On the Side of Power?
NGOs‟ Involvement in Resistance against Hydroelectric
Projects in Darjeeling, India
M. Sc. Thesis Joas Platteeuw
2016
University of Amsterdam – Graduate School of Social Sciences
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Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the degree of Master of Science in
International Development Studies at the University of Amsterdam, The Netherlands.
Joas Platteeuw Student no. 10818472 M. Sc. Thesis International Development Studies Email: joas-platteeuw@hotmail.com Supervisors Dr. Deepa Joshi Prof. Dr. Margreet Z. Zwarteveen Second Reader Dr. Enrique Gomez-Llata Local Supervisor Mr. Joy KJ
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Abstract
In recent years there has been a renewed interest in hydropower development projects. Despite being presented as a ´green´, sustainable energy, hydropower has been critiqued for the adverse impacts on the region in which it is built. For this study, I employ a social capital and anti-political perspective to research the case of local NGOs‟ involvement in resistance against hydropower projects in the Darjeeling district of West Bengal, India. I do so in two different ways. First, I explore how the implementation of hydropower projects take place in Darjeeling, and how this can be placed in the broader context of hydropower development. Second, I examine how NGOs‟ responses to hydropower relate to their expected role as civil society actors, as NGOs have recently been critiqued for their apolitical, project-oriented functioning, „un-rooted‟ from society and operating primarily with upward accountability. This research draws on 30 interviews with key actors; observations, secondary data, and surveys serve as a means to triangulate the research findings.
Data analysis suggests that NGOs in Darjeeling have economic, environmental, and social concerns with hydropower development, but their resistance could never gain
momentum for two reasons. First, their project-oriented functioning prevents NGOs from being consistently involved in resistance. Second, NGOs that involved themselves with resistance in the political arena experienced the challenging circumstances to be futile to engage with. This leaves concerns with hydropower largely unaddressed, causing an
intriguing silence surrounding the hydropower projects in Darjeeling. On a theoretical level, I suggest it is difficult to justify the analysis of NGOs based on criteria of civil society, and I suggest that either (1) NGOs‟ functioning needs to be rethought, (2), civil society‟s
conceptualization needs to be rethought, or (3) it can be accepted that NGOs and civil society have different roles. Placing the implementation of hydropower projects in the wider context, it becomes apparent that hydropower projects often take place in regions with no civil
society, or other actors, critically engaging with the public sphere, leaving the presentation of hydropower as a „win-win‟ largely unquestioned.
Keywords: Hydropower projects, Non-Governmental Organizations, Civil Society, Social Capital, Anti-politicality, Resistance
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Acknowledgements
I feel privileged to have experienced working on a project that has thoroughly enriched my life personally and academically. To me, writing a word of acknowledgement means more than adding the last section to my thesis, it means closing a chapter that started in March 2015 with the choice of doing research on civil society and hydropower in the Eastern Himalayas.
In doing so, I regret to have to take precautionary measures in order to not reveal the identity of people who made this project so immensely worthwhile. I would like to thank my host family for their incredible hospitality and patience, their caring and kind nature
undoubtedly made me decide to postpone the commencement of my research. I thank my friends in Darjeeling, whose hospitality and generosity made me feel so welcome in the Darjeeling hills. One day I hope to be able to return the favor, and I hope to be drinking chai at Chowrasta with you again soon!
I would like to thank all respondents for making time for me in their busy agendas, I truly appreciate the honesty with which you have answered my questions. In turn, I sincerely hope you will appreciate the honesty with which I have analyzed your responses.
Never before have I realized how important it is to rely on other people‟s expertise and contextual knowledge. I would wholeheartedly like to express my gratitude towards my supervisors Deepa Joshi and Margreet Zwarteveen for guiding me, and for finding time to guide me, in the process that ultimately led to this thesis. More than supervising me in an engaging way, you helped me realize how little I know – and you have interested me to discover all there is to know. I would also like to thank my local supervisor Joy KJ for his practical comments and help before and during my fieldwork. I hope this thesis justifies the vast amount of questions, comments, and queries I have subjected all three of you to in the past year.
I thank my parents for supporting me in every step I have taken, eventually resulting in this journey. Without your continuous help and support this would have never been possible.
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Table of contents
Abstract ... iii Acknowledgements ... iv Abbreviations ... vii 1. Introduction ... 1 1.1 Research question ... 2 1.2 Research location ... 3 2. Theoretical framework ... 6 2.1 Theoretical positioning ... 6 2.1.1 Anti-politicality ... 6 2.1.2 Social capital ... 7 2.2 Main concepts ... 7 2.2.1 Civil society ... 8 2.2.2 Resistance ... 9 2.2.3 Hydropower projects ... 10 2.2.4 Non-governmental organizations ... 11 3. Conceptual Scheme ... 124. Operationalization of main concepts ... 13
5. Research methodologies ... 15
5.1 Ontology and epistemology ... 16
5.2 Methodology and methods ... 16
5.3 Unit of analysis ... 17
5.4 Data analysis ... 18
5.5 Case study selection ... 18
5.6 Ethics... 19
6. Introduction to empirical chapters ... 19
7. Which NGOs have historically been involved in resistance against hydropower? ... 20
7.1 Focus and type of hydropower resistance ... 20
7.2 Concerns about hydropower ... 22
7.3 Summary ... 24
8. How do local NGOs concerned with environmental issues in the Darjeeling district operate? ... 24
8.1 Focus of NGOs ... 25
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8.2.1 NGOs receiving institutional funding ... 27
8.2.2 Other forms of organizations ... 29
8.3 Local politics in hydropower resistance. ... 30
8.3.1 Political environment ... 30
8.3.2 Political involvement ... 31
8.4 The organization of hydropower resistance ... 32
8.5 Summary ... 34
9. How are local politicians part of the decision-making process around hydropower dams? 34 9.1 Local politics in hydropower ... 34
9.2 Summary ... 36
10. How does the role of NGOs in hydropower resistance relate to their expected role as civil society actors? ... 37
10.1 Necessary factors indicated by NGOs to be involved in resistance ... 37
10.1.1 Increase in democratic values ... 37
10.1.2 Availability of scientific data on hydropower projects. ... 38
10.1.3 Support from local people ... 39
10.2 The role of NGOs in effecting change ... 42
10.3 Summary ... 44
11. Discussion ... 44
11.1 Relation NGOs and civil society... 44
11.2 NGOs, civil society, and democracy... 46
12. Conclusion ... 48
Literature ... 50
Appendix 1: reasons for hydropower resistance ... 57
Appendix 2: limitations on hydropower resistance ... 58
Appendix 3: SPSS Independent Samples T-Test Group Statistics ... 59
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Abbreviations
CSO: Civil Society Organization
DGHC: Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council EIA: Environmental Impact Assessment GLF: Gorkha Liberation Front
GNLF: Gorkha National Liberation Front GTA: Gorkhaland Territorial Administration IFA: Indian Forest Act
Lao PDR: Lao People‟s Democratic Republic MoEF: Ministry of Environment and Forests MoU: Memorandum of Understanding
MPLADS: Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme MW: Megawatt
NCA: National Commission on Agriculture NGO: Non-governmental organization NGT: National Green Tribunal
NHPC: National Hydroelectric Power Company NPO: Non-profit Organization
NTPC: National Thermal Power Corporation WBSEB: West Bengal State Electricity Board
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1. Introduction
A 2014 report on hydropower in India declared hydropower development projects as one of the most important potential sources to tackle the growing energy demand (FICCI & PwC, 2014). Simultaneously, the report argues hydropower helps reaching goals of economic growth, while also allowing to take into account considerations of long-term sustainability, environmental, and social aspects (Ibid, p. 3). A World Bank report specifically aimed at exploring the hydropower potential in Northeast India, also explains that hydropower can contribute significantly to future power demands, and helps to meet economic targets (Rao, 2006, pp. 37-38). In addition, Rao (2006) explains that hydropower improves the well-being of the people of region as a whole, as electricity is fundamental to industrializations and improving the quality of life of the people (p. 1). In line with these reports, the Government of India (GoI) has decided that the country‟s untapped hydropower resources are to constitute an increasing portion of the total energy generation (Indian Ministry of Power, 2008, p. 12). Understanding hydropower as such, it is not surprising that the FICCI and PwC report (2014) coins hydropower as „a key enabler for a better tomorrow‟, and can thus be seen as a win-win situation both from an economical and environmental perspective.
At the same time, however, hydropower has been critiqued. Goldman (2001) explains that it is exactly reports and other interventions by transnational institutions such as the World Bank that constructs an eco-governmental paradigm, changing the character and increasing the intensity “of activity around constructing global truth and rights regimes on the environment and natural resource use” (p. 500). Thus, through the productive relations of institutions, the relationship between a subject to nature and the environment is „clarified‟ and „known‟ – eco-governmentality (Ibid, p. 501). It is through such an eco-governmental
paradigm that it has been argued that a „green neo-liberal project‟ is ongoing, in which “neocolonial conservationist ideas of enclosure and preservation and neoliberal notions of market value and optimal resource allocation find common cause” (Ibid, p. 500). Presenting hydropower as a „win-win‟ or „green energy‟, then, falls perfectly within the
eco-governmental paradigm that presents sustainable development as necessary in order to defend the planet and its natural resources (Ulloa, 2003, p. 3). Thus, eco-governmental knowledge claims contend that sustainability is compatible with economic growth, and that this can be reached through the commodification of nature.
Such claims do not go uncontested. Rao (2006) concludes that hydropower is a sensitive issue, potentially causing major problems relating to the submergence, resettlement and rehabilitation of displaced population, as well as causing uneven distribution of costs and benefits (p. 39). Further, coining hydropower as a „green energy‟ is disputed, since large hydropower dams are argued to have profound ecological impacts on the region in which they are built (Ansar et al., 2014, p. 4). Such conclusions contest the claim that sustainability is compatible with economic growth. Further, eco-governmental commodification of nature – presenting nature as being “produced for sale on the market” (Polanyi, 1949, p. 71) – has been critiqued for narrowly conceptualizing nature merely as resource (Bakker, 2010; Goldman, 2001; Heynen & Roberts, 2005).
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In this thesis I present the case of the implementation of hydropower projects as experienced by local non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the Darjeeling district of West Bengal, India. In doing so, I specifically examine two aspects of the process of implementing hydropower projects. First, I explore how implementation of hydropower projects is taking place in the Darjeeling district in the light of, on the one hand, arguments emphasizing India‟s hydropower potential and, on the other hand, critiques of the adverse impacts hydropower is argued to have. Second, I explain how local NGOs‟ functioning and involvement in hydropower resistance relates to their role as civil society actors. Whereas NGOs were traditionally subscribed to civil society (e.g. Chandoke et al., 2002; Feldman, 1997; Gemmill & Bamidele-Izu, 2002), recently it has been questioned as to what extent this understanding of NGOs is still valid (Banks et al., 2015). It is therefore meaningful to reflect on the relation between these two concepts (a conceptualization is provided in section 2.2).
There are several reasons as to why Darjeeling was chosen as the area of study. First, and related to eco-governmentality, neo-liberalization of the energy sector is happening rapidly in India (Huber and Joshi, 2013 in Joshi, 2015, p. 118), and several hydropower plants are developed or in various stages of construction in the Darjeeling district (e.g. Teesta Low Dam Projects, Rammam projects). Further, there is an „intriguing silence‟ surrounding hydropower development projects (Joshi, 2015, p. 112), making it interesting to examine NGOs‟ responses to – and (previous) involvement in resistance against – hydropower development projects, given the adverse impacts they are argued to have on the region in which they are built.
This thesis is structured as follows: after having introduced the research-question, sub-questions and research location (section 1.2 and 1.3) , the theoretical positioning is elaborated upon (section 2). This is followed by the conceptual scheme (section 3), operationalization of the main concepts (section 4) and an explanation of the research methodologies and methods (section 5). Subsequently, the empirical chapters address the sub-questions (section 7 to 10), after which the findings are discussed on a theoretical level (section 11). Last, the conclusion discusses the implications of this thesis for future research and practice (section 12).
1.1 Research question
Research on why NGOs do, or do not, resist hydropower is scientifically interesting in the sense that it will allow for a better understanding of the relation of local NGOs to civil society. Approaching this research from a social capital and anti-political perspective (explained in section two), a thorough understanding of the functioning of local NGOs, and their engagement with the public sphere, critically assesses how they do or do not subscribe to civil society. Further, this this research adds to the body of knowledge on social capital and anti-politicality, in this case looking at the practical application of the theories in Darjeeling.
The societal relevance of researching NGOs‟ responses to hydropower is primarily giving an understanding of what local NGOs identify as being key criteria for the existence of resistance, and thus engagement in the public sphere. The existence, or absence of, civil society resistance in Darjeeling is also telling for the democratic values of the region, as civil society and democracy can be argued to be the preconditions of the existence of each other
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(Chandoke, 1995, pp. 161-165). This is specifically interesting in the context of hydropower resistance in Darjeeling, since Dhanagare (2001) argues that an erosion of the legitimacy of the state, as well as declining institutions of democracy has taken place (p. 185). Further, this research will give insights into how local NGOs understand the implementation of
hydropower projects, and whether or not they would be interested in forms of support from outside the region (e.g. trainings for NGOs).
In order to research the topic in a comprehensive manner, the following research question has been formulated:
How does the (former) involvement of local non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in resistance against hydropower projects in Darjeeling, India explain their role as civil society actors?
In order to address the research question in a coherent manner, the sub-questions that were examined are:
- Which local NGOs have historically been involved in resistance against hydropower projects?
- How do local NGOs in Darjeeling concerned with environmental issues operate? - How are local politicians part of the decision-making process around hydropower
dams?
- How does the involvement of NGOs in hydropower resistance relate to their expected role as civil society actors?
The research question and coherent sub-question are answered on the basis of fieldwork carried out from June to August 2015. In this period, 30 interviews, a number of policy documents, and observations were collected. Secondary data has been examined to validate or contrast the research findings. Research methods and methodology are discussed more in detail in section five.
1.2 Research location
The Darjeeling district of West Bengal is located in the North-East of India, between in neighboring countries Nepal and Bhutan and just below the Indian state of Sikkim (see figure one). Located in the province of West Bengal in the lower Eastern-Himalayas, The Darjeeling district is home to roughly 1.8 million people, with just over a
million people living in rural areas (Census of India, 2011). Important to understand in the context of civil
society resistance is that the Darjeeling region has been subject to struggles for a separate statehood status within India for decades. This separate statehood for the Gorkha ethnic group, Gorkhaland, has a long history, but only emerged as a serious political movement in the 1980s
Figure 1: Darjeeling region circled in red. Derived from www.maps.google.com, May 29, 2015.
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(Ganguly, 2005, p. 468). After years of complicated violent and non-violent political
struggles, the Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF) has not succeeded in constituting a separate statehood and still falls under provincial West Bengalese and national Indian jurisdiction (Chettri, 2013; Ganguly, 2005). Further, through political advocating by the GNLF, a Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) had been formed, but Darjeeling remains troubled by development-related problems such as infrastructural problems, a shortage of water and power, and a lack of higher education institutions (Chettri, 2013; Ganguly, 2005; Bhutia, 2014). In 2007 and 2008 a new party called the Gorkha Liberation Front (GLF) started a new agitation. Even though this new Gorkha-agitation was proclaimed to be
“democratic, Ghandian, and nonviolent”, the GLF has been accused of murders and forceful expulsion of GNLF leaders (Wenner, 2013, p. 207). The agitation did not lead to a separate state. Instead, the DGHC has been replaced by the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA), another autonomous council under provincial and national law (Wenner, 2013, p. 207).
The backwardness of Darjeeling in terms of development is by many local politicians attributed to ongoing politico-spatial injustices instigated by the West Bengal administration ever since independence from the British regime (Wenner, 2013 in Joshi, 2015, p. 112). This is particularly the case for water supplies, which is controlled by a hybrid system of
community, state and market-based approaches “nested in entrenched political, social, economic injustices and symptomatic of a democracy deficit evident in the wider political, social and economic setting” (Joshi, 2015, p. 112). In this, it is important to note that even though this Himalayan region is crossed by a vast amount of rivers, the people in Darjeeling are largely dependent on groundwater springs (Tamber et al., 2012 in Joshi, 2015, p. 112). Placing this in the context of hydropower contestation, the relation between hydropower development and the disappearance of groundwater springs is unclear, even though some evidence suggests dams do have a negative effect on the availability and quality of
groundwater springs (e.g. Hao et al., 2009; Foltz, 2002). How this accounts for resistance or non-resistance in Darjeeling against hydropower will be discussed in section seven.
With regard to the economy, the Darjeeling district is doing relatively well compared to the other seventeen districts of West Bengal: it ranks second in both per capita GDP (Gross Domestic Product) and GDI (Gross Domestic Income) (Bhutia, 2014, p. 121; Chettri, 2013, p. 296). This can be primarily attributed, however, to the commercial expansion of Siliguri, a city located in the plains of the Darjeeling district (Chettri, 2013, p. 298). Thus, while on paper the Darjeeling district is doing relatively well, in practice it is only Siliguri that is developing, and not the hill areas. In Darjeeling city, health and nutritional status of adults is subnormal and malnutrition and chronic energy deficiency are still very much existent (Banik et al., 2009, pp. 32-33) and earlier mentioned problems with regard to water and energy scarcity, educational institutes, etc., are also still ongoing.
5 Hydropower projects
itself are not a new phenomenon in the Darjeeling hills. As early as 1919 the water power resources were already
considered to replace the lack of coal and oil in North Bengal, and in 1950 the West Bengal State Electricity Board
(WBSEB) took up the Jaldhaka Stage 1 (21 MW) and Jaldhaka stage II (8 MW) projects (Chattarjee, 1979, p. 74). Ever since, plans for various other projects have come up, the biggest ones being Rammam hydropower projects and Teesta Low Dam Projects (see figure two). The Rammam hydropower projects can be divided into four different stages, expected to generate a capacity of
respectively 36, 50, 120, and 30 MW (South Asia Network on Dams, Rivers, and People, 2015). Out of these four projects, Rammam stage II (50 MW) has been commissioned since 1995, while Stage I, III, and IV are in various stages of completion. Rammam stage II is owned by West Bengal State Electricity Distribution Company Limited (WBSDECL), while the other Rammam hydro projects are to be developed by the National Hydroelectric Power Corporation (NHPC) and the National Thermal Power Corporation (NTPC).
On the Teesta River, however, all projects are owned by NHPC. This concerns the in 2013 commissioned Teesta Low Dam Project (TLDP) III and the TLDP-IV. These projects have a capacity of 132 MW and 160 MW, respectively (South Asia Network on Dams, Rivers, and People, 2015). Other planned projects on the Teesta in Darjeeling are TLDP 1 & 2 combined (81 MW), TLDP V (80 MW), and Teesta Intermediate Stage (84 MW), all for which a memorandum of understanding (MoU) has been signed on July 3rd, 2015, with the West Bengal State. The proposed location for TLDP 1&2 combined, TLDP V, and Teesta Intermediate Stage could not be found and are therefore not included in figure two.
In sum, the complex political history of Darjeeling, with its ethnically heterogeneous population, brought the region where it is today. Political tumult is ongoing and the call for a Gorkhaland is still very much a daily reality (Chettri, 2013; Ganguly, 2005). Even though the economy in Darjeeling district is faring relatively well compared to other districts (Bhutia, 2014, p. 121), politico-spatial, social, and economic injustices do very much affect Darjeeling city negatively, also in their management of water (Joshi, 2015, p. 112). Hydropower in the
Figure 2: hydropower projects in the Darjeeling district. Planned location for TLDP 1&2 combined, Teesta Intermediate Stage, and TLDP V unknown. Partly derived from http://sandrp.in/basin_maps/Teesta%20150411.jpg, October 12, 2015.
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Darjeeling district was initially sought after to replace the absence of coal and oil (Chattarjee, 1979, p. 74). Currently, hydropower projects by the NHPC and NTPC on the river Teesta and Rammam are in various stages of completion.
2. Theoretical framework
To fully understand the scope of this research, it is important to understand the theoretical positioning and conceptualization of the main concepts addressed in the research question and sub-questions. Sections 2.1.1 and 2.1.2 deal with how this research was approached from an anti-political and social capital perspective. Subsequently, the main concepts „civil society actors‟, „resistance‟, „hydropower projects‟ and „NGOs‟ are conceptualized.
2.1 Theoretical positioning
2.1.1 Anti-politicality
This research was approached from theory on the anti-politics of development, which is nested in Foucault‟s governmental thinking. A fundamental claim by the anti-politics
framework is that economy and society is presented as “lying within the control of a neutral, unitary and effective national government, and thus almost perfectly responsive to the blueprints of planners (Ferguson & Lohmann, 1994, p. 178). In practical terms, this means that development agencies are concerned about the political context in which they operate, but are much less concerned with the politics itself (Hout, 2012, p. 407). In other words, development is regarded as a primarily technical issue which can be solved through rational planning and implementing development programs.
In doing so, politics is largely left out of the picture, and seen as a contextual factor rather than primary concern. I will explain this by drawing on Newhouse‟s (2011) paper on the anti-politics impacts that the Fair Trade movement has. She explains that,
“depoliticized stories of poor but talented producers serve the purpose of enrolling
Northerners in the responsibilities of conscientious consumerism. The system may thus partially de-fetishize commodities (Varul, 2008), but it nevertheless depoliticizes trade relationships, precluding consumers from asking further questions about structural conditions of marginality. Politicizing and historicizing the poverty experienced by Southern producers, by contrast, might invoke responsibility for change at different levels and demand social actions in forms other than market exchange” (Newhouse, 2011, p. 104).
This example is illustrative for the mode in which anti-politics takes place. In the case of Fair Trade, development is regarded as a problem that can be solved through buying products from „developing‟ countries, without asking the political questions as to what the structural causes are of their underdeveloped status.
Interestingly, the anti-politics framework can also be applied to water conflict in the Indian context. Through the processes of technicalization, naturalization, and
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placed in a non-political context (Joy et al., 2014, p. 960). This makes that “underlying valuations of water resources and priorities for allocation become implicit, while the
processes and mechanisms of water appropriation and allocation appear as inevitable” (Ibid, p. 968). It is this theoretical background that makes it interesting to examine why local NGOs do or do not resist hydropower in Darjeeling, or, more specifically, how this makes sense from an anti-political perspective. In other words, the anti-politicality perspective helps understand how the engagement, or non-engagement, of NGOs with politics explains the silence surrounding hydropower projects, and how this can explain NGOs role as civil society actors.
2.1.2 Social capital
Also, hydropower resistance was approached from a social capital lens. As Woolcock (2001 in Sheingold et al., 2013) explains, “communities that possess a large amount of social capital are in a stronger position to confront vulnerability, crisis, resolve conflict and pursue new opportunities” (p. 791). Putnam (1995) explains that social capital, and the networks in which social capital exists, “facilitate coordination and communication, amplify reputations, and thus allow dilemmas of collective action to be resolved” (p. 66). Social capital, thus, is seen as an important factor that explains the capability of local communities to confront and resolve hydropower conflicts. For the purpose of this research, the aspect of Woolcock‟s (2001, in Sheingold & Sheingold, 2013) „communities‟ that is examined are NGOs.
In this perspective, social capital refers to structural, relational, and cognitive capital as explained by Nahapiet and Ghoshal (1998, pp. 223-224). Structural capital refers to the pattern of connections between two actors (Ibid, p. 223). This can be explained as the actor to whom an NGO is accountable, but also why an NGO is accountable to that actor. In this, structural capital inherently explains the existence of an NGO. Relational capital entails the sort of personal relationships people have developed with each other through a history of interactions (Granovetter, 1992 in Nahapiet & Ghoshal, 1998, p. 223). This is distinct from structural capital, since no hierarchy of relations is implied. However, one can imagine that structural and relational capital overlap, and thus cannot be seen as entirely separate
categories. In relational capital, the voluntary connections that NGOs have with other actors takes central stage: do they operate as individual islands, or are they networked? In this, it is also important what other organizations they have interactions with. Last, cognitive capital describes “those resources providing shared representations, interpretations, and systems of meaning among parties (Cicourel, 1973 in Nahapiet & Ghoshal, 1998, p. 223). This particular aspect of social capital can be very pertinent in the Darjeeling region, as a political agitation for a separate statehood has been ongoing for decades (Ganguly, 2005). Also, people in the Darjeeling region speak Nepali, whereas the rest of West-Bengal speaks Bengali (Chettri, 2013, p. 298) (see also section 1.2).
2.2 Main concepts
Having explained that the research was approached from a social capital and anti-political perspective, the conceptualization of the main concepts are now provided. First, „civil society‟ is elaborated upon, followed by a conceptualization of „resistance‟, „hydropower projects‟, and „NGOs‟.
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2.2.1 Civil society
Examining the literature on civil society, it becomes clear that the meaning of this notion differs in the context in which it is being used. First, it is important to understand that the meaning of civil society has changed; both over time and geographically. A „Western‟ notion of civil society is, thus, not unquestionably applicable to a „developing‟ country. For
example, a widely accepted definition conceptualizes civil society as focusing on “non-profit organizations (NPOs), regarding organizations as the core expression of the civil society phenomenon. To qualify as a NPO, an association has to be organized, private, non-profit distributing, self-governing and voluntary” (Salamon et al., 1999, pp. 3-4). However, the traveling capacity of such conceptualizations is questionable since it is very much rooted in Western philosophy and socio-political history (e.g. Heinrich, 2005; Laine, 2014; Cox, 1999), and thus very possibly not applicable to civil society in India.
It is for this reason that it is necessary to turn to Indian literature to conceptualize civil society according to ground realities. What is important to understand, however, is that the Western notion of civil society has influenced Indian debates on what constitutes civil society through imperialism and global capitalism (Conrad & Randeria, 2002 in Randeria, 2006, p. 4), and should therefore not be seen as having developed completely separately. One perspective on Indian civil society is that civil society should be “rooted in [pre-colonial] diversity yet coherent and holding together” (Kothari, 1991 in Randeria, 2006, p. 12). This views has been critiqued for romanticizing a return to tradition, overlooking “inequalities, hierarchies and denial of individual freedom in these pre-modern traditions” (Gupta, 1999 in Randeria, 2006, p. 12). Thus, this view holds that civil society consists only of those
organizations that draw upon Indian traditions which do not stem for Western thoughts. For Indian sociologists Béteille, however, civil societies “are understood as
comprising truly autonomous bodies be they of modern colonial origin” (Béteille, 1996 in Randeria, 2006, p. 13). In his view, civil society should be conceptualized in such a way that it only consists of those organizations that are not “built out of primordial ties of caste, kinship and religion as these have formed the basis of hierarchical social integration in the past” (Randeria, 2006, p. 13). For the purpose of this research, civil society is conceptualized based on such a perspective. Civil society is not here to draw only on tradition, but rather to constitute a community of citizens “bound by the ethics of freedom and not by the
particularities of tradition or by the calculus of market interests” (Randeria, 2006, p. 14). It is in such thinking, that civil society is conceptualized according to Béteille. Civil society entails,
“those rational bureaucratic institutions which are compatible with individual freedom, equality, citizenship, deliberative procedures of decision making, autonomy and the freedom of entry and exit” (Gupta, 1999 in Randeria, 2006, p. 14).
The fact that civil society is such a contested concept, makes it inherently difficult to grasp what its structure and intentions are. This connection is addressed by Kaplan (1964, in Heinrich, 2005), who explains that “proper concepts are needed to formulate a good theory, but we need a good theory to arrive at the proper concepts” (p. 218). However contested the
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concept is, it is important to have a consistent conceptualization for this study. For the purpose of this research, civil society‟s functioning will be understood as “the crucial battleground for recovering citizen control of public life” (Cox, 1999, p. 27). This
conceptualization relates to a Tocquevillian idea of civil society as being “a counterbalance which helped to keep the state accountable and effective” (Lewis, 2002, p. 571). Perhaps such a conceptualization, relating to Tocquevillian ideas on civil society seems contradictory, as it has been indicated earlier that one must be careful in applying a western notion of civil society to a non-western situation. However, several studies (e.g. Omvedt, 1994; Berglund, 2009) indicate the importance in Indian history of civil society organizations challenging and holding the state accountable, leading to, for example, the state of emergency in 1975
(explained in section 8.2.1). Further, and in contrast to Tocqueville, Béteille does not view civil society organizations as integral to a democratic constitutional state” (Gupta, 1997, p. 306). Instead, he sees civil society as “bulwarks against the state that would amass excessive power” (Ibid, p. 306). It is for these reasons that civil society‟s functioning will be understood as “the crucial battleground for recovering citizen control of public life” (Lewis, 2002, p. 571). A key aspect of such conceptualization is the role of civil society to engage in the public sphere and question and counter controversial ventures of both the state and market based organizations. This can be contrasted to, for example, a Hegelian view on civil society that understands the state to be necessary in order to balance and order civil society, as it would otherwise become self-interested and would not contribute to the common good (Ibid, p. 750).
2.2.2 Resistance
Further, resistance is a notion much debated among scholars. In a conceptual analysis of resistance, Hollander and Einwohner (2004) argue that recognition and intent are at the heart of the conceptual disagreement; it is along those two core elements that the understanding of resistance differs (p. 547). They further make a distinction between recognition by the target (the focus of the resistance) and the observers (everything but the focus) (see table one).
For the purpose of this research, the understanding of local resistance has been limited to those NGOs that intend to resist, whether this is recognized by the target and the observer or not. Following the logic of Hollander and Einwohner (2004) this entails overt resistance, covert resistance, missed resistance and attempted resistance. Overt resistance is perhaps the
Table 1: Different types of resistance.
Derived from Hollander, J. A. & Einwohner, R. L. (2004). Conceptualizing Resistance.
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most widely recognized act of resistance, with examples of organizations such as Greenpeace or women‟s resistance against domestic work (Healey, 1999). In contrast, covert resistance is intentional as well, but go unnoticed by the target group (Hollander & Einwohner, 2004, p. 545). The last two groups are missed and attempted resistance: missed resistance can take place in settings known to the organization and the target but go unnoticed to the public, whereas attempted resistance goes unnoticed by both the target and the observers (Ibid, p. 546). It is these four types of resistance that has been focused on during this research.
Correspondingly, for the organizations that do not longer resist hydropower, their
intention not to resist anymore is of primary interest in the light of this research. Thus, in this
category fall: unwitted resistance, target-defined resistance, externally-defined resistance, and finally not resistance (Hollander & Einwohner, 2004) (see table one).
Furthermore, it was important to not only look at the content of resistance, but also the context in which it took place. Against the theoretical background of social capital and anti-politicality, it is crucial to understand how resistance takes place, and also how it can take place. First, according to Foucault, resistance takes place within the ruling discourse, which implies that resistance is still within the dominant system. In this thinking, „out of the box‟ resistance is more or less impossible (e.g. Jameson; Habermas; Hartsock in Muckelbauer, 2000, p. 71). It is for this reason that he is often accused of “presenting power as something so ubiquitous and overwhelming that all resistance becomes pointless” (Picket, 1996, p. 461). However, as Pickett argues, Foucault‟s thoughts on resistance also leave room for resistance outside the system, implying that resistance does in fact hold possibilities of changing practices that can be labeled intolerable (Pickett, 1996, p. 462). „The system‟ in this sense, refers to the practices the commodification of nature as a way to accommodate sustainable economic growth (see also section one).
For the purpose of this research, the presence or absence of both types of resistance were examined; the first accepting the dominant discourse and abiding to the ruling
principles, and the second being outside the ruling discourse, opening space for changing the practices that are, according to NGOs, intolerable. Conceptualizing the context of resistance in such a way opens up space to examine the theories of social capital and anti-politicality.
2.2.3 Hydropower projects
On a more practical level, the focus on the kind of hydropower is important to explain. In conceptualizing hydropower, one notes that the definition of the types of hydropower differs substantially. The European Union, for instance, makes a difference between micro, small and large hydropower schemes: micro covers all projects with a capacity up to 1 megawatt (MW), small hydropower below 10 MW, and large hydropower schemes have a capacity of 10 MW or more (Yuksel, 2010, p. 114). India‟s neighboring country Nepal, instead, divides hydropower plants in four categories: micro, small, medium and large, with a respective capacity of up to 100 KW, 101 KW to 10 MW, 10 MW to 35 MW and a capacity greater than 35 MW (Agrawala et al., 2003, p. 34). China‟s hydropower conceptualization is much more inclusive for small hydropower, which has a threshold of everything up to 50 MW. Large
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hydropower schemes is considered everything above 50 MW (Kibler & Thullos, 2013, p. 3105).
Instead, the Indian government‟s Ministry of New and Renewable Energy
conceptualizes hydropower as follows: micro-hydropower hydro is everything up to 100 KW, mini hydro 101 to 2000 and small hydro 2001 to 25000 KW (Indian Ministry of New and Renewable Energy, 2015). All hydropower plants that generate more than 25000 KW (or 25 MW) is considered large hydro and does not fall under the Ministry of New and Renewable Energy mandate, but under that of Indian Ministry of Power (Indian Ministry of New and Renewable Energy, 2015). These different examples illustrate the variety of
conceptualizations by different countries and unions, which very much illustrates the absence of an internationally agreed upon definition. For the purpose of this research, the
conceptualization by Indian law was upheld (summarized in table two), with a focus on large hydropower sites: projects of 25 MW and above.
Table 2: conceptualization of hydropower.
Partially derived from http://mnre.gov.in/schemes/grid-connected/small-hydro/, June 3, 2015.
Class Station Capacity in KW
Micro Hydro Up to 100
Mini Hydro 101 to 2000
Small Hydro 2001 to 25000
Large Hydro 25001 and above
2.2.4 Non-governmental organizations
Despite it being generally accepted that since the Cold War the role of NGOs has expanded (Kelly, 2007, p. 81), conceptual clarity is yet to be reached (Sama, 2009, p. 2). The term „non-governmental‟ is historically associated to development organizations, whereas for-profit organizations subscribe to that term in a similar way. Coining those organizations non-profit, then, is similarly troubling, as organizations such as Fair Trade are deeply involved in business, and even compete with private organizations (Sama, 2009, p. 7). For the purpose of this research, NGOs will be conceptualized as being,
“organizations that are private, not responsible to the government but operating under state laws, having charity as their objective, working on a non-profit-seeking basis, as well as working in development-oriented activities” (Sama, 2009, p. 6).
Important to highlight in this conceptualization is the aspect of „not responsible to the
government‟. In the Darjeeling district, a few organizations run government programs as part of their work. In some cases this concerns foreign government programs, and in some cases projects funded by the Indian government. In that sense, one can argue these NGOs are responsible to the government. However, this concerns only a part of their work, and not the NGOs‟ entire functioning (this is explained in section eight). It is for this reason that the concerning NGOs were not excluded from this research.
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Such conceptualization is still rather broad, and will be narrowed down using Singh‟s (no date) explanation of different NGOs that emerged in Indian society over time. First, the traditional development NGOs; those NGOs that went into a village and ran a program (e.g. literacy) (Singh, no date, p. 2). Second, NGOs that went in depth on one particular subject. Then, they lobby within the government or a certain industry for improvement in the lives of citizens (Ibid, p. 2). Last, There are the NGOs that can be coined very much as activists (even though to a certain extent all NGOs can be considered activists), “they petitioned the
bureaucrats, they alerted the media whenever they found something wrong, and so on” (Ibid, p. 2). For the purpose of this research, all three types of NGOs will be examined (as to the extent that there is a clear boundary between them) to examine the NGOs that are active in, or have been active in, resistance against hydropower projects in Darjeeling.
3. Conceptual Scheme
To gain a better understanding of the focus of this research, the main concepts and contextual factors were visualized in figure three. What this illustrates, is that hydropower projects are an outcome of the adoption of eco-governmental ideas that sustainability is compatible with economic growth, and that this can be reached through the commodification of nature. The commodification of nature refers to the claim that nature is presented as being “produced for sale on the market” (Polanyi, 1944, p. 71) (see also section one). In essence, the rivers of the Darjeeling district are commoditized to reach, following the logic of the eco-governmental paradigm, targets of economic growth in a sustainable manner. Practically, figure three explains this led to the implementation of hydropower development projects in Darjeeling. This is taking place against a background of the politically lingering Gorkhaland movement, and an overall economic backwardness of the region (see section 1.2).
The main focus of this research is the response from local NGOs to these hydropower projects. Sections seven and eight deal with how local NGOs concerned with environmental issues operate, and how they perceive the implementation of hydropower projects. How this accounts for resistance, or non-resistance, will be addressed in sections eight, nine, and ten. Central in this analysis was how the response of local NGOs to hydropower projects can be viewed in the light of their civil society function (see section one). This is addressed partly in section ten, and partly in the theoretical discussion (section eleven). The „anti-politicality‟ and „social capital‟ blocks illustrate that the entire research was approached from these theoretical perspectives.
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Figure 3: Conceptual scheme
4. Operationalization of main concepts
Based on the conceptual scheme (section three) and conceptualization of the major concepts (section two), „local NGOs‟, „resistance‟ and „hydropower projects‟ were operationalized to make the concepts tangible. The concept „civil society‟ has been purposely left out of the scheme, as the empirical research focused on NGOs, hydropower and resistance, whereas the link to civil society was researched at a theoretical level.
Table 3: operationalization of concepts ‘Non-Governmental Organizations’ and ‘Resistance’.
Concept
Dimensions
Variables
Indicators
Local Non-Governmental Organization 1. Traditional development NGO
1.1 Programs -What kind of programs is the NGO running?
-What programs are they planning on doing? -What are the day to day activities of the NGO? -What contact do they have with other NGOs? -What is the main goal of the NGO?
-How do they plan to 1.2 Daily activities
14 achieve this? 2. Researching and lobbying NGO 2.1Research activities
-What does the NGO do research on?
-What lobby activities does the NGO participate in?
-With whom are they lobbying?
-What place does research and lobbying take in their overall program?
-What are the daily activities at the NGO? -What is the main goal of the NGO?
-How do they plan to achieve goal?
2.2 Lobby activities 2.3 Daily activities of NGO
2.4 Goal of the NGO
3.”Activist” type of NGO
3.1 Type of activism -What type of activism do they use to reach their goals?
-Against whom is the activism aimed?
-What place does activism take in their overall program?
-What are the daily activities of the NGO? -What is the main goal of the NGO?
-How do they plan to achieve their goal? 3.2 Daily activities
3.3 Goal of NGO
Resistance 1.Resisting hydropower
1.1Social reasons (dis)satisfaction with: -housing security of involved communities - civil rights of involved communities - physical security of involved communities 1.2Environmental reasons (dis)satisfaction with: - Impact on the environment -Neglect of alternative
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hydropower dam building 1.3Economic reasons (dis)satisfaction with:
- financial outcomes of built hydropower projects - financial outcomes for local community
- hydropower projects stopped from building 2. No longer resisting hydropower 2.1Futility of resistance (dis)satisfaction with: -booked progress of resisting hydropower sites 2.2Change in
thoughts on hydropower
- Insights in benefits of hydropower
- Insights the necessity of hydropower
2.3Other issues to focus on
- Appearance of more important issues 2.4Personal reasons (dis)satisfaction with:
- Physical safety in resisting hydropower. - Financial security in resisting hydropower - Mental health in resisting hydropower (e.g. too sensitive, too much pressure)
The concept „hydropower projects‟ is operationalized in table four.
Table 4: Operationalization of concept ‘Hydropower Projects’.
Concept
Dimensions
Variables
Indicators
Hydropower Projects 1. Amount of estimated KW potential 1.1 Micro projects
How much KW potential does the project have? 1.2 Mini
projects
How much KW potential does the project have? 1.3 Small
projects
How much KW potential does the project have? 1.4 Large
projects
How much KW potential does the project have?
5. Research methodologies
In doing fieldwork and research in an unfamiliar place, the fact that I am not from the area, makes me fall prone to what Joshi (2015) describes as “therefore likely lacking a certain
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intimate, familiarity and [situated] attachment with the socio-political history of the region” (p. 112). To become more aware of the socio, cultural, and political specificities of the region I spent two weeks in Darjeeling talking to different individuals to get a sense of what issues are playing in the region, and how this can be placed in the historical context. Even though two weeks of participant observation clearly will not make me as familiar to a place as a local, it did gave me a lay of the land which I believe to have been useful for my fieldwork. The research itself has been carried out based on the research methodologies and ethical positioning explained in section 5.1 to 5.5. Informed by the research question and coherent operationalization, I now elaborate on the methodological position and research methods that are used for this research. Last, I explain my ethical positioning, with help from
considerations I had to make during fieldwork. 5.1 Ontology and epistemology
From the explanation of the research in sections one to four, it becomes clear that this research can be considered a case study of NGOs‟ functioning in the Darjeeling district. A case study is explained by Cohen et al. (2011) to be aimed at portraying, analyzing, and interpreting the uniqueness of a situation, catching the complexity and situatedness, and give a “sense of being there” (p. 129). Specifically with regard to the emphasis on the uniqueness of a particular case in a certain context, DeMarrais and Lapan (2004) explain this helps producing in depth description in a relatively short period of time (p. 218). On an ontological level, then, this research has not aimed to understand „the truth‟ about NGOs‟ involvement in hydropower, but rather to understand why, in this specific context, hydropower resistance is nearly absent. Such an approach is very much nested in an ontological belief that „reality‟ is local and the outcomes of specific constructed realities (Guba & Lincoln, 1994, p. 109). Viewpoints and arguments, then, are not more or less „true‟ in an absolute sense, “but simply more or less informed and/or sophisticated” (Ibid, p. 111). It is exactly this ontological belief that makes it possible to understand the complexity of a situation, rather than narrowing it down to certain indicators. As Creswell (2003) explains, this means “relying as much as possible on the participants‟ views of the situation being studied” (p. 8).
Logically, the epistemological position of a relativist ontology is subjectivist and transactional. Research can only be done when the researcher and the „researched‟ are linked. Because of the open-endedness and situatedness of the research questions, the research is created as it proceeds (Guba & Lincoln, 1994, p. 109). Even though this epistemological position is very much related to critical theory, critical theory differs in that its ontological beliefs are nested in historical realism (the belief that there was once an apprehendable reality, for more information see Guba & Lincoln, 1994, pp. 105-117). It is in the light of this research that a constructivist perspective helped understand the value different NGOs give to hydropower, as well as it helped understanding the social, political and economic context in which this is taking place.
5.2 Methodology and methods
As section 5.1 explained, the unique and specific situation in which hydropower development takes place in Darjeeling is evident. For this research, and coherent with the research question and sub-question stated in section one, qualitative data collection methods have been
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employed, complemented with quantitative data. In doing so, triangulation enhanced the reliability of the data (Jick, 1979, p. 602), and was therefore advantageous for this research as a whole.
1. First, interviews were carried out to understand how NGOs operate, what issues they focus on, whether or not they have been involved in hydropower, etc. To get a lay of the ground of the civil society movements, unstructured interviews were carried out. In these interviews, key stakeholders talked freely about the issues they think are important. Subsequently, in-depth, semi-structured interviews were carried out based on the topics that came up in the first round of interviews. The question as to how many interviews were necessary to conduct this research properly is based on saturation; the point at which the „cases‟ [respondents] interviewed “will provide very little new or surprising information” (Small, 2009, p. 25). This has been further explained in section 5.4.
2. Also, non-participatory observation were done at several moments during fieldwork, to get a better contextual understanding of how hydropower
contestation takes place. Specifically to understand on what basis the resistance of the Lepcha community took place, I have attended two cultural seminars.
3. Further, internal and external text documents were examined in order to understand the reasons for (non-) resistance. Internal text documents concern primarily policy documents by NGOs, contact with policy makers and different Indian Ministries. External documents concern primarily media reports on civil society resistance (e.g. Darjeeling Chronicle, Darjeeling Times).
4. Given the importance of contextual understanding, in depth interviews are the primary source of data. However, to verify statements made about the Lepcha community and their experiences of hydropower development in both Darjeeling and Sikkim, quantitative field data by Teoh (Unpublished) is used to understand the differences in concerns about hydropower inside and outside the land to which they have cultural ties.
Even though the research methods have been displayed as separate sections, this is not a chronological order of how I carried out my research. In the field there has been overlap of different methods. Further, what I hope to display here are the different methods used, and the way in which they complement each other in order to provide the most valid research data. I do not claim that this is the only way to go about this research, but I do believe these research methods to be consistent with the focus of this research and the ontological and epistemological positioning.
5.3 Unit of analysis
The units of analysis is very much in line with the conceptualization of NGOs in section 2.2.4. As explained there, traditional development NGOs fall under the conceptualization, as well as NGOs researching and lobbying against hydropower (or those that have before), and the NGOs focused primarily on activism. As further specified in the research question, this concerns only the NGOs active on a local level in the Darjeeling region. Also, after having done a number of interviews with NGOs, it became evident that it would be interesting to
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also incorporate the view of local politicians on hydropower and the decision-making process (see sub-question three in section one). Therefore, interviews were carried out with local GTA representatives, policy makers, and politicians to understand how local politicians are part of the decision-making process.
5.4 Data analysis
The data gathered from the interviews, observations, and policy documents have been segmented and reassembled to look for patterns, explanations, and relationships (Boeije, 2010, p. 76). This was done through the qualitative data analysis program ATLAS.ti. Analyzing the data happened on the basis of constant comparison; every time new data was collected there I reflected on the categories and the relationship between them (Boeije, 2010, p. 83). This was useful for the collected data, but also as a reflection on the conceptualization of the main concepts; to make sure they are in line with ground realities.
The analysis in ATLAS.ti itself primarily focused on coding the data to find the earlier mentioned patterns, explanations, and relationships. To do so, I have followed the qualitative research process as explained by Boeije (2010). In short, this consists of three stages. First, open coding, which generates a list of fragments and basically summarizes the data. In this stage no selection is made whatsoever in the fragments (Ibid, p. 107). Second, axial coding helped to connect different categories and subcategories, and helps to distinct the different fragments that are found in the first stage, as well as it allowed to indicate
relationships between the categories (Ibid, p. 114). Last, selective coding helped to reassemble that data, and identify the core categories of the gathered data. Boeije (2010) indicates that this last stage is also the end phase of the research, after which conclusion can be drawn (p. 118).
For the quantitative analysis, the program SPSS was used to analyze the surveys. The survey contained the two variables „opinion of hydropower inside Dzongu‟ and „opinion of hydropower outside Dzongu‟, which were set-up in a five point Likert-scale (strongly support to strongly oppose). Using and independent sample T-test, the means of the two variables were compared to assess whether or not there is a significant different in the opinion of Darjeeling Lepchas about hydropower projects planned inside Dzongu and outside Dzongu, and, if so, what the difference is.
5.5 Case study selection
My thesis supervisor brought me in contact with civil society actors. She knew organizations that are, and have been, active in hydropower contestation in Darjeeling. Once I made contact with those „gatekeepers‟, they provided me with other contacts and so my pool of possible respondents expanded (snow ball sampling). I will shortly explain the considerations that have been made in order to choose for snowballing as the way in which the respondents were selected. Snowball sampling is a non-random method of sampling that makes it convenient to identify an easily accessible number of actors that know each other; snowball sampling thus easily falls prone to selection bias (Sedgwick, 2013, p. 1). However, Small (2009) explains that this is not necessarily a problem, as qualitative research should not be measured by conducts of classical statistics (p. 14), such as representativeness.
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Instead, qualitative approaches can be applied in such a way, that through saturation the aims of the research can also be reached (Ibid, p. 28). Saturation refers to the point as to which „cases‟, or respondents, interviewed “will provide very little new or surprising information” (Ibid, p. 25). It is for this reason that instead of speaking of sampling (which implies representativeness), this research has mostly conducted on the basis of multiple-case studies, suitable for qualitative research.
This does not account, however, to the quantitative part of the analysis. The surveys have been collected from people living in Darjeeling, but only from those who originally belong to the Lepcha community. To make the survey data as representative as possible for the
Darjeeling Lepcha community, surveys were collected at two different cities, being
Darjeeling and Kalimpong. Further important is that generalization of the data only extends to people from the Lepcha community living in Darjeeling, and not of the Lepcha community living elsewhere.
5.6 Ethics
What is further important to explain more in detail is the ethical positioning that was taken during fieldwork. Bryman (2009) distinguishes two broad categories when it comes to ethics: universalism and situation ethics (pp. 133-134). Universalism entails that there are certain ethical principles that should never be broken, whatever the case or situation is (p. 133). In contrast, situation ethics holds that, under some circumstances, there is reason to break ethical rules since there is either “no choice but to dissemble on occasions” or that “the end justifies the means” (Bryman, 2009, p. 134).
This is very closely related to what Holden (1979) explains as being the ethical debate between consequentialism and deontology. Consequentialism, or utilitarianism, holds that the rightness or wrongness of an act can be judged by its outcomes (Ibid, p. 537). In this view, it would indeed be justifiable to break certain ethical rules. Such thinking is very much in line with situation ethics. In contrast, a deontological approach to ethics is that deception of research (breaking of ethical rules) is in no case justifiable, no matter what the benefits of the research are (Ibid, p. 538). This perspective on ethics is in line with a universalistic view on ethics. During my research I followed a deontological perspective on ethics, which means I informed my respondents about the purpose of my research, and also the way in which I planned to use the information they provided me with. In this, I made sure to hold on to the principles of informed consent, and used the respondents‟ information anonymously if they wished so. A practical example of how I applied the deontological approach to ethics is that I received peculiar information highly relevant for my research. Despite it being on the record, the respondent asked me to keep that specific part off the record. Even though this potentially negatively affects the research findings, from a deontological perspective it is unethical to still use this data, and thus I did not.
6. Introduction to empirical chapters
Section one to five explained how this research was approached. Chapters seven to ten each answer one of the four sub-questions (for research questions, see section one). The chapters
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are organized in such a manner that each chapter builds on what has been explained in the previous one. Chapter seven examines how NGOs have been historically involved in resistance against hydropower, followed by a chapter on the operational structure of NGOs concerned with environmental issues. Then, chapter nine deals with how local politicians in Darjeeling are part of the decision-making process of hydropower dams. Chapter ten
concludes the empirical chapters; it relates the role of NGOs in hydropower resistance to their expected role as civil society actors. Every empirical chapters is concluded by a summary of the main findings, specifically answering the respective sub-question.
Then, the findings of the empirical chapters are linked to the theoretical discussion on the functioning of civil society in chapter eleven. This chapters deals both with the relation between NGOs and civil society, and inherently addresses how NGOs‟ behavior explains the functioning of democracy in the Darjeeling district. The main findings are subsequently stated in the conclusion, in combination with the recommendations of this research.
7. Which NGOs have historically been involved in resistance against
hydropower?
In the Darjeeling district, different NGOs were involved in hydropower resistance in different ways. This section functions to get a „lay of the ground‟ of involvement of NGOs in
hydropower resistance. In other words, what hydropower projects did NGOs focus on in their resistance? How did they resist hydropower projects? For what reasons did they resist
hydropower projects? In doing so, this chapter lays the basis for the other empirical chapters. The answer to this question is based on interviews, secondary data, and reports from NGOs. 7.1 Focus and type of hydropower resistance
As explained in figure two (section 1.2) several hydropower projects exist, are being
constructed, or are proposed to be constructed in the Darjeeling district. The Teesta Low Dam Project III and IV were handed over to NHPC in the early 2000s, after which the construction of the dam soon started (Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy, 2013). Other dams have either been constructed long before (e.g. Jaldhaka Stage I & II), or construction on the ground has not yet started (e.g. TLDP V, Teesta Intermediate Stage). All NGOs interviewed
indicated they channeled their resistance against TLDP III and IV. The years in which they resisted vary from the early 2000s to 2009, and one NGO is still involved in resistance against both TLDP III and TLDP IV. All other NGOs indicated to not be involved in resistance against hydropower projects anymore.
In their resistance, the NGOs have taken on different strategies to try to change the implementation process of hydropower projects. First, several NGOs have taken their
concerns to government departments at different levels. NGOs indicate that the national level government is the body they feel is necessary to write to, as they have the most possibilities to reconsider the hydropower development projects, as one respondent puts it, “on a national level we are trying to work it out. Until and unless you influence the policymakers it won‟t work” (Field data, 2015). This is a sentiment echoed by others, “the power is controlled by either the state government or national government” (Field data, 2015). The ways in which
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this happens is by writing letters or sending e-mails to the national government, specifically the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoEF), as they give environmental clearance for
hydropower projects.
Others have tried talking to local government and politicians, asking them to try and change the course in which hydropower projects are implemented. A respondent indicates, “then we started leveraging local politicians of the DGHC [Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council], where we were giving them these critical feedbacks about the project and saying „you need to leverage and push for things‟” (Field data, 2015). Another NGO indicated the dependability on the goodwill of politicians to push this agenda by saying that “you try and present it to your political leaders, our political leaders. If they don‟t want to take it up, there‟s stumbling block one.. after that the bureaucracy will go with the politicians. That‟s the way it is” (Field data, 2015). Therefore, most NGOs that indicated having tried to influence the policy makers explain to have done so on either state or national level, since they have the means to change the way in which hydropower development projects are implemented.
The second main type of resistance that several NGOs have indicated to have been involved in, are protests. These protests took place at the construction site of TLDP III and IV. Some NGOs worked together, and also tried to mobilize local people. Other NGOs organized a protest independently with help from local people. These protests were aimed directly at NHPC, and contact between NHPC‟s engineers and protesters took place. A few NGOs cooperating tried to take the issue to a different level by coordinating resistance with international organizations. Around 2003, the South Asia Network on Dams, River and People (SANDRP) got involved together with Delhi based organization Kalpavriksha in resistance against TLDP III, urging NHPC to follow relevant environmental rules properly. At the same time, SANDRP and Kalpavriksha tried to share their experiences and expertise on hydropower with local NGOs. In this process, the „placeless activists‟ likely lacking a certain intimate familiarity with the region (Joshi, 2015, p. 112) is very much what applies here. The combined efforts of resistance by local and international NGOs got reported about by national newspapers (e.g. The Economic Times), but ultimately no changes in the
construction process could be stipulated for, resulting in the completion of the project in 2013.
The third way in which NGOs have been involved in hydropower resistance, is through filing legal cases at India‟s National Green Tribunal (NGT). Only one NGO has chosen to take this path, after having tried to resist together with other NGOs and local people. The reason why no other organizations have decided to resist hydropower via a legal process, is discussed in section eight.
In the context of NGOs‟ involvement in hydropower resistance in the Darjeeling district, it is essential to understand that for the biggest part, traditional development NGOs are active in Darjeeling, and therefore also constitute the majority of the respondents. Being much less in number, researching and lobbying NGOs, and „activist‟ type of NGOs were also interviewed (for conceptualization of NGOs, see section 2.2.4 and table 3). However, the collected data does not provide a clear distinction of NGOs‟ involvement in hydropower
