred to as the factor internal-control. This close resemblance between autonomy and control further acknowledges the findings within the theory section, where autonomy and control were only slightly different from one another.

In addition to the factor analysis regression analyses were performed on the basis of the original scales first presented through the outcome. Similar regression analyses were then performed and the outcomes were relatively consistent although different scales of factors were used.

By following the structure found in the data and thus revising the presumed factors from the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire through factor analysis, the construct validity of the questionnaire increased. According to Field (2013) scores below 0.60 in a factor analysis with a sample size below 300 should be ignored. By ignoring the items with a score below 0.65 the questionnaire obtains a more accurate presentation of the factors happiness, self-esteem and internal-control.

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7.3. Differences between the traditional school and the Dalton school The main research question was stated as followed: “to what extent do the different pedagogical approaches have a different impact on the happiness of

pupils?”. This section will analyze the relations between the different factors

that make up happiness at the different schools. First, t-tests were conducted to assess whether or not significant differences on happiness, self-esteem and internal-control appear between the traditional school and the Dalton school.

Table 3 shows the mean, standard deviation and the results of the t-tests. School 1 had N = 88 respondents in comparison to school 2 with N = 66 respondents.

The results demonstrated in Table 3 indicate that there is no difference between the happiness scores t(152)= -.46, p = .646 of the traditional school (M=4.69, SD=.84) and the Dalton school (M=4.76, SD=1.00). Therefor the null hypothesis cannot be rejected. Looking further, the factor self-esteem t(152)= -3.99, p = 0.000 indicates that there is a difference between the traditional school (M=3.73, SD=1.11) and the Dalton school (M=4.45, SD=1.11). This demonstrates that the pupils from the Dalton school score significantly better on self-esteem in contrast to the traditional school. Finally, factor internal-control t(152)= -.88, p = .381 does not indicate any difference between the traditional school (M=4.12, SD=.72) and the Dalton school (M=4.24, SD=-.88). Based on the t-tests, a difference appears between the self-esteem levels of the pupils of the traditional school and the Dalton school. However,

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multivariate analyses are required to assess to what extent this relationship can be attributed to the schools or to other factors.

7.4. Associations of happiness

Three multiple regression analyses were run in order to examine if and to what extent self-esteem and internal-control are associated with happiness. Furthermore, it demonstrates to what extent the different factors school, profile, and parental ethnic background causes an increase in the predictability of the level of happiness of the pupils. The test for multicollinearity demonstrated low values (VIF ranging between 1.08 and 1.353).

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Firstly, the factors school and gender were entered; secondly the factors self-esteem and autonomy, thirdly the different profiles and finally the ethnic parental background of the father and mother and the educational level of the father and mother were entered. The results of the analysis partially resemble the theoretical background and the stated hypotheses. Model 1 demonstrates a non-significant difference between the two schools (r² = .08, p = .08). Thus, the hypothesis that there is a difference in happiness scores is rejected. The difference is almost significant and when the data is further examined the difference can be explained by the difference between males and females. Interestingly, male respondents score significantly better on happiness in comparison to female respondents. This difference between happiness scores between gender (β = -.48, t = -3.435) may indicate the confirmation of centuries old gender stereotype wherein the male is seen as having more self-esteem and autonomy and through this experience more happiness, but this will be explained in more detail in the discussion chapter of this research. Model 2 indicates a significant difference for both self-esteem (β = 0.14, t = 2.173, p = 0.03) and internal-control (β = 0.36, t = 4.316, p = 0.001). Model 3 and 4, in which the profile, the ethnic background of the parents, and the educational level of the parents were entered, does not demonstrate any significant values except for the ethnic background of the parents (β = -.42, t = -2.125, p = 0.04). Taking a closer look at the significant value of the ethnic background of the parents the factor was divided between a father and

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mother factor. From this a significant value became apparent on the mother factor side (β = -.39, t = -2.42, p = 0.03). This indicates that when the mother of a pupil is from a foreign country this has a negative effect on the happiness of the pupil. In the next section, the factors self-esteem and internal-control will be analyzed separately.

7.5. Do the factors happiness, self-esteem and internal-control demonstrate similar findings across different analyses

In order to examine if the significant values found in the former analysis are consistent, the factors self-esteem and autonomy are examined separately. The multiple regression analysis with self-esteem as the dependent variable demonstrates that there is a difference between schools (β = .76, t = 4.352, p = 0.000), gender (β = -.565, t = -3.241, p = 0.001), and internal-control (β = .43, t = 4.209, p = 0.000). This indicates that pupils of the Dalton school are more likely to score higher on self-esteem in contrast to the pupils from the traditional school. Furthermore, males in both schools are more likely to score higher on self-esteem in contrast to females (see Table 6).

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When internal-control is set as the dependent variable the factors school (β = .232 t = 3.030, p = 0.003) and self-esteem (β = .248, t = 3.062, p = 0.004) indicate significant values. Thereby school and self-esteem are significant indicators of the level of internal-control of a pupil. This latter finding suggests that pupils attending the Dalton school are likely to score higher on internal-control. In the discussion section this finding will be examined in more detail (see Table 7).

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8. Conclusion

This comparative research was an attempt to measure the influence of the pedagogical background of two different schools on happiness and how self-esteem, autonomy and parental background influences happiness. The following main research question was presented in order to examine the aspects mentioned in the former.

“To what extend are differences in pupils’ happiness related to different pedagogical philosophies at school? And to what extend are these different pedagogical philosophies related to the factors that determine the happiness of pupils – self-esteem, autonomy and control -?”

It was expected that the Dalton school, in comparison with the traditional school, would be statistically significantly associated with self-esteem, autonomy, and control. These factors would result in bringing forth pupils that were happier, had more self-esteem, and more autonomy.

In order to develop an answer to the main question a clear definition of happiness needed to be obtained. The research set out to find a coherent definition of happiness that incorporated a sociological and psychological perspective. Following the theory of Veenhoven (1993) and Diener (1998; 1999) happiness was described as a democratic undergoing wherein the individual in combination with his social surroundings made a subjective judgment on wellbeing. An adjusted form of the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire was used that incorporated items which resembled the factors self-esteem, autonomy, control and happiness.

8.1. Adjusted Oxford Happiness Questionnaire

The results of the first analysis indicated that the adjusted Oxford Happiness Questionnaire (OHQ) mainly incorporated three factors, which contributed to the happiness factor. These factors were analyzed and traced back to the

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theory. Three main components arose: self-esteem, internal-control and happiness. By finding only three main factors the adjusted OHQ shows inconsistent findings across different analyses. This demonstrated that the items in adjusted OHQ did not corresponded to the assumed components. Following these findings the choice was made to research along the found data.

8.2. Happier, more confident, more autonomous or not

Following the data a difference was found between the levels of self-esteem of the pupils of the traditional school and the Dalton school. As expected, the pupils of the Dalton school indicated higher levels of self-esteem in comparison to the traditional school. Thus from the data it can be concluded that the traditional school does not bring forth happier pupils in comparison to the Dalton school. What can be concluded is that the Dalton school seems to bring forth pupils with higher self-esteem and internal-control when the factors school and gender are controlled for. This means that the added predictive value of happiness increases when self-esteem and internal-control are added.

8.3. Predicting happiness through self-esteem, internal-control and parental background

Considering the factors, which were associated with the level of happiness of the pupils, several interesting aspects arose. As expected, self-esteem and internal-control were related to a large part of the general happiness level of the pupils. This was in line with the theory and supports the idea that self-esteem and internal-control are traits that strengthen the foundations on which an individual can build happiness. Because the educational backgrounds of the parents of the pre-university pupils are generally higher this could have had a general positive influence on the happiness levels of the pupils from both schools. The reason could be that higher educated parents generally bring forth children with higher self-esteem and internal control, thereby increasing the likelihood of their children to become happy. Furthermore this could be explained by the fact that parents with a high educational background generally earn more in comparison to less educated parents. A

Education and happiness : a comparative study between two Dutch Schools with differing pedagogical philosophies