Green-space preservation and housing development since the Spatial Memorandum

(1)

Green-space preservation and housing

development since the Spatial Memorandum

A case study of Alphen aan den Rijn

Author: Berend Schoone Student number: 11039981

Date: September 15, 2018

Course name: Thesis Project Human Geography and Urban Planning

Course number: 734301500Y Coordinator: Drs. J.K. Maiyo Second reader: Mr. J.V. Rothuizen

(2)

(3)

Abstract

The preservation of green-spaces frequently conflicts with housing requirements due to a lack of space for residential production. The challenges of mixing urban and rural land-uses are also becoming evident in the Green-Heart, a natural area that forms the centre of the metropolitan area of the Randstad in the Netherlands. Especially as a result of housing development, which is considered to be one of the main driving forces of land-use change in the Netherlands.

The Dutch restrictive national policy on housing development during the VINEX was suc-ceeded by a new national policy document, the Spatial Memorandum, shifting the emphasis in planning from ‘admission planning to ‘development planning, in which ‘opportunities are central, instead of rules and restrictions. In addition, the Spatial Memorandum expanded the influence of municipalities by shifting down the responsibilities for housing development from the national level towards the provincial and municipal level. However, recent media reports suggest that housing development in de Green-Heart is still an issue.

This research provides insight in how the Spatial Memorandum is operationalized in practice and what the outcomes of the policy for housing production in the Green-Heart are, by conducting a qualitative case study in Alphen aan den Rijn, a city that is situated in the Green-Heart. In addition, perspectives on the outcomes of the Spatial Memorandum for housing production in Alphen aan den Rijn contribute to a better understanding of what is desired at the local level. The data of this research is collected through semi-structured interviews with involves stakeholders.

It is demonstrated that the Spatial Memorandum is operationalized by a new system of multi level governance that offered a framework for the relationship between the administrative levels, based on structural visions that are composed by each administrative level. However, the Spatial Memorandum did not result in more building activities outside the built environment in Alphen aan den Rijn, since the province decided to pursue the preservation of the Green-Heart. The stakeholders that were interviewed for this research have divergent views on where and how housing development should take place. Nonetheless, all stakeholders emphasize the importance of the surrounding countryside for the vitality of Alphen aan den Rijn.

(4)

List of Figures

1 The Green Heart as the centre of the Dutch Randstad (K¨uhn, 2003) . . . 2 2 Integrating framework for a research agenda for urban green space (James et al.,

2009) . . . 5 3 Triangular model for the general land-use conversion in modern society (Koomen

et al., 2008) . . . 6 4 Conceptualization of theoretical framework . . . 10 5 Land-use in the Randstad and the Green heart in 1950 (left) and 2010 (right)

(Must, 2014) . . . 13 6 Municipalities in the Green Heart (Stuurgroep Groene Hart, 2016). . . 18 7 Schematic overview of the operationalization of the framework that was provided

by Spatial Memorandum . . . 32 8 Locations for housing development within the border of the built environment in

Alphen aan den Rijn (KuiperCompagnons, 2017) . . . 36 9 Possible locations for housing development outside the border of the built

envi-ronment in Alphen aan den Rijn (KuiperCompagnons, 2017 . . . 37 10 The Gnephoek in Alphen aan den Rijn. (Omroep West, 2017) . . . 45 11 The situation at the Gnephoek and the location of a potential bypass (Gemeente

(7)

1 Introduction

The worldwide increase in urbanization is resulting in an expansion and/or densification of ur-banized areas. The expansion of urban areas is often associated with urban sprawl, which is identified by Haaland & van den Bosch (2015) as urban development with low-density housing, both residential and commercial, segregated land-use and high levels of automobile use com-bined with lack of public transport, which is in high demand for land. In addition they argue that in order to counteract the negative effects of urban sprawl, the need for sustainable urban development is becoming increasingly important. Therefore, policies often take compact urban development and green space preservation into account (Jim, 2004). Nonetheless, the preserva-tion of green areas often conflicts with housing requirements due to a lack of space for residential production (Z´erah, 2007).

Dutch planning practices are often praised for their effectiveness on avoiding urban sprawl by applying strategies for compact urban development. However, in January 2018, the discussion about housing production on open spaces in the Netherlands received new attention from the Dutch Minister of Home Affairs and portfolio holder of Housing and Spatial Planning, Kajsa Ollongren. She expressed the ambition to realize one million dwellings before 2040, both in cities and in green areas such as the Green Heart, in order to address housing shortages (Van den Eerenbeemt & Smit, 2018). Especially the announcement that the Green Heart might be allocated for the production of dwellings has been criticized by opponents (Van den Eerenbeemt & Smit, 2018).

The Green Heart, which is demonstrated in figure 1, is a natural area that is situated in the provinces of North-Holland, South-Holland and Utrecht, surrounded by the metropolitan area of the Randstad, of which Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Den Haag and Utrecht are the main city centres. The Green Heart is under pressure by increasing urbanization and the challenges of mixing red (urban) and green (rural) land uses (Van Den Brink et al., 2006). Especially as a result of residential construction, which is considered to be one of the main driving forces of land-use change in the Netherlands due to housing shortages (Schotten et al., 2011).

(8)

Figure 1: The Green Heart as the centre of the Dutch Randstad (K¨uhn, 2003)

There is a current debate in the scientific literature about the justification of far-reaching policy measures on the area. According to critics, the Green Heart is a fictional nature and does therefore not exist, leaving no substantial grounds for far-reaching policy measures (Eeten & Roe, 2000). Advocates of the Green Heart concept admit its fictionality, but still maintain that it is an appropriate basis for policy-making (Eeten & Roe, 2000).

For many years, the Green Heart has been protected by policies and legislation at the national level, in order to preserve the area. The borders of the Green Heart were protected for the first time in the Fourth Memorandum on spatial planning extra (VINEX) of 1990 (Galle & Modderman, 1997). In addition, this policy document formulated that within a period of 10 years, 227 200 dwellings were to be built on sites that were designated by the central government, the so called VINEX locations (Dieleman et al., 1999).

The VINEX policy was succeeded in 2006 by the Spatial Memorandum (Priemus, 2007). Unlike the orientation on central spatial planning during the VINEX policy, this memorandum was based on the motto ‘decentralization where possible, central organization where needed’. The emphasis in planning shifted from ‘admission planning’ to ‘development planning’, in which

(9)

‘opportunities are central, instead of rules and restrictions’ (Minesterie van VROM, 2004). This was to be achieved by expanding the influence for municipalities on the development of land whilst making plan procedures shorter and more efficient. Responsibilities for development were shifted from a national scale level towards a regional scale level, creating more opportunities for local governments to assess and approve construction plans (Ministerie van VROM, 2004).

Since the Spatial Memorandum was supposed to create more opportunities for local munici-palities to assess and approve construction plans, some argued that this policy would result in a significant increase of housing production in the Green Heart, at the expense of green-space. Ac-cording to Priemus (2004) the Spatial Memorandum 2004 is a turning point in the Dutch compact spatial development policy and ‘Parts of the Green Heart are to be sacrificed to urbanisation’. However, an alderman of Alphen aan den Rijn recently stated that there are no opportunities left for housing production in his municipality, which is situated in the Green Heart (Van den Eerenbeemt & Smit, 2018).

The operationalization of the Spatial Memorandum has not been assessed in scientific litera-ture. Nonetheless, the outcomes of the policy in terms of housing production in the Green Heart appear to be contradictory to the expectations, whilst these outcomes could potentially result in an increase in housing production which might eventually lead to urban sprawl. Therefore, a better understanding of the dynamics between housing development and green-space preserva-tion could help to avoid future urban sprawl in the Green Heart. More insight in how the Spatial Memorandum works out at the local level in practice contributes to this understanding.

The aim of this research is to provide insight in how the Spatial Memorandum is operational-ized in practice and what the outcomes of the policy for housing production in the Green Heart are. These insights are gained from fieldwork in Alphen aan den Rijn, since it is situated in the Green Heart and recent newspaper articles show that the discussion on housing production is relevant in the city (Van den Eerenbeemt & Smit, 2018). In addition, the findings are enriched with various perspectives on housing development in Alphen aan den Rijn by local actors who are involved in or concerned about the situation. This research aims to answer the question: How does the Spatial Memorandum affect housing production in Alphen aan den Rijn?

(10)

2 Literature review

The following chapter provides theories and concepts regarding the research topic that are used for this study. First, a theoretical approach places this research into the corresponding research field and provides insight in the general land-use conversion from green-spaces into urban de-velopment in modern society. Secondly, a conceptual framework provides insight in the relation between the concepts that form the basis of this study. Lastly, a conceptual model will summarize the content of this section. The conceptual model helps placing the dynamics between green-space preservation and housing development in the Green Heart into a deliberative perspective, serving as a foundation that contributes to the understanding of Dutch planning policies and the Spatial Memorandum.

2.1 Theoretical approach

Research on green-spaces has been conducted from an extensive range of disciplines and perspec-tives. Such disciplines range from ecology (Niemel, 2010) to sociology, assessing the benefits from green-spaces (Barbosa et al., 2007). These disciplines can be approached from a broad range of perspectives, such as the management of green-spaces (Baycan-Levent & Nijkamp, 2009) and the governance of green-spaces (Green et al., 2016). Due to this broad variety of approaches and perspectives, knowledge of the diversity of approaches and perspectives in the research field is useful when conducting research on green-spaces.

James et al. (2009) developed a framework for an integrated understanding of green-space in the European built environment, based on email-mediated discussions and a two-day symposium involving experts from various disciplines (figure 2). In this framework, urban green-space is seen as an integral part of cities providing a range of services to both the people and the wildlife living in urban areas. This framework represents five relevant research areas; ecosystem services, broad drivers of change, pressure on green space, social processes and goals of provision, which can be addressed from a physicality, experience, valuation, management, and governance perspective (James et al., 2009). Since the integrated framework by James et al. (2009) is based on a comprehensive range of disciplines and perspectives, the framework is adopted in the theoretical framework of this study on the Green Heart in order to place this study in the suitable research area.

This research can be placed in the model by James et al. (2009) within the pressure on green-space research area, since the research focusses on the dynamics between residential production

(11)

and green-space preservation. The study by James et al. (2009) enables a catalogue of 35 research questions within the five research topics (physicality, experience, valuation, management and governance). This research is closest to the 22nd _{question of the research by James et al.}

(2009): ‘What are the mechanisms by which green-space can be successfully planned, designed and managed at local, regional and national levels, and how can different levels effectively work together?’ Since this question is categorised within the research topic of management, one can argue that this research can also be placed within a management perspective, as the aim is to assess a mechanism (the Spatial Memorandum policy) by which green-space can be successfully planned, designed and managed.

(12)

In addition, understanding the division of green-space and its relation with urbanization is important in the field of green-space management. Koomen et al. (2008) developed a triangular model in which the dynamics between green-spaces and urban development in modern society are demonstrated (figure 3). The model distinguishes two types of green-spaces: agricultural landscapes and natural areas. The triangular model demonstrates that land for urban develop-ment is either provided by natural areas or by agricultural landscapes. However, the conversion of agricultural areas into urban land-use is more likely than the conversion of natural areas into urban land-use, due to the ownership situation of these types of green-spaces. Natural areas are usually managed by conservation organisations with the explicit objective to preserve the area, whilst agricultural areas are only subject to protective instruments. The owners of agricultural land are often more willing to sell their land and benefit from financial advantages, making agri-cultural landscapes more prone for urban development than natural areas (Koomen et al., 2008).

Figure 3: Triangular model for the general land-use conversion in modern society (Koomen et al., 2008)

(13)

2.2 Conceptual framework

The relationship between green-spaces and urbanized areas has been a subject for more than a century in the history of planning (K¨uhn, 2003). One of the most convenient examples that demonstrate this is the book Garden cities of tomorrow by Ebenezer Howard, the classic work that introduces the concept of the garden city (Howard, 1965). In this book, a model was presented in which people would live in small garden cities that were well connected to a central city, so that people could enjoy both the benefits of living in a green area as the benefits from the proximity of a city centre. However, the garden city model has only been applied on a small scale in planning practices.

In the debate on sustainable urbanization, the compact city could be applied as a role model for the planning of urbanization (K¨uhn, 2003). According to this view, sustainable urbanization could be achieved through the separation of city and countryside (K¨uhn, 2003). Dieleman et al. (1999) states that the compact city form relates to the form of fixed elements in a metropolitan region, such as the spatial design of the transport network and of land uses. Advocates of the strategy argue that it is effective way to protect green-spaces and to avoid urban sprawl. How-ever, the compact city does not apply to all societal demands for planning. For example, it is difficult to reconcile the strategy with trends such as suburbanization. Moreover, the location of deployment is dependent on market demand of land where growth will take place and therefore, it is difficult to govern the zoning for industrial land use with instruments that are designed to control where development takes place (Dieleman et al., 1999). In addition, open space preserva-tion is associated with densificapreserva-tion of city centres, leaving less space for green areas within city centres (Koomen et al., 2008). Critics of the approach argue that decentralization is a natural characteristic of urban areas and that it is therefore not possible to stop the development of greenfield sites for housing and employment (Dieleman et al., 1999).

2.2.1 Green-space preservation: the value of green-space

Since this research aims to assess the dynamics between green-space preservation and housing, it is important to understand the values and benefits of green-spaces for society. Maruani & Amit-Cohen (2007) argue that the functions of open spaces are manifold and that they may be classified into two major categories: provision of recreation and other services to society and conservation of natural values.

(14)

Provision of recreation and other services

Concerning the provision of recreation and other services, a literature study by Swanwick et al. (2003) gives a detailed overview of recent studies concerning the value and benefits of green-spaces and distinguishes social, health and economic benefits. This research on the green-heart will be based on the general value of green-space in relation to social, health and economic ben-efits. The study of Swanwick et al. (2003) focusses on urban green-space and one could question whether the natural area of the Green Heart corresponds one to one with urban green-spaces. However, by looking at the Green Heart as the green-space of the Randstad, it becomes clear that the area shows significant similarities with urban green-spaces (K¨uhn, 2003). When it comes to the social benefits of green-space, Swanwick et al. (2003) argue that green-spaces contribute significantly to social inclusion because it is free and access is available to all. Moreover, green-spaces are known to be places that enrich communities since they offer opportunities for social interaction (Mohd Yusof & Yusof, 2013). Subsequently, Green-spaces potentially contribute to child development as they offer playing grounds (Taylor et al., 1988) and education opportunities (Swanwick et al., 2003). The health benefits of green-spaces arise both from the opportunity to exercise in an outdoor environment and from the opportunity to visit a less stressful and more relaxing environment. Since Green-spaces conserve and enhance urban habitats, they contribute to landscape and cultural heritage as well (Swanwick, 2003). Furthermore, green-spaces improve the physical urban environment by reducing pollution and by functioning as a natural drainage system (Bolund & Hunhammar, 1999). Subsequently, some economic benefits of green-spaces are determined, such as direct employment and effects on nearby property prices. However, previous economic evaluations of environmental improvement initiatives demonstrate the difficulties of clearly linking cause and effect (Swanwich et al., 2003).

Conservation of natural values

The conservation of natural values focusses on the natural values of a green space. It raises ques-tions such as which natural values should be protected from development and how they should be managed. In the Green Heart, the dominant land-use is agriculture (Komen et al., 2008), to which is often refereed in policy documents as the ‘cultural historical value’ of the area, on which dairy farming predominates (Minesterie van VROM, 2004). Therefore, one could argue that the conservation of natural values in the Green Heart corresponds to the conservation of rural areas. In addition, these rural areas are known to offer habitat for meadow birds, who are therefore largely dependent on this land use (Harms, 1999).

(15)

2.2.2 Housing development in rural areas

Since rural areas have different functions and values, they are not limited to the purpose of agricultural production. Therefore, one could argue that rural areas function as a multifunctional consumption space, making it an attractive environment to settle (Heins, 2004). In practice, this results in a societal demand for housing in rural areas. However, this demand is difficult to reconcile with the strategy of compact urbanization, since this strategy protects the countryside from urbanization. Consequently, the compact city strategy results in a supply of rural housing that does not meet the demand (Heins, 2004). As a result, real estate prices in rural areas tend to rise more than average, affecting the affordability and purchasing power of certain groups (Koomen et al., 2008).

In addition, the Dutch housing market is currently faced with a shortage of housing and it is estimated that the expansion of the housing stock will lag behind the increase in the number of households in the next few years (ABF Research, 2016). However, housing development in rural areas is known to be effective to tackle housing shortages, since there is more room for development than in urbanized areas (Heins, 2004). Thus, the protection of green-spaces from urbanization currently contributes to a lagging housing supply in the Netherlands, that does not reach the societal demand for housing.

The debate on sustainable urbanization is characterized by indecisiveness and a broad range of arguments that both favour and oppose the strategy of the compact city. On the one hand, the importance of preserving green-spaces is demonstrated by its benefits and values. On the other hand, disadvantages of the containment of urbanization are evident as well.

2.3 Conceptualization and operationalization

2.3.1 Conceptualization

The theories that are discussed in this section, demonstrate that the focus of this research is on green-space management and the dynamics between green-space preservation and housing production. The triangular model by Koomen et al. (2008) shows that the green-spaces that are under pressure by urbanization are agricultural landscapes, since they are more prone to urbanization than natural areas.

Both the preservation of green-spaces and land-use for urbanization are encouraged by dif-ferent arguments and from difdif-ferent perspectives, which is at the heart of the discussion on sustainable urbanization and the compact city approach. Advocates of this approach emphasize

(16)

the importance of green-space preservation, both for the provision of recreation and other ser-vices and for the conservation of natural values. On the other hand, the compact-city approach results in a lagging supply of housing in rural areas.

Land-use policy addresses the management of the tension between these two land-uses. Figure 4 demonstrates a simplified schematic overview of the conceptual framework that forms the basis of this research.

(17)

2.3.2 Operationalization of concepts Housing Development

Since this study looks into how the Spatial Memorandum affects housing production in Alphen aan den Rijn, a clear understanding of what is meant by the term ‘housing development’ is needed. Both the term housing and the term development are comprehensive and can be in-terpreted in different ways. This study tries to focus on housing development as extensive as possible, in order to cover all possible ways to develop housing and thus all ways by which housing can be developed within the municipality of Alphen aan den Rijn. This also applies to similar indications, such as housing production and residential development. For this reason, all types of houses are indicated with the word ‘housing’.

Alphen aan den Rijn

When speaking of Alphen aan den Rijn, a distinction can be made between the municipality of Alphen aan den Rijn and the city of Alphen aan den Rijn that is situated in the municipality. This research focusses on the city of Alphen aan den Rijn. Therefore, Alphen aan den Rijn refers to the city and the municipality of Alphen aan den Rijn refers to the municipality as a whole, including the surrounding villages of Boskoop and Rijnwoude.

Green-space

Koomen et al. (2008) argue that green-space in the Green Heart consist of roughly two different types, which are agricultural areas and natural areas. The theoretical framework demonstrates that the conversion of agricultural areas into urban land-use is more likely than the conversion of natural areas into urban land-use. Therefore, green-spaces in the case of Alphen aan den Rijn are considered as agricultural areas.

(18)

3 Background

3.1 Dutch tradition of compact urban development

The Dutch authorities have pursued a policy of compact urbanization since the 1960s in various forms, especially in the planning of the Randstad and the Green Heart (Dieleman et al., 1999; Koomen et al., 2008). Development of housing stock and of population in the four cities of the Randstad by Dieleman et al. (1999) show that decentralisation is still an ongoing process. Nonetheless, Koomen et al. (2008) demonstrate that the Dutch restrictive policies have been successful in terms of open-space preservation, based on GIS data from the period of 1995-2004. The Green Heart is not a natural area from an historical perspective and therefore it is argued that the existence of the area is based on a ‘good urban form’ (K¨uhn, 2003; Dieleman et al., 1999). Some argue that this leaves no substantial grounds for far-reaching policy measures. Preserving the Green-Heart would then be undesirable and not achievable in the long term, since societal developments will lead to other requirements of the area (Eeten & Roe, 2000). Some critics argue that housing production in the Green Heart will eventually take place by any means (Eeten & Roe, 2000), and that it is untenable to protect the area (Loerzing, 1995).

However, the Dutch planning policies are often praised for their anti-sprawl ambitions (Halleux, 2012; Koomen et al., 2008). By taking the benefits of green-space preservation into account, one could defend the statement that the Green Heart does not necessarily have to be a natural reserve in order to validate its existence and preserve the area. Dieleman et al. (1999) argues that the Randstad its associated Green Heart could be seen as a successful example of the the compact city concept brought into practice.

This debate on the planning strategies for sustainable urbanization is at the heart of policy conductance in the Netherlands. The background section of this study looks into a broader understanding of the Dutch planning tradition regarding the Green Heart. By showing the tradition of protective policies on the Green Heart, comparable with the ‘as City’ strategy, it becomes clear how the Spatial Memorandum policy deviates from its predecessors.

3.2 Policies on the Green Heart throughout the years

When looking into national policies and the preservation of the Green Heart, it is useful to have a clear understanding of the emergence of the Green Heart as a natural area and of former policies on the Green Heart. This section provides an overview of the origin of the Green Heart as a

(19)

natural area and an overview of previous national spatial planning policies and policies on the Green Heart in order to demonstrate how the area originated and formerly has been preserved. Figure 5 shows how land-use has changed in the Randstad and its Green Heart have from 1950 to 2010.

Figure 5: Land-use in the Randstad and the Green heart in 1950 (left) and 2010 (right) (Must, 2014)

In order to understand how the Green Heart evolved into an appreciated and protected natural area of the Netherlands, it is important to place the area into an historical context. The name of the Green Heart already demonstrates that it is the natural heart of a broader area, which is the Randstad. Therefore, it would not be possible to have the perception of a Green Heart without the existence of the Randstad. The first mention of the term Randstad on paper was in a letter from aviation pioneer and KLM’s first director, Albert Plesman, to the ministry of home affairs in 1938. Plesman saw a semicircle of cities in green from the air, although they were still clearly visible as separate places. However, it was useful for Plesman to imagine the places as one city because he had the ambition to replace the local airports of Amsterdam, Rotterdam and The Hague for one single airport. This designation of the Randstad as one area created the perception of the Green Heart as green-space within that area (Kooij, 2006).

The Green Heart was mentioned for the first time in the memorandum entitled Development of the Western Netherlands in 1958. However, the borders of the Green Heart were indicated for the first time in the Fourth Memorandum on spatial planning extra (VINEX) of 1990 (Galle & Modderman, 1997). This policy document formulated that within the period, 227 200 dwellings were to be built on new designated sides, the so called VINEX locations (Dieleman et al., 1999).

(20)

It is important to notice that by this stage in the Dutch national planning policies, locations for housing development were managed at the national level of planning.

In order to protect the Green Heart from urban development, restrictive planning measures were introduced (Dieleman et al., 1999). The borders of the Green Heart were further elaborated in the Structure Plan green space of 1992 (Kooij, 2006). Nonetheless, the Green Hart has not always been appreciated as an essential natural area for the Netherlands. The Green Heart was shaped by means of a large number of memoranda on urbanization and the relationship between agriculture and nature, such as the Relation Memorandum (1975) and the Nature Policy Plan (1990), in which the main ecological structure is worked out. The political decision-making was also directed with arguments from the environmental movement and nature organizations. In doing so, the Green Heart became increasingly of interest in decision-making (Kooij, 2006).

Unlike the social, health and economic values of green-spaces in general as determined before, the natural values of the Green Heart are mainly defined in the memoranda as ecological values, based on biodiversity. In addition to natural values, cultural-historical values were introduced in about 1990, suggesting that the landscape is unique for the way it was shaped by human activities and intervention in the past. The acknowledgement for the Green Heart was the most underlined in the memorandum ‘Green Heart, development program national landscape Green Heart’ from 1999, which presents the Green Heart as an important area with natural, recreational and cultural-historical values, suggesting that the area should not be further affected. This policy intention was repeated in the Fifth Memorandum on Spatial Planning in 2002, the memorandum that preceded the Spatial Memorandum.

3.3 Fifth Memorandum on Spatial Planning

The fifth memorandum, published in 2002, was much concerned about ecological values and the preservation of valuable landscapes (Priemus, 2007). In order to preserve the ecological and recreational value of blue and green areas, an ecological main structure was introduced. Furthermore, green areas were labelled as ‘green contours’, in which building activities were forbidden, unless it would contribute to the surrounding area (Pellenbart & Van Steen, 2001). In addition, so called ‘red contours’ were introduced, surrounding the built-up areas of cities, towns and villages, in which the construction of houses, offices and business real estate had to take place (Pellenbart & Van Steen, 2001). Thus, areas for new residential development were still designated at the national level of planning. Large parts between the green and red contoured where defined as ‘balance areas’, on which the policy was rather unclear. The policy expressed a

(21)

priority for building activities within the red contours, although building in the balance areas was not defined as prohibited. However, the ideal of the policy was that the green and red contours would contribute to a densification of urban areas whilst preserving the natural environment (Priemus, 2007). This was also the strategy for the Green Heart. As stated before, the policy intention on the Green Heart was repeated from the memorandum ‘Green Heart, development program national landscape Green Heart’ from 1999, in which the Green heart was presented as an important area with natural, recreational and cultural-historical values, suggesting that the area should not be further affected (Kooij, 2006).

The Fifth Memorandum on Spatial Planning was received positively by many stakeholders, such as environmental groups. However, the memorandum was strongly criticized as well. One of the arguments was that the vision of the memorandum on the future of the Netherlands was not very clear, which was a remarkable contrast with the VINEX policy, the predecessor of the Fifth Memorandum on Spatial Planning. For instance, a grand spatial design for the Randstad was missing (Priemus, 2007). Furthermore, the policy was considered to be too restrictive by many stakeholders, suggesting that it would have negative effects on the economic prosperity. The extensive criticism on the memorandum managed to convince the parliament, which eventually rejected the memorandum. As a result, a new memorandum was established (Priemus, 2007).

3.4 Spatial Memorandum

The Spatial Memorandum replaced the Fifth Memorandum on Spatial Planning and was imple-mented in 2006, and is considered to be a turning point in spatial development policies of the Netherlands (Priemus, 2004). This memorandum gives ‘space for development’ and is based on the motto ‘decentralization where possible, central organization where needed’. The emphasis in planning shifted from ‘admission planning’ to ‘development planning’, in which ‘opportunities are central, instead of rules and restrictions’ (Ministerie van VROM, 2004).

The National Government is responsible for the main national structure, for projects of na-tional importance and for the legislation that has to ensure the general basic quality throughout the Netherlands. When it comes to regional and local issues, provinces and municipalities have the responsibility to ensure adequate spatial planning and are encouraged to have an active, developing character. This is to be achieved by a new a new cohesion of policy- and legal instru-ments, which should benefit the performance of administration. The policy refers to these policy-and legal instruments as the new ‘toolbox’, which should help to achieve the implementation of governmental investments, such as infrastructure, that help to place private investments, such

(22)

as the development of houses, in a good manner (Ministerie van VROM, 2004).

There are four pillars on which this new toolbox is orientated. The first pillar is deregulation, aiming for less rules and a more critical approach towards regulation. This is to be achieved by merging former spatial permits, such as building and environmental permits into one spatial per-mit that includes all aspects of development. The second pillar is decentralization, establishing a clear separation between national, regional and local interests, which means that the national government expects provinces to guide municipalities in their planning with as little direct inter-ference as possible. The third pillar is orientation on development, which is to be promoted by improving the balance between costs and benefits. Parties that benefit from new projects, such as new parks or roads, should also contribute to their development. This could also mean a bet-ter mutual balance of costs and benefits between municipalities. The fourth pillar is a focus on effectiveness, which is to be achieved by making plan and authorization procedures shorter and more effective. These four pillars are supported by a renewal of law on spatial planning, which is the law on spatial planning (wet ruimtelijke ordening, wro). The most essential consequences of this law are a separation between policy and legal standards, a simplification of procedures and a separation of the different administrative levels, introducing a new system of multi-level governance. This is substantiated by a corresponding legal framework. (Minesterie van VROM, 2004).

The green and red contours from the Fifth Memorandum on Spatial Planning disappeared in the Spatial Memorandum. Nonetheless, the policy does provide rules for development in National Landscapes, of which the Green Heart is one. There is a so called ‘yes, provided that-regime’, for National Landscapes, which means that development may only take place if it preserves or strengthens the special qualities of the surrounding area. In the Green Heart, these special qualities are cultural-historical values that underline the identity of the area. Development in order to meet the social-economical demand of society should be possible, provided that such developments are not at the expense of the special qualities of the area. Regarding residential production in the Green Heart this would mean that the development of housing could be possible if it does not affect the pastures that reflect the agricultural history of the area (Minesterie van VROM, 2004).

To conclude, the Spatial Memorandum introduces a framework for the relationship between different administrative levels and gives insight in the relation between policy levels and the legal structure by which the policies are accompanied. However, since the introduction of the Spatial memorandum, the Green Heart was no longer protected as a natural area on a national scale and

(23)

the locations for residential development are no longer designated at the national level. Since the introduction of the Spatial Memorandum, these responsibilities shifted towards the provincial level. In addition, the emphasis in planning shifted from ‘admission planning’ to ‘development planning’. Therefore, one could argue that the memorandum breaks with the traditional Dutch planning methods of compact urban development. In order to have a better understanding of how the national policy works out at the local level, insight in provincial, regional and local policies is required, accompanied with practical experiences of people who come into contact with the policies.

(24)

4 Methodology

4.1 Research area

Alphen aan den Rijn was chosen as research location, since this city recently received attention in the discussion about housing production in the Green Heart (Van den Eerenbeemt & Smit, 2018). This indicates that the debate on this matter currently takes place in the municipality of Alphen aan den Rijn, making it is a suitable location to look into housing production in the Green Heart under the Spatial Memorandum.

(25)

The municipality of Alphen aan den Rijn is situated in the western part of the Green heart, within the province of Zuid-Holland in the Netherlands (figure 6). In 2014, the municipality of Alphen aan den Rijn emerged with the municipalities of the surrounding villages Boskoop and Rijnwoude (Fusie Alphen aan den Rijn met Boskoop en Rijnwoude is rond, 2013). The munici-pality counted 109.657 inhabitants in 2018 (CBS, 2017). The surface area of the municimunici-pality is 132.5 km2, of which 18.2 km2 is built environment, 3.5 km2 is semi-built environment and 92.3 km2 is agricultural land. The rest of the surface is occupied by roads, railways, recreational and recreational areas. The municipality counts 46.723 houses, of which 93% has been built before 2000 and only 7% after 2000 (CBS, 2015).

In April 2018, a new coalition was formed in the municipality of Alphen aan den Rijn (Coal-itieakkoord wordt op 26 april gepresenteerd, 2018). This new coalition emphasizes that they are willing to look for the opportunities for housing development outside the built environment of Alphen aan den Rijn. In the coalition agreement 2018-2022 of the local government (Gemeente Alphen aan den Rijn, 2018), this is described in the coalition document as following:

“To enable new residential areas at the border between city and country, we are conducting research into potential locations on the outskirts of the city. The starting point here is that the new residential areas are fitted into the landscape. If it turns out that these locations are suit-able and there is sufficient support from the consultation, we will start building at these locations.”

Therefore, both the possibilities for housing development within the built environment and out-side the built environment have been addressed in this research area.

4.2 Overview of the research and sub questions

As stated before, the Spatial Memorandum differs from its predecessors since the policy suggests that there would be a central role for opportunities in the planning process, instead of rules and restrictions. Unlike former policies, locations for housing development were no longer appointed by national policies. Literature shows that the Dutch planning policies have applied the compact city approach, in which fixed elements in a metropolitan region, such as the spatial design of the transport network and of land uses, are used as a strategy to achieve sustainable development (Dieleman et al., 1999). Since the Spatial Memorandum differs from its predecessors and em-phasises on less restrictions, the policy seems to imply that the application of compact planning of urbanization decreases, which could potentially lead to an increase of housing development

(26)

in green-spaces. A green-space that is of particular interest is the Green Heart, since this area has been strongly protected by policies throughout the years in order to avoid urban sprawl as a result of pressure on the housing stock from the surrounding Randstad. The discussion on housing production in green areas has recently been revived in the municipality of Alphen aan den Rijn, since some argue that there is not enough room for housing development (Van den Eerenbeemt & Smit, 2018).

Therefore, this research aims to answer the following research question: How does the Spatial Memorandum affect housing development in Alphen aan den Rijn? This research question will be answered on the basis of three sub questions.

1. How is the Spatial Memorandum operationalized in practice?

2. What are the outcomes of the Spatial memorandum for housing development in Alphen aan den Rijn?

3. What are the perspectives of involved actors on the outcomes of the Spatial Memorandum for housing production in Alphen aan den Rijn?

These questions will explain how the national policy is translated to the provincial, regional and local level. Furthermore, insight in the current state of housing production and the possi-bilities for housing production under the Spatial Memorandum will be provided. In addition, the perspectives on housing production of involved actors at the local level helps to demonstrate how policy on the national level works out at the local level. This will also contribute to a better understanding of what is desired on the local level.

4.3 Research design

This research looks into how the Spatial Memorandum affects housing production in Alphen aan den Rijn. Since the operationalization of the Spatial Memorandum and its outcomes for housing production in the Green Heart have not been assessed in the scientific literature, it was decided to seek for an in-depth understanding of how the policy works out at the local level, rather than to compare the outcomes of the policy at different municipalities at the Green Heart. Therefore, the design of this research is a single case study approach. According to Bryman (2015), a case study entails the detailed and intensive analysis of a single case, which applies for this research. This study therefore uses a qualitative research design, since the focus of this research is on the understanding of the social world through an examination of the interpretation of that world by

(27)

its participants (Bryman, 2015). This case study is explorative in nature, since it is the first study that examines the outcomes of the Spatial Memorandum in the field of housing development in a municipality within the Green Heart.

4.4 Research sample

In order to determine the involved stakeholders and establish the research sample, the munici-pality of Alphen aan den Rijn was interviewed. Since the municimunici-pality is involved in all aspects of the Spatial Memorandum that are assessed in this research, the municipality was identified as a key informant. Marshall (1996) defines a key informant as an expert source of information.

During this first interview, other stakeholders at the local were identified; land owners, which are real estate developers and agricultural entrepreneurs; the local housing association; and an urban development agency who conducts research on the opportunities for housing development in the municipality outside the built environment. In addition, a local action group, which is committed to preventing building activities in the countryside of Alphen aan den Rijn, was approached. Furthermore, it became clear that decision-making on the local level is strongly susceptible to decision-making on the provincial administrative level. Therefore, the province has been identified as an important actor as well. Nonetheless, since this research focusses on the elaboration of policy on the local level, other provincial and regional actors have not been included in this research. In order to reach out to agricultural entrepreneurs, it was decided to approach the LTO (Land- en Tuinbouw Organisatie), the agricultural and horticultural organization, since this party represents the interests of farmers better than a single agricultural entrepreneur. Another actor that could be of interest are local aldermen. However, the municipality operates on behalf of the local politics and therefore it was decided not to approach this actor. In order to improve the trustworthiness of the research, contact was made with an expert on the topic of spatial policy in the Netherlands.

Apart from the municipality, most of the participants that represent the stakeholders were selected by purposive sampling. This means that the participants have been selected, based on direct reference to the research question being asked (Bryman, 2015). At least one person per stakeholder that was identified has been interviewed. However, for the real estate developers and agricultural entrepreneurs, it was not directly clear which organization was suitable to represent the stakeholder. Therefore, the participants of these stakeholders were selected through the strategy of snowball sampling, by which which contact was made with the participants after they were appointed by other interview partners (Bryman, 2015).

(28)

The expert was approached towards the end of the research in order to validate the findings of this research. By that time, theoretical saturation on the operationalization and outcomes of the Spatial Memorandum was reached, which means that no new or relevant data seemed to be emerging regarding these categories (Bryman, 2015). Therefore, the expert is not considered to be a key informant. An overview of the the participants, the organizations by which the participants are organized, the persons who represent the actors and their functions are set out at table 1.

Stakeholder Organisation Person(s) Function

Municipality Municipality of L. Blokker and Spatial planner Alphen aan den Rijn J. Overbeek

Urban development agency KuiperCompagnons R. Begheyn Head of consultancy

Local housing association Woonforte F. Nunen Policy officer strategy and real estate Action group ‘Do not make the heart hard’ P. Martens Chairman

Argricultural entrepreneurs LTO C. Schakel Policy advisor

Real estate developers Amvest O. Wagenaar Development manager

Province Province Zuid-Holland K. Spannenburg Coordinator housing

Expert TU Delft Prof. dr. ir. Emeritus professor of

H. Priemus system innovation in spatial development

(29)

4.5 Methods of data collection

This research uses both secondary and primary data in order to answer the research question. The secondary data that has been reviewed are both literature and policy documents, the pri-mary data consists of in-depth interviews with the participants that emerge from the identified stakeholders.

The fundament of this research is established on the base of scientific literature. From this literature, the theoretical and conceptual framework is constructed. In addition, the background to the study is based on scientific literature as well. Furthermore, policy documents that are relevant in the field of housing production in Alphen aan den Rijn have been assessed. However, due to the comprehensive range of policy documents on spatial planning in the Netherlands, it was not clear at the beginning of this research which policy documents apply to the case. Therefore, the Spatial Memorandum was the only policy that was assessed before the fieldwork was carried out. Thus, other relevant policies have been identified during interviews and were examined afterwards. All analysed policies were downloaded from official government websites.

The interviews that are conducted in order to collect primary data are semi-structured inter-views and one structured interview. In case of the semi-structured interinter-views, the interviewee provides an answer within a certain framework on which the interviewer can ask questions (Bry-man 2015). Thus, the questions were developed on forehand of the interview, but additional question were asked as well as a reply to the answers of the interviewee. Seven semi-structured interviews have been conducted, of which four were held face-to-face and three were held through a telephone conversation. The interviews have been recorded and transcribed in order to make analysis of the data possible. In addition, one interview was conducted via e-mail. Since this method does not allow the researcher to ask additional questions, this was a structured interview, meaning that all questions were developed on forehand and no additional questions were asked. Information on the methods of data-collection are demonstrated in table 2.

(30)

Stakeholder Date of interview Method of interview Communication type

Municipality May 3, 2018 Semi-structured Face-to-face

Urban development agency May 25, 2018 Semi-structured Face-to-face

Local housing association May 18, 2018 Semi-structured Face-to-face

Action group June 11, 2018 Semi-structured Phone call

Argricultural entrepreneurs June 20, 2018 Semi-structured Phone call

Real estate developers June 21, 2018 Semi-structured Phone call

Province July 18, 2018 Semi-structured Face-to-face

Expert July 23, 2018 Structured E-mail

(31)

4.6 Methods of data analysis

In order to answer the sub questions, a thematic analysis has been applied. This method of analysis seeks to identify different themes in the qualitative data, in order to categorise the data (Bryman, 2015). This research applied theoretical analysis in a deductive way, which means that the themes emerged from the data that was collected through interviews. The interviews were coded manually after the interview was conducted and transcribed. Afterwards, quotes have been sorted into different themes.

The operationalization of the Spatial Memorandum was observed by looking into how the na-tional document was translated to the local level. The themes that emerged from the interviews are relevant policies and the relation between administrative levels. In terms of the outcomes of the Spatial Memorandum, the identified themes are housing development within the built environment and housing development outside the built environment. The perspectives on hous-ing development arise from the perspectives on houshous-ing development; the role of green-spaces for living in Alphen aan den Rijn; the Gnephoek, a particular location within the municipality of Alphen aan den Rijn that was mentioned by several participants, and; the perspectives on multi-level governance.

4.7 Reflection

4.7.1 Quality criteria

In qualitative research, the trustworthiness of the research is strongly dependant on how the researcher approaches the process of conducting a research. According to Bryman (2015), the trustworthiness of qualitative research is made up of four criteria; credibility, transferability, dependability and conformability, arguing that the trustworthiness of qualitative research should be assessed differently from quantitative research. However, these criteria parallel with the internal validity, external validity, reliability and objectivity to which is referred in quantitative research. In this section, these issues of trustworthiness regarding this research are discussed.

The criterion of credibility, which relates to internal validity in quantitative research, ques-tions the accuracy and credibility of the research findings, it does not seek to verify the con-clusions, but rather to match between the observation and the theoretical ideas that develop (Bryman, 2015). In order to achieve credibility, the research sample was developed with the purpose of representing all involved stakeholders, in order to ascertain that all perspectives on

(32)

the outcomes of the spatial memorandum are discussed. However, apart from the municipality of Alphen aan den Rijn, each stakeholder is represented by only one interviewee.

In addition, transferability questions to what extend the findings of a research can be gen-eralized to other situations and other people, and therefore corresponds with external validity in quantitative research. However, qualitative research typically entails the intensive study of a small group, and therefore the repetition of a research can only take place in similar, but not identical, conditions (Patton, 2002). Since this research is a case study and aims to provide detailed knowledge and understanding of an issue at a specific place, the transferability of this research is low. However, that does not detract from the fact that it is possible to find comparable results in other municipalities. For instance, other municipalities in the part of the Green Heart that are situated in Zuid-Holland, come into contact with the same province in the decision-making process. Regarding the perspectives on the outcomes of the Spatial Memorandum, it is not possible to generalize the findings. The situation in other municipalities could be different from the situation in Alphen aan den Rijn and therefore, the perspectives on the outcomes of the Spatial Memorandum could be different as well. Nonetheless, the results of this research could be used for a comparative analysis in other studies of similar cases.

Furthermore, dependability relates to reliability in quantitative research, including both ex-ternal and inex-ternal reliability. Bryman (2015) emphasizes that the exex-ternal reliability, the degree to which a study can be replicated, is a difficult criterion the meet in qualitative research, since it is impossible to ‘freeze’ a social setting. In order to ensure the internal reliability of a research, Bryman (2015) proposes to keep records of all phases of the research process. Such records of this research are not available and therefore, dependability has not been ensured.

Lastly, the confirmability parallels with objectivity in quantitative research. Although com-plete objectivity is impossible to achieve in qualitative research (Bryman, 2015), confirmability addresses to which extend the findings of a research are influenced by personal values or the-oretical inclinations. However, there is no audit trail available of this research and therefore, confirmability has not been established. Nonetheless, since this research has been conducted for the purpose of a thesis, there are no other motivations to carry out this research other than the purpose of scientific research as a goal in itself.

(33)

4.7.2 Limitations of the study

An important limitation of this research is that the focus is mainly on the actors at the local level, which are actors that are involved in or affected by housing development in Alphen aan den Rijn. Although the province was identified as a key actor in the planning process of housing development in the municipality and has therefore been interviewed as well, other provincial and regional actors that could be of interest, such as region Holland Rijnland, a cooperation of Alphen aan den Rijn and other municipalities, Staatsbosbeheer, which is the state forest management, and the Hoogheemraadschap, the regional water management authority, have not been included in the study. In addition, for most of the actors selected for the research, except for the municipality, only one representative was interviewed. This is likely to result in the risk of a one-sided representation. In addition, the first two research findings emerged based on two interviews, since most of the stakeholder are not directly involved in the operationalization of the Spatial Memorandum at the local level, which could also result in the risk of a one-sided representation.

4.7.3 Ethical considerations

When potential respondents were approached with the request to take part in this research, a clear overview of this research has been provided, accompanied with an introduction of the researcher and an explanation of what the respondents could expect from the interview. At the beginning of every interview, this information was repeated in order to make this research as transparent as possible. In addition, all respondents were asked for permission to record the interview for transcribing purposes. By providing extensive information on the research and by explicitly asking for permission to participate in this research, informed consent was achieved. In addition, every interviewee received a copy of this research in order to avoid misconceptions. By working as transparent as possible, accountability towards the respondents was shown. Furthermore, all respondents were asked for permission to release their identity, to which every respondent agreed.

(34)

5 Results: the operationalization of the Spatial

Memoran-dum

This chapter seeks to answer to the first sub question: how is the Spatial Memorandum opera-tionalized in practice? Thus, it aims to demonstrate how the Spatial Memorandum is translated at the local level, and works out in practice.

As stated in the literature review, the allocation for housing was coordinated on the national level during the VINEX policy, the predecessor of the Spatial Memorandum. However, the Spatial Memorandum introduced a shift in responsibilities for housing production from the national level towards the regional and local level with the introduction of a new multi-level governance system, in order to ensure adequate spatial planning.

This was to be achieved by providing policies, so called structural visions, at the different administrative levels, in which the main issues of spatial planning at each administrative level are determined. Thus, the national level provides a policy framework for the province and the provincial level provides a policy framework for the municipalities within the province, making the different administrative levels responsible for their own interests (L. Blokker & J. Overbeek, personal communication, May 3, 2018). This new system of multi-level governance is anchored in a renewal of the law on spatial planning (de wet ruimtelijke ordening, wro).

As a result, the Spatial Memorandum does not directly assess the development of housing, since the planning of housing development at a specific location is considered to be a local and not a national issue. Therefore, the operationalization of the Spatial Memorandum emerges from the structural visions at the different administrative levels. In order to understand the operationalization of the Spatial Memorandum in terms of housing production in Alphen aan den Rijn, the structural visions at the different administrative levels should be assessed.

Therefore, this section provides insight into the structural visions at the different admin-istrative levels that are of importance for housing development in Alphen aan den Rijn. The elaboration of these policies will be based on content of the policies and research findings from the fieldwork. Furthermore, a schematic overview provides insight into the relations between the different administrative levels in order to demonstrate how the Spatial Memorandum is opera-tionalized in practice.

(35)

5.1 The national structural vision on infrastructure and space

The national structural vision was introduced in 2012 by the name of The structural vision on infrastructure and space (SVIR), which became the new leading national policy document on spa-tial planning (Ministerie van Infrastructuur en Milieu, 2012). The SVIR leaves the Green Heart and the topic of housing development nearly undiscussed, only repeating the Spatial Memoran-dum by stating that the Green Heart reflects the Dutch cultural historical values for its openness and agricultural character (Personal communication, K. Spannenburg, July 13, 2018). Nonethe-less, this policy introduces a new policy instrument for the development of housing; the ladder of sustainable urbanization. According to L. Blokker & J. Overbeek (personal communication, May 3, 2018) the VINEX policy was very restrictive. Potential construction sites were appointed at specific locations and the options to develop housing outside these constructions sites very scarce. After the VINEX, the Spatial Memorandum was introduced, which was not clear enough in the field of housing production. As a result, the ladder of sustainable urbanization was introduced to provide more guidance in the process of residential development.

The ladder of sustainable urbanization is applicable in every administrative layer and helps in the process of planning new urban development. The policy document evaluates plans in three steps. The first step is that provinces and municipalities should motivate the need for the proposed urban development. After all, if there is no need for the new urban development, it is not worthwhile to sacrifice scarce space. Subsequently, if there is a current regional need for the intended new urban development, it should be described to what extent that need can be met in existing urban areas by using available land through restructuring, transformation or otherwise, in order to prevent unnecessary building activities outside the existing urban area whilst space is still available within the city centre. Lastly, if the second step show that the urban development cannot take place within the existing urban area of the region concerned, the focus for a new location should be on a location that is well-connected with the existing urban areas by different ways of transport (Bureau Stedelijke Planning bv & Stibbe. 2017). In this case, building activities always have to take place at the edges of the built environment (L. Blokker & J. Overbeek, personal communication, May 3, 2018).

In addition, the estimations of housing needs are of importance, since the need for residential production is dependent on the demand for housing. Provinces make an estimation of the housing needs in their province and in the municipalities that are situated within the provinces, based on statistical and demographical information. Municipalities are not allowed to produce

(36)

more houses than the amount of houses that is needed within the municipality. Every year, the municipality composes a building program, which has to be approved by the province (L. Blokker & J. Overbeek, personal communication, May 3, 2018).

5.2 The Provincial Structural vision on space and mobility

One of the most important policy documents in the field of housing production in Alphen aan den Rijn is the provincial structural vision, which is the ‘Structural vision on space and mobility’ (L. Blokker & J. Overbeek, personal communication, May 3, 2018). This policy was introduced in 2012 and replaced the former ‘Provincial structural vision 2020’. Similar to the Spatial Mem-orandum, this policy document has a focus on development. It takes the existing situation as starting point and uses social and economic demands as a guideline for action, in order to im-prove the spatial quality (Provincie Zuid-Holland, 2017). However, the policy does underline that it is important to improve and enhance existing spatial structures and emphasizes the lad-der of sustainable urbanization. This means that in the field of housing production, the focus should be on opportunities to transform and restructure the existing built environment instead of extending the border of the built environment and to start building in the surrounding green environment. More specifically, the policy states that the quality of life and spatial quality of the rural areas such as the Green Heart should be promoted.

5.3 Regional and local structural visions

On the regional level, a structural vision was formulated by the region of Holland Rijnland, which is an association of fourteen different municipalities that are situated in the province of Zuid-Holland, including Alphen aan den Rijn (Holland Rijnland, 2009). This regional structural vision was formulated in 2009 and is older than the Structural vision on space and mobility. Although the structural vision only concentrates on a period of time up to 2020 and is therefore less current than the provincial structural vision, it does underline the goal of preserving the unbuilt environment.

In addition, municipalities usually compile their local structural vision based on the provincial and regional structural visions. However, the structural vision of Alphen aan den Rijn dates from the time before the fusion with surrounding municipalities and is therefore outdated. As a result, the municipality is currently not working with a local structural vision, but makes decisions based on what is desired in the municipality and possible within the provincial structural vision.

(37)

5.4 Decision-making processes for housing development in Alphen aan

den Rijn

In order to start with housing development, the zoning plan of a specific area has to be changed so that alternative land-use is possible (L. Blokker & J. Overbeek, personal communication, May 3, 2018). The first step is then to determine the residential program, based on the housing needs in the municipality, which can be initiated by residents, a private actor, or by the city council. The municipality conducts an investigation in order to find whether this is feasible. Afterwards, the opportunities under the regional and provincial structural visions and the ladder of sustainable urbanization have to be evaluated. If the plans are feasible within the framework of these policies and instruments, a new spatial plan on the local level can be developed, which is the zoning plan. This spatial plan has to be tested by the province in order to examine if the zoning plan is suitable with the plans for the area. The municipality submits a draft zoning plan to the province. The Provincial Planning Commission consulates the plan with the province and other governmental representatives. Subsequently, the zoning plan determined by the municipal council is submitted for approval to the province. If the zoning plan is approved, it can be carried out and the construction can be started (L. Blokker & J. Overbeek, personal communication, May 3, 2018).

This shows that the municipality always needs to receive permission from the province in order facilitate housing development. Hence, the power over spatial plans has shifted from the national towards the provincial level, although the process is guided by an instrument that was introduced on the national level, the ladder for sustainable urbanization.

(38)

Figure 7: Schematic overview of the operationalization of the framework that was provided by Spatial Memorandum

Figure 7 provides a schematic overview of how the structural visions concerning housing development in Alphen aan den Rijn, housing needs and the ladder of sustainable urbanization relate to each other. The components that are of importance in the field of housing production are circled with a close line, the other components are circled with a dotted line.

5.5 Concluding remarks

To conclude, the Spatial Memorandum introduces a new system of multi-level governance, based on structural visions. However, the policy does not directly assess the actual development of housing at the local level, since it is not considered to be of national interest. Therefore, the structural visions that are composed within this framework of multi-level governance are the policies that guide the planning and development of housing in Alphen aan den Rijn. In addition, the ladder of sustainable urbanization has become the most important planning instrument to guide the allocation of housing development. Furthermore, housing development is only possible if it provides for the actual demand for housing.

Regarding the shift in responsibilities from the national level towards lower administrative levels, the provincial Structural vision on space and mobility is the leading policy and is therefore

(39)

currently the most relevant policy document in the municipality of Alphen aan den Rijn. This shows how the goal of the Spatial Memorandum to shift responsibilities towards lower adminis-trative levels has been brought into practice, by providing a new policy framework of multi-level governance, based on structural visions. As a result, unlike during previous policies, the national level is no longer directly involved in the planning of housing development. However, the final responsibilities are not at the local level, but primarily at the provincial level, since construc-tion plans have to approved by the province. One could argue that the the decentralizaconstruc-tion of decision-making does not go far enough, since the final decision is made at the provincial level rather than the local level. However, the coordination from the provincial level prevents housing development outside the built environment and therefore preserves the Green-Heart.

Green-space preservation and housing development since the Spatial Memorandum