Entering the Bronze Age

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Author: Marit van den Hof

Student nr: 0951315

Subject: MA thesis prehistory of north-western Europe

Supervisor: Prof. dr. H. Fokkens

University of Leiden, Faculty of Archaeology

Amersfoort, 11th June 2015

Final version

Entering the Bronze Age

The functional placement and cultural value of entrances

during the Middle Bronze Age in the Netherlands

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1. Problem orientation and research structure

At the address of Oosterblokker 137, located in the area known as West-Frisia, a farmhouse is found of the ‘stolp’-type, see figure 1.1. The front door of this house does not have a mail slot, not a path leading towards it, or even a door handle. The entrance, known as a ‘death’-door, has a special cultural significance and was only used for weddings and funerals. Ever since the house has been built in 1836, the door has only been used twice. In both cases it was used by a bride stepping out of her parental home into a new life with her new husband. Since the house has had two different owners over time it has never been used for a funeral. If it had been, the casket would be carried out this front door symbolising the transition into the spirit world. Inside of the house the ‘death’-door is found in a special front room of the house. This room has no windows or a fireplace and is not used to live in, but rather to store valuable possessions (Nobel and Broekhuizen-Slot 2009, 26-29).

The previous example shows how an entrance can have a cultural significance. Differences between the significance of an entrance can be found between regions. These differences could have also been present in the past. Using ethnographic examples I am going to analyse the cultural significance of entrances in opposition to their functional aspects. The Bronze Age will be studied in order to determine whether these differences were also present in the past. The Bronze Age is a suitable period for this research since it knows regional variability and the farmhouses are clearly visible. The entrance to a house has an important symbolical or mythological meaning in a great number of cultures around the world. This meaning is determined by culture, this is shaped through action which in turn is shaped through culture. For example, these actions are by whom the entrance is used and how the entrance is placed in relation to the house. This means that culture determines its placement and use, but its placement and use in turn also shape culture. When an entrance is placed in a different way depending on the region in which it is found, it may therefore indicate a different use and symbolic meaning. In order to recognize the meaning of an entrance in past cultures, it must first be established whether the placing of an entrance was due to cultural standards or for functional reasons. The aim of this research is therefore to search for functional differences and cultural values in the placement of an entrance

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using ethnographic examples, and determine whether these differences were also present during the Middle Bronze Age in the Netherlands. To do this, a decision model will be made in which criteria are stored that will be used to recognize a functional or cultural placement of an entrance. The research focuses on the Netherlands and directly adjoining regions because of the large number of Bronze Age houses available and the variability of these houses. In the following part of this chapter I will discuss how the research is set up.

Figure 1.1 A front view of the ‘stolp’-farmhouse found at Oosterblokker 137 in West-Frisia (Google street view, photo from June 2009; www.google.nl/maps).

The next chapter, chapter 2, will discuss the placement of an entrance relating to functional reasons by using ethnographic examples. Functional reasons for placing the entrance may be related to external factors such as the geographical location of the house or the surrounding landscape. They may also be related to factors relating to the construction of the house, such as the building material used or the size and shape of the house.

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Ethnographic examples will also be used in chapter 3 to study how the placement of an entrance may have had cultural significance. This will be used to create a number of criteria by which a cultural meaning of an entrance may be recognized in Bronze Age houses.

Chapter 2 and chapter 3 establish a number of criteria by which the cultural and functional placement of an entrance may be recognised. To interpret the houses it is important to analyse how the entrances of Bronze Age houses can be identified on an excavation map. The indicating elements for this will be discussed using theoretical research in chapter 4 and through the results of the analysis of the Bronze Age houses discussed in chapter 5. Chapter 4 also discussed the method of the research for the Bronze Age houses and provides information on the geology of the study areas which is relevant for the interpretation of the results.

The possible differences in the placement of an entrance between Bronze Age houses from different areas in the Netherlands and its directly adjoining regions will be discussed in chapter 5. A large number of houses from different areas will be analysed and the surrounding landscape and geographical conditions of each of these areas will be discussed. The areas are: the north and the east of the Netherlands, which are Pleistocene sandy soils, the area of Westfrisia, which is shaped through marine tidal formation, and the middle and south of the Netherlands, which includes the river area formed through fluvial Holocene formation and some of the Pleistocene sandy soils. From each of these areas a number of excavations where Bronze Age houses were found will be selected. The research will be mainly focused on middle Bronze Age houses. In order to improve the argument however, whenever late Bronze Age houses are present in the same excavation, they will be added to the research as well. This might give insight into whether the placement of the entrance may have been due to functional reasons or that it could be related to culture. From each excavation a selection of houses will be made, depending on their visibility on the excavation map and the total number of houses present.

A discussion and conclusions based on the results of the previous chapters are given in chapter 6. Each study area is discussed separately followed by a comparative discussion

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at the end of this chapter. The conclusions of the research questions and the final conclusion concerning the research aim are given in chapter 7. A reflection on the research method can also be found in this final chapter.

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2. Functional reasons for the placement of an entrance

In order to recognize functional reasons for the placement of an entrance in Bronze Age houses it must first be established what these are. There are two types of factors that can create functional motivation for the appearance or the placement of en entrance, external factors relating to the geographical location of the house or relating to the surrounding landscape and factors relating to the building materials used or the size and shape of the house. External factors can create a functional need to place or shape the entrance in a certain way. The geographical location of the house is closely related to the need for water management in the Netherlands. How this is related to the shape and appearance of the entrance will be discussed in the following paragraph.

2.1 Water management and the entrance

Water management in the Netherlands may have played an important role in the functional placement of an entrance. The following part of the chapter will discuss rainwater management in historic farms in the Netherlands in order to understand the management of rainwater during the Bronze Age. To understand this, there are two factors that must be considered. Firstly, that the geographical location determines the level of water nuisance, which will be discussed first. Secondly, the characteristics of the house may influence the shape and placement of an entrance to minimise water

nuisance and damage.

The geographical location of a house can create functional reasons for the placement of an entrance and its appearance. In the Netherlands Bronze Age houses can be found on different types of sediments. There are two types of clay sediments found, one formed by fluvial deposits and the other a result of marine tidal formation. The higher North, East and South of the Netherlands were formed during the Pleistocene and consist of sandy sediment. Large areas with peat soils are also present (see 4.3 on the geography of the Netherlands during the Bronze Age). The height of the location and the sediment on which the house was built could have influenced the way in which rainwater was managed. This could in turn influence the placing and the appearance of an entrance. In order to discuss this for the Bronze Age a comparison will be made with historic houses and farms in the Netherlands.

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The way in which the rainwater is managed is not only related to the sediment-type and the height of the location but also differs depending on the type of house and the building material used to cover the roof. Before the thatched roof became banned in cities in the 16th_{century, due to its fire hazard, reed was one of the most common} building materials in the Netherlands (Stenvert and Van Tussenbroek 2007, 162). The use of a roof gutter was impossible for these types of roof, as the rainwater was too widely distributed. Since people were obligated by law to dispose of their rainwater by use of their own terrain, gutters on the ground would not be located on the front of the house (Stenvert and Van Tussenbroek 2007, 128). Gutters were located at ground level in small alleys in-between free-standing houses. These alleys were only used for this particular purpose and often too narrow to walk through. Due to this purpose, it would not have been sensible to place the entrance at the sides of the house. An entrance was often found at the front and often also at the back of the house (Stenvert and van Tussenbroek 2007, 128). Due to financial aids provided by the city, harder roof materials became in use from the beginning of the 14th_{century. The rainwater was less widely} distributed on these roofs which made the use of roof-gutters possible. New types of houses could be built and because of rainwater management through these roof-gutters (Stenvert and van Tussenbroek 2007, 128). Entrances were placed at all sides of these houses; rainwater falling off the roof would no longer be a nuisance.

Since the Bronze Age houses would not have had the harder roof materials available, the distribution of the rainwater would have been wide and roof-gutters could not have been used. To get more insight into rainwater management and its influence on the placement and appearance of an entrance during the Bronze Age a comparison will be made to farmhouses with thatched roofs from the lower areas in the Netherlands. Historic farms in the Netherlands would originally have thatched roofs, as it would have been very expensive to replace an entire roof all at once. In modern times, the thatched roof is more expensive to maintain and therefore an aesthetic choice rather than a functional one. Unlike in the cities where water would not easily sink into the ground, a farm located on the high sandy sediments would not have had much trouble with the managing of rainwater. The groundwater level here is deep and rainwater easily sinks into the loose sediment. In the lower areas of the Netherlands however, the high

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groundwater level and rainfall are a constant inconvenience to farmers. This would have been an inconvenience to Bronze Age farmers in these lower areas as well.

The management of rainwater is important to keep the farmyard and the house dry and to prevent damage to the walls of the farm due to the splatter of rain. Farms built in the lower areas of the Netherlands, often have a small band filled with pebbles surrounding the farmhouse. The oldest farmhouse in the town of Gouderak, located on fluvial sediments, has such a pebble-band (see figure 2.1). The farm has been built in 1648 and is listed as a protected monument by The Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands under monument number 17030 (monumentenregister.cultureelerfgoed.nl). There is an entrance located at the side of the house. It is slightly raised and a concrete tile is placed in front of the entrance, placed on top of the pebbles. The roof has not been modified at the site of the entrance, though under the roof a small cover has been placed. Another example is a 17th_{century farm located in the town of Polsbroek, located on a peat soil} (see figure 2.2). The house has several entrances, the main entrance is located at the front of the house and an entrance is also located on either side of the house. All the entrances are raised; the front entrance is raised significantly higher than the side entrances and is accessible by stairs. Pebbles are not only found in a small band around the house but also cover a large part of the farmyard. Another way in which the splatter of rainwater was reduced and how the farm and farmyard were kept dry was through the use of a gutter. Two farmhouses found in the town of Tull and the Waal show the use of such a gutter, in this case it is paved with bricks (see figure 2.3 and figure 2.4). The gutter starts at the wall of the house and is not more than half a meter wide. The gutter is not interrupted at the location of the entrance, possibly because it was narrow enough to step over. To avoid flooding the entrance was raised slightly.

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Figure 2.1 The oldest farmhouse in Gouderak has a pebble-band to prevent water damage (commons.wikimedia.org).

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Figure 2.2 A farmhouse from the 17th_{century in Polsbroek with raised entrances and}

pebbles to prevent water damage (commons.wikimedia.org).

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Figure 2.3 A farmhouse located at Tull and the Waal with a highly raised gutter paved with bricks to prevent water damage (commons.wikimedia.org).

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Figure 2.4 A farmhouse located at Tull and the Waal with a raised entrance and a gutter paved with bricks to prevent water damage (commons.wikimedia.org).

From analysing farmhouses with thatched roofs in the lower areas of the Netherlands a number of conclusions can be drawn relating to the entrance and the managing of rainwater. The farmhouses either have gutters, often paved, or pebbles distributed in a band around the house or covering a larger area of the farmyard. The gutters and pebbles catch the rainwater falling down from the roof, preventing the flooding of the

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house and yard and any other water damage caused by rainwater. In some cases the gutter or band of pebbles had to be drained into a larger ditch. The band of pebbles or gutter starts at the wall of the house and is often not very wide. They are not

interrupted at the location of the entrance, which can be found on either side of the house. To avoid flooding the entrances are therefore always raised slightly. A large stone, sometimes concrete, is often laid in front of an entrance on top of the pebbles.

2.2 Surrounding landscape and the material properties of walls

During the Bronze Age, it would not have been practical to retrieve the building

materials used for the house over large distances. The material used is therefore largely determined by the surrounding landscape. The used building materials may influence the size and shape of the house and the way in which the entrance was placed, what the entrance looked like, and how many were needed.

The material properties of the walls and roof of a house may influence the appearance of the entrance and they may also create limitations on where the entrance could be placed. In other words, functional reasons for the placement of an entrance may be created through the use of a certain material for the wall or roof of the house. The building material that is used is often closely related to the appearance and shape of the house, certain materials will limited or determine the shape of structures. At

excavations of Bronze Age house-sites the walls are often only visible through an outer row of posts, if they are visible at all. The walls are recognized as rows of small stakes that indicate the use of a wattle-and-daub technique (Fokkens 2009, 411). They are only found on clay soils, which may be related to the unfavourable preservation of the archaeological remains on sandy soils (Fokkens 2009, 411). Bronze Age houses found at Zijderveld show the use of this kind of technique, but at this site there are two rows of stake closely placed together. The area in-between these walls was most likely filled with sods, straw or both in order to increase stability and insulation (Arnoldussen 2008, 100). For other houses found in the area of West-Frisia and the River Area, remains of a wall are completely absent and only the inner posts are present. The missing posts indicate that the walls of houses in these areas were built from sods; peat was a widely available material in these areas. The roof of these houses rested on this wall by use of a wall-plate (van Olst 1991b, 77). The missing remains of walls from Bronze Age houses on

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sandy soils do not indicate a similar use for sods as a building material, since it would not have been available here (see 4.3 on the geology of the Netherlands during the Bronze Age). From the 17th_{until the middle of the 20}th_{century sod houses were in used} in the Netherlands, sods were used as a building material for the walls and roofs of these houses (van Olst 1991a, 226-228). Therefore, in order to gain insight into how the use of sods as a building material may influence the appearance and placement of an entrance these sod houses will be discussed.

The small sod houses were first only inhabited by peat-workers but later were extensively used to house the poorest of the society. The house had a very simple construction and had a measurement of about 10 by 5 meters (van Olst 1991b, 77). Most of these houses were partly dug into the ground, with a roof made of peat sods, sometimes starting directly at ground level. When this was the case the house had no side walls (see figure 2.5). When there were walls these were low and unstable due to the use of sods as a building material (see figure 2.6). These walls were vulnerable, which made repairs and rebuilding frequently needed. The front and the back walls of the house were made of wood, reed, peat sods shaped as bricks or a combination of those materials. Windows, if there were any, were small and few and most often located at the front or back (van Olst 1991b, 357). The inside of the house was divided into two spaces. The front was used as a living area, a stove for warmth and cupboard beds were found here. The back of the house was used for storage and as a stable. There was only one entrance; it was most often located at one of the sides at the house. This entrance always leads into the stable area of the house. It usually had a height of about 150 cm, depending on the size or height of the house (van Olst 1991b, 77). The entrance intersects the roof, due to the low construction of the roof. The entrance was placed either aligned with the wall or it was placed slightly inwards. It was supported by a simple frame, one post on each side and held together by a header beam on top (see figure 2.5 to 2.7). This frame needed to be sturdy in order to support the entrance and hold the heavy and unstable sods in place.

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Figure 2.5 A sod house without side walls, the entrance is almost nearly aligned with the start of the roof and not very high (University of Leiden Collections/ disc.leidenuniv.nl).

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Figure 2.6 A Sod house from Houtigehage in the Province of Friesland, the house has low and uneven walls due to the use of sods as a building material. The entrance is aligned with the side wall (commons.wikimedia.org).

Figure 2.7 The ground plan of a sod house found in Ruinen in the province of Drenthe, the entrance is placed slightly inwards and two posts are used to support the doorframe (after van Olst 1991a, 358).

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A few conclusions relating to the entrance can be drawn from analysing the sod houses. The roof was low since there were no side walls, or they were low and too unstable to support a large roof. Because of this, the house and entrance were not very high, mostly around 1.50 meters. There was only one entrance; this is most likely related to the small size of the house. It was placed mostly at the side of the house, placed either in line with the wall or placed inwards. The entrance can be recognized by the two small posts that created the doorframe.

2.3 The size and shape of the house

Functional reasons for placing more than one entrance can be created by the size or shape of the farmhouse. In order to research how the number of entrances is related to the size or shape of the house a study of historic farmhouses in the Netherlands was done. Very small houses, such as the sod houses in the Netherlands (see 2.2), only had one entrance, it was used by people as well as the animals of the house (van Olst 1991b, 77). The Bronze Age houses were however considerably larger than these sod houses. Larger historical farmhouses in the Netherlands never just had one entrance and the largest often had a great number of entrances. One of the smaller types of farms, usually around 14 meters long and 8 meters wide, was the boo. This type of farmhouse was located in the low, wet peat area around Schoonebeek, in the province of Drenthe (van Olst 1991a, 359). These houses were not fit for permanent occupation and were lived in by a single cow herder and his young livestock (van Olst 1991a, 360). The house had a living and a stable area. There were only one or two entrances into the house, these lead directly into the stable area by which the living area could be excessed (van Olst 1991a, 370, 372) (see figure 2.8). Most small and middle-sized farmhouses however had more entrances than the boo house-type. A farmhouse with a similar size to the boo, the los hoes house-type, often had four or more entrances (van Olst 1991a, 379-381). Nearly all of these entrances were located at the side of the stable and sometimes gave direct excess into the stable-boxes (see figure 2.9). In general, the entrances that lead into the stable-area are much larger than entrances that lead into the living-area. This is related to its function and allows for the moving of farming tools and carts, and the movement of cattle. The largest farmhouses mostly had around six or sometimes

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more entrances. No more than two of these were located at the side of the house where the living area was located (see figure 2.10).

From analysing historic farmhouses in the Netherlands two conclusions can be drawn relating to the size of the house and the number of entrances. It seems that larger houses have a functional need for more entrances leading into the stable area of the house. In houses with four entrances or more, animals often have an entrance leading directly into the stable-box. These entrances are not only found in the larger houses but also in the smaller. One entrance, and in some cases two but never more, leads directly into the living area of the house. An increase of entrances can therefore mostly be found in the stable area of the house. A large number of entrances can be the result of a functional need related to the size of the house, which is often closely related to the size of the stable area. It may also be related to the functional preference of having the livestock enter the stable-box directly, without having to move the animals through the rest of the stable area.

Figure 2.8 A ground plan of a boo house from Nieuw-Schoonebeek in the province of Drenthe, the farmhouse was seasonally in use and only required a small living area, there are only two entrances and they both lead into the stable area of the farmhouse (after van Olst 1991a, 370).

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Figure 2.9 The ground plan of a modified los hoes from Bentelo in the province of Overijssel, the house has seven entrances, of which four lead directly into the stable boxes (after van Olst 1991a, 380).

Figure 2.10 The ground plan of a very large farmhouse found in Meerkerk in the province of Zuid-Holland, the farmhouse has a total of six entrances (after van Olst 1991a, 423).

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2.4 Functional reasons for the placement of an entrance during the Bronze

Age

The research of historical farms in the Netherlands gives a number of conclusions concerning factors that may influence the placement of the entrance, its appearance and the number of entrances. These conclusions, and what they mean for the Bronze Age houses, will be interpreted in the following paragraph. The significant differences between the historical farmhouses are the Bronze Age houses will be taken into account in this interpretation.

The historic farmhouses have paved gutters or a band of pebbles around the house. Sometimes, there is a need for these to be drained into a larger ditch. The band or gutter starts at the wall of the house and is not very wide. The gutter or band is not interrupted at the entrances though, the entrance is raised to avoid flooding or water damage. It was easy to raise these entrances since the walls of the farmhouse were made of brick. It would have been significantly harder to do so when a softer material is used, such as sods or a wall made with a wattle-and-daub technique that was used in the Bronze Age (Fokkens 2009, 411). Using these softer walls it would not have been able to raise the entrances without them becoming too weak due to the constant water damage. To avoid flooding the gutter or ditch must therefore be interrupted at the location of the entrance. When the ditch or gutter is deeper or larger than those seen at the historical farmhouses it would not have been easy to step over and an interruption would also be needed.

Stenvert and van Tussenbroek mention how rainfall can be an important factor for the shape of the roof in houses in city areas (Stenvert and van Tussenbroek 2007, 128). More rainwater would fall down the roof on the long sides of a house than on the short side, since the roof-surface here is much larger than on the short sides. This has not been a determining factor for the placement of the entrance in historic farms, where they can be found on either side, see 2.1. The gutters will catch the rainwater and there will be minimal risk of flooding due to the raised entrances. In Bronze Age houses it could have been a functional choice to place the entrance on the short side. Since, an interruption of the gutter was needed at the location of the entrance, making the house vulnerable to flooding.

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Though it is hardly classified as a farmhouse, the study of the sod house by van Olst gives a number of conclusions, see 2.2 (van Olst 1991a, 1991b). Due to its size and instability there was only one entrance to the sod house. This entrance was located on the stable side of the house, allowing for animals to enter the house as well. The Bronze Age houses were significantly larger than these sod houses and a functional need for just one entrance would be unlikely. The sod houses had a low roof that either reached the ground or leaned on a low unstable wall. The entrance was low and small, mostly only around 1.50 meters in height. If the Bronze Age houses had sod walls then they would most likely have been low as well. This meant that it would have been a functional decision for the entrance to be small, just large enough for the livestock to enter. The low roof also caused the entrance in sod houses often to be placed slightly inwards of the house, or in line with the wall if there was one. It was recognizable by two sturdy posts that created a doorframe. This doorframe would have supported the heavy and unstable sod walls. Whether the Bronze Age houses had need for a doorframe is not clear, though it would have been a functional choice as it increases the stability of the sod wall.

The research on the historic farmhouses in the Netherlands gives a number of

conclusions on the size and shape of the house and its relation to the entrance, see 2.3 (van Olst 1991a). There is always a functional need for at least one entrance, located on the stable side of the house. In larger houses there is one but never more than two entrances that lead directly into the living area. An increase in entrances is therefore most often found in the stable area, which can have two functional reasons. The larger the house the more entrances are needed. An increase in the farmhouse’s size is almost always related to an increase of the stable area. A similar functional need may also be found in Bronze Age houses, a larger house means more livestock which increases the need for more entrances. Another functional need in historic farmhouses can be recognized as a preference of having a separate entrance leading directly into the stable-box. In Bronze Age houses this may not have been plausible due to a low construction of the roof. Having many entrances may also have had a negative impact on the insulation and the stability of the Bronze Age houses.

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The previously discussed conclusions on the functional placement of an entrance are used to set up a number of criteria by which a functional entrance may be recognised in the Bronze Age. The entrance must at least meet a number of these criteria, which are given in table 2.1. The next chapter will focus on the cultural placement of an entrance and will start by explaining how an entrance obtains its cultural value.

Table 2.1 A number of criteria, based on the ethnographic research of the historic farmhouses, by which the functional placement of an entrance can be recognised in archaeology, in order to be identified as a purely functional entrance it must meet at least a number of these criteria.

Functional placement

Water management Material properties of

walls The size or shape of the house

Based on the geography of the farmhouse's location there is a need

for water management. Sods were available as a building material in the area where the

farmhouse is found.

The house is large enough to create a need for extra entrances. (what is the "standard")

The roofmaterial used gives a wide distibution disenabling the use of roof-gutters and creating a need for a house ditch.

The walls were made of sods or made up of other unstable wall material.

When the farmhouse only has one entrance it is located on the stable-side of the house.

The walls are soft and it is not possible to raise them without them becoming too weak, thus the ditch is interrupted at the location of the entrance or placed further away.

The entrance was likely narrow and it was placed inwards of - or aligned with the wall.

Overruling factor

The entrance is placed at a side of the house where the surface of the roof is the smallest.

The entrance had to be supported by at least two posts that were able to hold together the heavy but unstable sod walls.

Extra entrances are located at the stable-side of the farmhouse, leading into the stable-area or directly into a stable-box.

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3. The entrance and culture

In order to understand how the placing of an entrance during the Bronze Age could have been a cultural choice, it must first be established how an entrance may have cultural significance. This will be discussed in the first part of this chapter by the use of the work of Bourdieu. The remainder of the chapter will elaborate by researching the cultural significance of entrances from different areas around the world.

3.1 Cultural meaning of an entrance

The cultural significance of an entrance may influence the way it is placed or the number of entrances. In order to understand this it must first be discussed how the use of space and the entrance is shaped through and by culture. The entrance and the use of the surrounding space, inside as well as outside of the house, are interrelated. How this use of space is related to cultural significance will be argued by the use of Bourdieu’s theoretical text called the Outline of a Theory of Practise.

Bourdieu has used the term habitus to understand the shaping of collectively shared, objective structures. In this case this refers to the cultural significance of an entrance. The cultural significance is produced by, and changed through, daily activities and historical practices. These practices and activities in turn are also the product of the structures that have produced them (Bourdieu 1977, 83). This means that the cultural significance shaped the way the entrance was used is historical practise and how it is used through daily activities. However, the use of the entrance in these activities and practices in turn shapes its cultural significance. The habitus is a system of generative schemes that is socially established and adjusted by the conditions in which it is formed. These conditions are bound to actions, thoughts and perceptions and in turn are also shaped by the habitus (Bourdieu 1977, 95). It is a collectively shared system of values that is shaped and managed by the individual without existing determination to do so (Bourdieu 1977, 83). Changes in the habitus can be brought on by individuals or

interaction between them and may cause changes within objective structures (Bourdieu 1977, 81). This means that the cultural significance of the entrance is unconsciously created, upheld and changed through thoughts, values and actions of individuals and changes herein. These changes may be brought on by interaction between individuals. The habitus influences the individual which influences the collective, which then again

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influences the habitus and the cultural significance of the entrance. These elements are connected to culture, which is part of the habitus, of the cultural significance of the entrance and the actions of the individual. The elements all exist simultaneously. Bourdieu explains the way in which culture may shape the placement or appearance of an entrance. In order to recognise this in archaeology a few examples will be given of how culture may shape the way in which an entrance is used and how its use may determine its placement and shape. In the following part the symbolic use of an entrance will be discussed, followed by a discussion on how the entrance may be restricted to certain members of the society.

3.2 A female or male symbolic meaning of an entrance

An entrance can have a symbolic meaning which is expressed through rituals and in daily use. Different cultural groups in Indonesia have a symbolic meaning assigned to the entrance, related to the female or male sex. Three groups will be discussed, the Savu, the Acehnese and the Tetum.

The Savu, of Indonesia, make a distinction between male and female areas within the house. This distinction is already noticeable along the front of the house where there a male section for work and the receiving of guests is separated from a female section (Waterson 1990, 189). The female part of the house is associated with prosperity, food storage and cooking. Within the female area a loft is present where only women are allowed to enter (Waterson 1990, 189). A similar division is also found in the Acehnese of Indonesia.

The Acehnese separates the space within the house into different areas. The inner part is entered only by family or close intimates. The kitchen and veranda in the back of the house is only used by women. There is a distinction between the front and back parts of the house in that it is seen as male or female. The front entrance is seen as male and is used as a formal and public entrance. In the back of the house is a female entrance, which is more private and an everyday area related to work. (Waterson 1990, 183). Another distinction can be recognized in the contrast between an inner area and outer areas. This is a shifting distinction that changes depending on which part of the house is focused on (Waterson 1990, 183). When focusing on the whole house, the inside is seen

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by the Acehnese as a sanctuary as opposed to the outside world that is perceived to a certain extent as dangerous (Waterson 1990, 184). When focusing on the middle section of the house as the inner however, the female back of the house and male front of the house are seen as the outer areas (Waterson 1990, 184). A carved board is used as a boundary to separate different areas in the house. These are also used to divide the floor level from the living area of the humans from the animals that are living below the house (Waterson 1990, 184). When studying the eastern Tetum the division of the house in female and male spaces is not just shown in daily use but also through ritual. The Tetum see the entire house as a body, with the main room of the house as a womb. The rear entrance of the house is seen as female and as the vagina of the house. An important part of the birthing ritual is related to this entrance. A few days after a new child is born, after the umbilical cord is dropped off, the baby is ritually carried through this entrance by the father into the community plaza where the new-born is welcomed by family and close intimates (Waterson 1990, 196).

From the previously discussed examples a few conclusions can be drawn. Different cultural groups in Indonesia have a division between a male and female part of the house. The front of the house is often seen as the male part. The entrance on the male side is associated to formal use and in some cases even only allowed to be used by males of the society. The back of the house is often seen as the female part of the house. The entrance on the female side is associated with daily use and work and is used by all members of the society. This division is created through culture and is shaped and upheld through daily activities and through rituals.

3.3 A restricted use determined by culture

Next to symbolism a cultural restriction relating to the entrance can also exist in cultures. The entrance may lead to a part of the house that is restricted to certain people or animals or the entrance itself may have a restricted ritual use. In order to discuss these restrictive rules two examples will be given. Firstly, the entrances to the sleeping quarters in Thailand, secondly, the use of entrances of the los hoes in the Netherlands.

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Thailand gives an example of how an entrance may be restricted in its use through culture. There is a separate entrance for different parts of the sleeping quarters of the house. The son-in-law is not allowed to enter the entrance of the parents-in-law by using this entrance or by crossing over into their room from the inside. During the wedding ceremony however an exception is made during the sukhwan ritual, where the groom is led through the entrance by ritual elders called thaaw. Through this ritual he is accepted into the sleeping quarters of the house by his new family (Waterson 1990, 182). The sleeping quarters are forbidden for guests to enter unless they marry from within the household, they are only received in the guest room. Permission must be asked before entering (Waterson 1990, 182).

Another example of a restriction in the use of and entrance can be found in the Netherlands. The farmhouse type called the ‘los hoes’ came into existence during the high Middle Ages. During the 18th_{century it slowly disappeared in most of the} Netherlands, with the exception of two areas where this type of farmhouse stayed in use in the 19th_{century. These areas are found in the eastern part of the Netherlands and} are known as Twente and the Achterhoek. The ‘los hoes’ is characterized as a ‘hallehuis’-type, which literally means hall-house. It is an elongated farm with a pitched roof and the front has a gable of clipped gable. This side of the house is used as a living area and it has its own entrance. Another entrance is larger and is found on the backside of the house, either located in the center of the back wall or in the side wall (Stichting

Nationale Contactcomissie Monumentenbescherming and Stichting Historisch Boerderij-onderzoek 1983, 29-50). There are four uses of space that can be recognized in every historical farm. It always has a living area, a stable area, an area for storage and a working area (Koldeweij et al. 2001, 13). In the ‘los hoes’ all these areas can be found within a single, large space. The living area is separated from the stable only by subtle markers, such as, an elaborate decoration on a beam that supports the attic on the point of transition from one area to the next (Koldeweij et al. 2001, 15). This type of multifunctional space should not be seen as a primitive version of other types of farmhouses with a clear division of spaces or a living house separated completely from the stable, but rather as a specific type with its own development (Koldeweij et al. 2001, 15). This type of living space would be hard to warm with an open fire and could be seen

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as being less comfortable than a house with a separate living area. However, research shows that the ‘los hoes’ stayed in use the longest among richer farmers, the reason for this is unknown (Koldeweij et al. 2001, 17). The two entrances of the farmhouse had significantly different functions. The entrance located in the front of the house leads into the living area. Using this entrance would bring the outside cold right into the living-area and can be seen as an inconvenience, this was disregarded due to its strong cultural value. This front entrance was used only for certain special occasions and had a different appearance from the other doors of the house. It was abundantly decorated and had no doorknob outside. It was used at weddings, where the bride and groom entered their farm through this entrance for the first time as man and wife. When one of the family members died the coffin was also carried out this same entrance. Formal visitors, such as the landowner, were also allowed to enter the farm through this entrance. Because of its cultural function the entrance was often decorated. The entrance at the back of the house was associated with daily activities and used by the family, informal visitors and animals (Koldeweij et al. 2001, 35). In chapter 1 the ‘stolp’-type farmhouse is discussed which shows an even more restricted use of the front entrance than found in the ‘los hoes’. The front entrance of this house is never used except during a wedding or a funeral. During the wedding it is used by the bride stepping out of her parental home into a new life with her husband. During the funeral the casket leaves out of this entrance into a new spirit life. In both cases the entrance is seen as a boundary which distances the bride or the deceased from their old life forever, leading into a new life, either marriage or the spirit life (Nobel and Broekhuizen-Slot 2009, 26-29).

Thailand and the Dutch ‘los hoes’ and ‘stolp’-type farmhouse give examples of how an entrance may have a restricted use that is determined by culture. The sleeping quarters of the man and women of the house in Thailand is seen as the most private space within the house. Even certain family members, let alone outsiders, are not allowed to be here. The entrance leading towards this space is therefore seen as private as well. Because of this special meaning the entrance also plays an important role in wedding rituals. The new family member is allowed to enter through the entrance, which symbolises his entrance into the family. The front entrance in the los hoes has a slightly different type of restriction related to culture. This entrance is used for very formal visits or wedding

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and funeral rituals. The other entrances are used in daily activities and are therefore associated with work and the animals of the house. The front entrance of the ‘stolp’-type farmhouse is even more restricted and only used during funerals and weddings. To conclude, a house may have an entrance that is restricted in its use through culture. This entrance is associated with the more private spaces of the house and. The restriction is only adjusted in rituals or other special occasions.

3.4 Cultural reasons for the placement of an entrance in the Bronze Age

The first part of this chapter discusses Bourdieu and how an entrance may be shaped, created and changed through culture (Bourdieu 1977). The research on the Savu, Achenese and the Tetum of Indonesia shows how an entrance and the part of the house to which it is associated can be seen as either male or female. For the Savu, the front entrance is seen as male and is used for receiving guests and by males. The female entrance at the backside is associated with prosperity and female work such as the preparation and storage of food (Waterson 1990, 189). A similar cultural use is seen in the Achenese, their front entrance is seen as a formal and public entrance, while the back entrance is used by women in private and everyday use (Waterson 1990, 183). The Tetum see the back entrance as female as well, it is even used in the birthing ritual where the entrance is seen as a boundary bringing the baby into the world and the family (Waterson 1990, 196).

A restricted cultural use of an entrance can be seen in Thailand and in historic

farmhouses in the Netherlands. In Thailand an entrance leading directly into the private quarters of the parents may only be used by the closest blood-related family members. Even a son-in-law is not allowed to use it, with an exception to a ritual performed after the new marriage where he is lead into the house through this entrance. In this ritual the entrance is seen as a boundary leading into a new life with a new family (Waterson 1990, 182). The historic ‘los hoes’ farmhouse in the Netherlands has a culturally

significant front entrance, which is only used during special occasions such as a visitation by formal guests or during a wedding or a funeral (Koldeweij et al. 2001, 35). Another historic farm found in the Netherlands, the ‘stolp’-type farmhouse, has a front entrance with an even more restricted use than found in the ‘los hoes’. This entrance is seen as a special boundary by which the person using it leaves his or her old life forever, leading

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into a new life. During a wedding this old life is the childhood and parental family-life of the bride, leading into a new married life with her husband. During a funeral the

entrance symbolises the ending of the physical life of the deceased, entering into a new spirit life (Nobel and Broekhuizen-Slot 2009, 26-29).

Unfortunately, the cultural significance of an entrance is very difficult to recognize in archaeology because we are not able to study the past societies as anthropologists study the current societies. All that is available to archaeologists to study the entrance is the excavation map. Studying the use of space is important for recognizing cultural practise and possible cultural meaning from this excavation map. By studying the use of space around the entrance and comparing these to the conclusions of the ethnographic research could therefore indicate that the entrance was placed and used due to cultural reasons, rather than just practical ones. In order to do this, a number of criteria have been given to help recognise a possible cultural significance of an entrance, see table 3.1. In the next chapter the method of the research will be discussed. Special attention will be paid to a number of criteria by which a cultural significance of an entrance can be recognized for Bronze Age houses.

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Table 3.1 A number of criteria, based on the ethnographic research, by which a cultural placement of an entrance may be recognised in archaeology.

Cultural placement

An opposing meaning A restricted use Concluding factors

A division of space within the house can be

recognised.

The farmhouse has more

than one entrance. There are similarities found between houses of the same area meeting the criteria of a cultural placement of an entrance.

A division of space outside of the house is visible; the house has a front and a back side.

No functional need for the placement of entrance(s) can be recognised.

There is a visible change in the placement of an

entrance at a site where the functional motivators have remained constant or there is continuity in the

placement of an entrance where function motivators have changed.

There is a difference in the appearance or location of the entrance of a house without an important functional motivation.

There is more than one entrance found leading into the living-area of the house.

Houses from different sites found in areas with the same or similar

geographical and external conditions have a similar or different placement or appearance of entrances not due to a clear functional motivation.

There is a visible restriction to the entrance.

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4. Method of research

In this chapter the method of the research will be discussed. The first paragraph of this chapter will address how the entrances of houses can be identified on the excavation maps. In the second paragraph it will be discussed how a cultural reason for placing an entrance may be distinguished from a purely functional reason. Then the geology of the study areas will be discussed and their influence on the archaeological remains. The final paragraph will give the selection of sites for the research categorised per area.

4.1 Identification of the entrance

Recognizing an entrance on an archaeological excavation map can often be difficult. There are two types of soil marks by which the entrance can be identified, these are postholes and ditches. An interruption of postholes may indicate the presence of an entrance. However, caution should be taken by interpreting the entrance by these interruptions alone, as they may also be caused by later disturbances. The placement of extra poles may also indicate an entrance; these extra poles can be placed differently from the main structural-posts of the house.A difference in the size of shape of poles may also indicate an entrance. At excavation sites of Bronze Age houses in the lower areas of the Netherlands house ditches can be present (see figure 4.1). It would not have been convenient for the animals and people to walk through these ditches whenever leaving or entering the house. It can therefore be expected that an entrance had been present at the locations where these ditches are interrupted.

The interpretation of an entrance is largely based on the visibility of poles, which are present as soil marks in archaeological excavations. The preservation of these soil marks is largely depended on the conditions in which they are preserved. These conditions include the sediment in which the remains are present, the depth at which they are found and the surrounding landscape. The preservation of archaeological remains and the visibility of soil marks are significantly higher in areas where clay sediments are found. Sites found on the sandy sediments are less well preserved. The depth at which the remains are found is closely related to the water level, which can have a significant role in the preservation of a site. Sites that are found below water level, especially those who have always been below water level, are well preserved. The surrounding

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landscape is also of great influence, since sites found in woodland areas may have a great deal of disturbance caused by the current vegetation.

Figure 4.1 Bronze Age house 5 from the excavation of Andijk-Noord in the area of Westfrisia, this house has two clearly visible house ditches (Roessingh 2013, 156).

4.2 Recognizing functional or cultural reasons for the placement of an

entrance from archaeological excavation maps

The aim of this research is to uncover differences between the placements of an entrance in Bronze Age houses in different areas in the Netherlands and determine whether these were related to functional or possibly cultural reasons. Functional reasons for the placement of an entrance can be recognized by looking at a number of different factors, such as the size or shape of the house or factor relating to the surrounding environment. A continuing tradition of placing the entrance from the Middle Bronze Age to the Late Bronze Age may indicate a continuing functional motivation. These factors and their motivation will be discussed for each of the sites used in this research.

Recognizing a cultural significance in an entrance is challenging. An entrance may be placed in a certain way due to cultural reasons. However, an entrance that is placed in a certain way due to functional reasons may have a cultural significance as well.

Determining the kind of cultural reason for the placement of an entrance in archaeology

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is not possible. However, it might be possible to determine that an entrance had cultural significance.

4.3 Geology of the Netherlands during the Bronze Age

In order to make the research more structured the sites have been divided into four different study areas. These are: the North and the East of the Netherlands, the area of West-Frisia, the river area and the South of the Netherlands (see figure 4.2). It has been previously discussed that the location of a site may have influenced its preservation and may have also motivated functional reasons for the placement of an entrance. The geology of the Netherlands during the Bronze Age is discussed in the following part of this chapter.

Geology of the Netherlands

The Middle Bronze Age started from 1800 B.C., figure 4.3 shows a geological map of the Netherlands from around 1500 B.C. This map will be used to discuss the Landscape during the Middle- and Late- Bronze Age in the following paragraphs; the area of West-Frisia will be discussed separately due to its unique geology. The surface of the

Netherlands during the Bronze Age consisted almost entirely out of sediments formed during the Pleistocene and the Holocene. The Pleistocene started at 2.58 million years ago and ended 11700 years b2k, when the Holocene began (Gibbard et al. 2010, 10) (Walker et al. 2009, 14). The surface sediments deposited during the Pleistocene will be discussed first; these are sandy sediments that were deposited during glacial stages. Followed by the Holocene; when peat soils are formed and sediments are deposited through marine, fluvial, and at the coast also through aeolian activity.

The Pleistocene consists of glacial periods alternated by warmer interglacial periods. Most of the Netherlands is formed during the last glacial periods, the Saalian and the Weichselian. In only a few places do sediments formed before the Saalian appear on the surface (Berendsen 2004, 155). The first of the two, the Saalian, started around 370 ka years ago and ended around 130 ka years ago. The exact date for the start and end of the Saalian is hard to determine because it can only be dated indirectly by analysing deep sea cores (Berendsen 2004, 156).

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Figure 4.2 A map of the Netherlands and the different study areas of this research. The Saalian consisted out of three cold phases and two or three warm phases

(Berendsen 2004, 156). Sediments that were deposited during the colder phases of the Saalian can be found on the surface in the Netherlands. During the last of these colder phases a large part of the Netherlands became covered in land ice. The ice stretched

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across the northern part of the country up till Haarlem and Nijmegen (Berendsen 2004, 157). Older sediments have been removed, stirred and pushed up during this phase by the land ice. It has played an important role in the shaping of the relief Netherlands by creating high lateral moraines and on the south side next to these, deep valleys

(Berendsen 2004, 159-161). The highest lateral moraines are found next to the deepest valleys (Berendsen 2004, 161). The area not covered by the ice became part of the arctic zone; there was little vegetation which made the aeolian deposition of sediments possible (Berendsen 2004, 156-157).

The Weichselian started around 115 ka years ago and ended at the start of the Holocene. During the Weichselian there was no land ice cover in the Netherlands. The sea level was however significantly lower, creating a dry and cold environment (Berendsen 2004, 183). The Weichselian is subdivided into three stages, the Early-, Middle- and Late Weichselian. The Netherlands had a subarctic landscape during the Early Weichselian, from around 115 to 73 ka years ago, and the Late Weichselian, from around 13 to 10 ka years ago (Berendsen 2004, 183). The landscape was open during these stages and aeolian depositions of sediments occurred (Berendsen 2004, 185). During the Early Weichselian these deposits had a local character (Berendsen 2004, 190). In the Late Weichselian large aeolian ridges were formed and aeolian deposits occurred on a larger scale, these deposits are known as the young cover sand deposits. The Middle Weichselian, from around 73 to 13 ka years ago, is also known as the Pleniglacial (Berendsen 2004, 183). The Netherlands had a Periglacial landscape during this period, the forest disappeared and made place for a tundra landscape. The vegetation was extremely scarce during the early- and the late- Pleniglacial and the landscape is classified as a polar desert during these periods. There were aeolian deposits on a large scale during this time. These sediments are old cover sand deposits (Berendsen 2004, 190).

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Figure 4.3 Geological map of the Netherlands from around 1500 BC (Bazelmans et al. 2011, 55).

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The largest part of the surface of the Netherlands consists of Holocene deposits. The Holocene is significantly warmer and wetter than the Weichselian and can be seen as an interglacial (Berendsen 2004, 217). Marine and aeolian activity had shaped the sea wall and the dunes, which were well developed during the Middle Bronze Age. Because of this, the coast was completely cut off from the inland. This meant that sea clay

sediments were only deposited at the outlets of rivers or at tidal inlets (Bazelmans et al. 2011, 54). Since the sea no longer had a strong influence on the inland, the peat-soils were able to develop undisturbed. The geological map of figure 4.3 shows that a very large part of the Netherlands during the Middle Bronze Age was covered in marshland with peat soils. There are two types of peat soils, those that are formed below the groundwater level and those that are formed above it (Berendsen 2004, 225). A peat soil is formed when the deposition rate of the dead plant material is faster than the

decomposition rate. The decomposition rate is significantly slower in humid

environments, which is why peat-soils are so common in the Netherlands (Berendsen 2004, 222).

The large rivers in the Netherlands have deposited sediments during the Holocene, ranging from small pebbles to very fine clay. These sediments have been deposited through a process of selection which resulted into the deposition of the coarsest material, from small pebbles to sand, in the part of the river with the highest current velocity. The finer material can therefore be found closer to the river bank, where the velocity was at its lowest (Berendsen 2004, 265-266). Part of the river is the floodplain, which can be a significant area around the river. The river occasionally floods the floodplain, leaving a fine, clay sediment behind (Berendsen 2004, 266). Sometimes coarser sediment can also be found here, deposited in crevasse splays caused by a breakthrough of the river through the river bank (Berendsen 2004, 268).

West-Frisia

The area of West-Frisia is located in the province of North-Holland in-between the cities of Hoorn, Enkhuizen, Medemblik, Schagen and Alkmaar. It discussed separately because of its unique geology and archaeology. During the Middle and Late Bronze age West-Frisia was highly populated by farmers and there are a great number of settlements known from this period. The shaping of the landscape up until the Bronze Age will be

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briefly discussed in the following paragraph using the research of Zijverden on the palaeoenvironment of eastern West-Frisia (Zijverden 2003, 163-168). This will be done in order to gain insight into the environment of West-Frisia during the Bronze Age and possible external factors that may have promoted functional choices of farmers. The sea was of great influence in shaping the landscape of West-Frisia, which is found in the Bergen basin. During the Bronze Age this area existed out of lower terrains with clay soils and raised sandy ridges. This landscape was shaped through a number of different processes of sedimentation, starting at the beginning of the Holocene. During this time, the sea level rose rapidly which caused the Bergen basin to be formed. This was a large-scale basin at the location of the Pleistocene Rhine river valley. The rising of the sea level stagnated between 7000 and 5500 BP. During this period the basin was under heavy influence of the sea and the tide. Beach barriers and coastal dunes were also shaped during this period. Habitation was extendedly present between 5500 and 3700 BP. The basin had large open areas and an extended network of tidal creeks with high

embankments. The sea also had a constant influence and created marine crevasse splays. The landscape started to change into a mudflat around 3600 BP when the water level rose and the sediment rate increased. This stopped around 3300 BP when the inlet of the basin largely closed. During this period farmers started to inhabit the area. This was possible because of the highly fertile soils that were present and the lowered groundwater level during this period. The landscape was very diverse and existed out of a large number of freshwater lakes, wet marshland, dry fields, shrubs and forests. The habitation was largely located on the old sandy creek ridges that were now raised in the landscape. Though, there are exceptions where houses are found on the lower mudflat deposits as well. These houses can only be found from the earlier period of habitation since the landscape became wetter (Zijverden 2013, 167).

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5. Results

In this chapter the houses from the selected sites will be discussed per study area. Thirteen sites with a total number of 38 houses have been analysed, see table 5.1 for an overview of the discussed sites and figure 5.1 for the location of each site. Each of the sites will have a short introduction in which the excavation site and the geology of this site are discussed. The research is focused on the Middle Bronze Age houses. In order for later comparison, a maximum of two Late Bronze Age houses per site will also be analysed, if available.

Table 5.1 An overview of the houses and sites analysed per study area.

Area Site MBA houses LBA houses

West-Frisia Enkhuizen-Kadijken House 1, 2, 7 and 11a-d None Bovenkarspel-Het Valkje House 10a and 20a-c House 10a The river

area Zijderveld House 1, 2 and 3 None

De Horden House 8 and 10 None

Tiel Medel Bredesteeg House 1, 8 and 5 House 4 and 10 The south Oss-Ussen and Oss-Ussen

Mikkeldonk House 125, house 128 and 129 House 130

Venray-Hoogriebroek House A, B and C None

Loon op Zand House 1 None

Geldrop House 1 and 2 None

The north

and east Dalen House I, II and IV None

Rechteren House 1 None

Borger House 4 and 8 House 10

Angelslo-Emmerhout House 9, 34 and 68 House 15 and 22

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Figure 5.1 The location of each of the sites discussed in the research.

5.1 West-Frisia

In Frisia, an area found in the province of North-Holland (see figure 4.2), the West-Frisian type farmhouse is found in the Middle and Late Bronze Age. To analyse the Middle Bronze Age houses at this site, two excavations have been selected:

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Kadijken and Bovenkarspel-Het Valkje. To make a good analysis of these excavations, it is important to understand how the landscape was shaped which is discussed in 4.3 on the geology of the study areas. In order to recognise the entrances and to make any interpretations concerning the material properties or shape of the West-Frisian house it is important to first discuss the material and constructional characteristics of this house-type.

The houses from Enkuizen-Kadijken and Bovenkarspel-Het Valkje from the area of West-Frisia, are identified as being of the West-Frisian Bronze Age house-type. The houses of this type have a three-aisled construction and a house-ditch, see figure 5.2. In most cases, the house ditch and only the main roof-bearing posts are found, which are placed at regular intervals (Roessingh 2014, 72; IJzereef and van Regteren Altena 1991, 70). Sometimes remains of the wall can be identified through the presence of a single or double row of small stakes. It was most likely braided and smeared with loam or cow dung (IJzereef and van Regteren Altena 1991, 69, 73). It is very likely that outside of this wall there was a wall of sods present, since this material was abundant in the region and it is often found within the excavated house-ditches (IJzereef and van Regteren Altena 1991, 68, 73). The absence of stakes may indicate that the wall was solely made up out of sods (Roessingh and Lohof 2014, 60). The roof is expected to have been a common rafter roof-construction that was rounded at the short sides. The roof was most likely made up out of reed, or of far less-durable straw or even sods (IJzereef and van

Regteren Altena 1991, 73-74). The houses have been interpreted as being divided into a living area and a stable area or byre, however, there are is no strong evidence based on internal structural elements to support this (Roessingh and Lohof 2014, 56). In the stable area there was enough room to stall the cattle on both sides, leaving an aisle in the middle. A general assumption is that larger houses would have provided room for a larger livestock (IJzereef and van Regteren Altena 1991, 70).

Entering the Bronze Age

Student nr: 0951315

Subject: MA thesis prehistory of north-western Europe

Supervisor: Prof. dr. H. Fokkens

University of Leiden, Faculty of Archaeology

Amersfoort, 11th June 2015

Final version

Entering the Bronze Age

The functional placement and cultural value of entrances

during the Middle Bronze Age in the Netherlands

Table of contents

1. Problem orientation and research structure

2. Functional reasons for the placement of an entrance

2.1 Water management and the entrance

2.2 Surrounding landscape and the material properties of walls

2.3 The size and shape of the house

2.4 Functional reasons for the placement of an entrance during the Bronze

Age

3. The entrance and culture

3.1 Cultural meaning of an entrance

3.2 A female or male symbolic meaning of an entrance

3.3 A restricted use determined by culture

3.4 Cultural reasons for the placement of an entrance in the Bronze Age

4. Method of research

4.1 Identification of the entrance

4.2 Recognizing functional or cultural reasons for the placement of an

entrance from archaeological excavation maps

4.3 Geology of the Netherlands during the Bronze Age

Geology of the Netherlands

West-Frisia

5. Results

5.1 West-Frisia