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Social Sustainability and the Cultivation of Organic Cotton

The Case of Erode District in Tamil Nadu

Master Thesis


Contemporary Asian studies

supervisor: dr. Gerben Nooteboom

Siu Lin Ho


Student ID: 10075305 Date of submission: 24-08-2015

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University of Amsterdam

Social Sustainability and the Cultivation of Organic Cotton

The Case of Erode District in Tamil Nadu

for my mother

University of Amsterdam

Graduate School of Social Sciences

Supervisor: dr. Gerben Nooteboom

Second reader: Laurens Bakker

Degree programme: MSc Contemporary Asian studies

Siu Lin Ho

Student ID: 10075305

Submitted on: 24th of August 2015

Number of pages: 52

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Acknowledgement

First of all, I would like to acknowledge and express my gratefulness to all people whom I

have interviewed and who have helped me. Without them, this thesis would not exist.

Second, I am grateful for being supervised by dr. Gerben Nooteboom, who has been

guiding me for the most part of this year. Thanks to his perseverance, expertise and critical

and motivating guidance, this thesis has become reality. I reckon myself fortunate for

being one of his students. Thank you Gerben. Thirdly, I would like to thank my family for

being so supportive to me at all times this year. The Skype calls when I was away, the

supportive talks, the love, all have helped me a lot. Thank you, Kiki, Gwan and Det. Fourth,

I thank all my friends for having faith in me at all times. Knowing that I could fall back on

you at all times is priceless. I would like to thank a new friend and a person who has

become real important to me this year. Ram Rajan Prasad, thanks for all your love, talks,

patience and calmness. There are a few friends whom I made during fieldwork which I like

to thank in particular. Shivapa, Shivama, Tirumurugan, Viyaya and Dr. Alagesan, thanks

for all your help, love and kindness when I was in the field. You made me really feel at

home, even during hard times. Lastly, I would like to thank all teachers of the

Contemporary Asian Studies program for the interesting and educational classes.

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Table of Contents

Abstract………

5

1. Introduction………..…..….6

Motivation and Relevance………6 


Research Questions and Objectives………8


Set Up of the Thesis……….9


2. Theoretical framework……….

10

Sustainability……….10

A. Environmental sustainability……….12


B. Social sustainability……….14


C. Indicators of social sustainability……….16


1. Forced labour………17


2. Wages………17


3. Health & Injuries……….. 18


4. Usual hours of work……….19

5. Gender Equality………. 19
 6. Child labour………..19

3. Methodology

………20 Methods………..…………20 Setting………..……22 Reflections………..23


4. Case Study on 5 organic farms in Erode district

4.1 Organic cotton farmers in Erode district………..……….24

Emergence of organic farmers in Tamil Nadu………24

Characteristics of organic farmers in Erode district………24

Influence NGO……….25

Farmers and the conversion period………..26

4.2 Manifestation of social sustainability at the farms……….27

Characteristics of labourers at the farms………27


Forced labour………28

Wages……….31

Injuries & Health……… 33

Usual hours of work………. 33

Gender equality & discrimination……….34

Child labour………..… 38

5. The nature of the relationship between social and ecological sustainability

Vulnerability……….40 Economic prosperity……….41

6. Conclusion……….…….

43 References……….……….44 Appendix……….….…50

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Abstract

Sustainability is a broad term and inevitably connected with three aspects; environmental

sustainability, economic sustainability and social sustainability. This study focuses on the

relationship between environmental and social sustainability. To achieve this goal, the

cultivation of organic cotton is studied in Erode district in Tamil Nadu, a southern

province in India, where 5 organic farmers who cultivate cotton were selected. Social

sustainability was measured by means of 6 indicators which are forced labour, wages,

usual hours of work, health and injuries, child labour and gender and equality. In the study

it becomes clear how social sustainability is manifested on organic cotton farms in Erode in

Tamil Nadu. First, forced labour was not present because of ecological circumstances.

Second, wages are sufficient but social security is poor. Third, workers work 8 hours per

day which is social sustainable. Fourth, child labour was not present at the farms.

Noteworthy is the gender inequality at the farms. Women are paid less and have less

control over their finances. The conclusion is that organic farms tend to have more

economic prosperity than non-organic farms in Erode district. Therefore, it can be stated

that nature of the relationship between social sustainability and environmental

sustainability is economical.

Key words: organic farming, sustainability, social sustainability, India, Tamil Nadu,

agricultural labour, poverty, textile industry.

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1. Introduction

“As market criteria increasingly dominate our lives, our clash with a holistic view of ourselves in relation to nature, society, and polity becomes an ever more profound source of discontent” (Stilwell, 2006: 398)

India is the second cotton producing and consuming country as well as the second largest cotton exporter in the world. The cotton sector supports the livelihood of 60 million people, including 4.5 million farmers (Prasad et al, 2010: 294). In this study, part of this population will be studied by means of a case in Tamil Nadu. I will study organic farms that cultivate organic cotton. The people in this study are small and marginal landholders. Organic cotton is particularly interesting, because of the importance of the cotton sector.


There are two major negative impacts of conventional cotton production. First, large quantities of pesticides and chemical fertilisers are used in the production of conventional cotton. These pesticides and chemical fertilisers pollute soil and water and decrease biodiversity. The second negative impact is the impact of these pesticides and chemicals on farmers and agricultural workers’ health (Hansen & Schaltegger, 2013: 587). A solution for those negative impacts can be found in alternative ways of producing cotton. India is one of the countries producing alternatives for conventional cotton and exports more than 74% of world’s organic cotton. Producing cotton organically means that the use of synthetic agricultural chemicals such as pesticides and fertilisers are practically excluded (Textile Exchange, 2009).

Motivation and Relevance


The disadvantages of farmers using pesticides stand out, such as the high environmental costs and health problems it brings. Despite these disadvantages, farmers continue to use pesticides. Eyhorn (2007) explains that farmers face obstacles during the transition period from cultivating conventional crops to organic crops, which can clarify why farmers continue to use pesticides. The conversion to organic production can improve the livelihoods of smallholders while protecting natural resources. Cotton production in South India is also known for its poor labour circumstances and low wages (Cawthorne, 1995: 43). In the literature, labour issues have been addressed in conventional cotton farming, but not yet in organic farming (Sing 2006: 5366). Farmers in developed countries are encouraged to convert their existing farms into organic farms through subsidies of Non Governmental Organizations (NGO’s) and through media attention and education (Yadav et al, 2013: 1). Although a lot is known about the ecological and physical benefits of organic cotton, not much is known about social sustainability. Social sustainability focuses on the human aspect of sustainability. It refers to the capacity inherent in individuals and communities to meet their own needs and achieve a balanced quality of life, as well as for

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themselves as for future generations (Barron and Gauntlett, 2002; Pareja-Eastaway, 2012: 503). 


Previous research focused on environmental impacts of the cultivation of organic cotton, but social impacts have been left aside (Jones, 2011: 54). In this thesis, I will enter the debate of social sustainability. This debate draws upon the concept of sustainability. “The objectives of environmental, social, and economic sustainability are the basics of organic farming” (Stockdale et

al, 2001: 266). Although different authors argue that organic farming is environmental and

cost-beneficial on the long term, it is unclear if there is impact of organic farming on improving labour conditions. According Patil et al (2011), who conducted research in the Indian province Karnataka, labour requirements do not differ much between conventional and organic farming. A disadvantage of organic farming is that in some cases it is even more labour intensive (Patil et al, 2011: 45). Little research has been done on the social advantages and limitations of this form of farming (Patil et al, 2011). Advantages of organic agriculture are: conserving soil and water resources, improving soil and water quality, enhancing diversity, sustaining yield, producing quality products, natural pest control with less environmental pollution. Disadvantages are the labour intensity that is related to organic agriculture, the necessity for skills (although this does not have to be a disadvantage), the need of abundance of natural input material and the occurrence of yield reductions (Ramesh et al, 2005; Prasad, 2005).

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Besides the academic and societal relevance of this subject, my personal motivation to study this subject is based on my interest in organic farming and the process behind it. To be able to create a better world for future generations, I believe new techniques and ideas have to be created. One of them is producing consumption goods in a non-harmful way, as well as for human beings as for nature. Therefore, I focused in this research on social sustainability, which is the social aspect of sustainability, within the cultivation of organic cotton.

Research Questions and Objectives

The social aspect of organic farming deserves more attention and will be the core focus of this thesis. The central question of this thesis reads as follows: 


What is the relationship between ecological sustainability and social sustainability?

I aim to answer this question on the basis of a case study of organic cotton cultivation in Tamil Nadu. The fieldwork was conducted in Erode district in Tamil Nadu in India. I conducted 33 interviews, of which 7 were organic farmers, 11 workers that were related to the farmers, 7 landless workers including 1 group interview with 6 female-labourers, 6 employers of the NGO situated in the area and 1 governmental officer. I have tried, to gather as much supplementary information and literature as possible on this subject. Part of that information helped me answering the subquestions.

The sub-questions which take apart the key aspects of the main question are presented underneath, and formed the basis of the research. I aim to answer the central question by means of answering the subquestions one by one.


1. How is cotton cultivated in an ecological way?


2. How did organic farmers emerge in Tamil Nadu?

3. What are the characteristics of and what does the decision making process imply of organic farmers in Erode district?

4. How is social sustainability manifested on the organic farms?

This last question is also the broadest. Variables I use to confine this question are extracted from the decent work indicators of the International Labour Organization (ILO). They include the occurrence of:


- forced labour

-

daily or weekly wages

-

health problems/social insurance

-

usual hours of work

-

gender equality

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Set up of the thesis

In the following, the theoretical framework including an outline of the most important concepts, an overview of the discussions and a list of indicators and definitions will be presented. Second, the setting of the research will be described. Third, I will present the case of 5 organic cotton cultivating farmers in Erode district. I will elaborate on social sustainability on the base of the indicators of social sustainability which are forced labour, wages, injuries & health, usual hours of work, gender equality & discrimination, and child labour. Fourth, once there is determined to which extent social sustainability is manifested at the organic farms, I will look at the nature of the relationship between social and ecological sustainability. In the conclusion a small summary of the findings will be given including the answers found to the subquestions.

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2. Theoretical framework

In order to be able to understand what the relationship is between ecological and social sustainability, the main concepts, environmental sustainability and social sustainability, need to be determined first. I will pay attention to the concept sustainability by giving an overview of important definitions and perspectives of sustainability. On a second step, I will elaborate on ecological sustainability and define the term with help of the literature. After that, the concept of social sustainability will be outlined, discussed and defined. In order to be able to measure social sustainability, 6 indicators will be given and defined at the end.

Sustainability

The concept of sustainability first evolved in environmental circles. Later, sustainability gained attention in many other areas (Pareja-Eastaway, 2012:502). At the end of the 1980s, sustainability received a lot of global attention, both academically, socially and politically. One important definition of sustainability is; “transforming our ways of living to maximise the chances that environmental and social conditions will indefinitely support human security, well being and health” (McMicheal et al, 2003). This definition mainly focuses on the way we are living now and how it will affect next generations. This definition carries a strong moral appeal. In order to secure environmental and social conditions for future generations, we should change the way we are living at this moment. Another definition of sustainability is “improving the quality of human life while living within the carrying capacity of supporting ecosystems” (Beazley, 1993:211). This definition differs from the previous, because the quality of human life is central, instead of environmental and social conditions. Ecosystems are important and should be respected and therefore livelihoods should be ‘lived within the carrying capacity of supporting ecosystems’. The carrying capacity of ecosystems offer a restraint for how human life could be improved. The World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED) adopted its definition of sustainability from the Brundtland report (Caniato et al, 2012:660). Their way of defining sustainability is that sustainability means “being able to satisfy current needs without compromising the possibility for future generations to satisfy their own needs” (WCED, 1987). This definition from the Brundtland report is much broader in the sense that it implies that the current use of natural resources should be as fruitful as it will be for future generations and cannot be over-exploited. 


According to Farrel and Hart (2010), there are two main general conceptions of sustainability that conflict with each other. First, the critical limits view of sustainability which concerns the threat environmental degradation (Farrel & Hart, 2010:6). This view focuses on the importance of protecting natural assets such as fertile soils and healthy wetlands. Fertile soil and healthy wetlands constitute ecosystems that are essential to human well-being. Farrel and Hart (2010) state that “we must preserve these ecosystems and respect the limits that they impose on the number of people in the world and their mode of living” (Farrel & Hart, 2010:6). This first view is basically environmental. The second general conception of sustainability is called the competing

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objectives view. Instead of only focusing on ecosystems, this conception of sustainability focuses on

balancing social, economic and ecological goals (Farrel & Hart, 2010:6). This last view also aims at meeting a range of human needs including literacy, health and political freedom but also purely material needs. Both of the views are concerned with equity as well as within and between generations (Farrel & Hart, 2010: 7). Equity within generations, also called intergenerational equity (Farrel & Hart, 2010:7) means that future generations should be left to a planet with sufficient resources, being ecologically viable. Equity between generations or intragenerational equity relates to people living now. It entails that among people living now, environmental benefits and costs should be distributed fairly. The two concepts differ in two ways. The critical limits view has a narrower scope than the competing objectives view and the idea of resource limits is central, where it is absent from the competing objectives view (Farrel & Hart, 2010:6).

Both of the forms are based on concerns about the morality of people being disadvantaged by others living on their expenses. Negative consequences that can occur as a result of inequity in unequal resource distribution and poverty. In return, poverty can cause degradation or destruction of ecosystems. For example, when farmers do not have sufficient resources, they are likely to use environmental harmful products like pesticides or chemical fertilisers which exhaust the soil. The degradation or destruction of ecosystems has global effects on the long term, such as scarcity of resources (Farrel & Hart, 2010:7). 


The overview of definitions of sustainability given in this chapter shows that there is not one right way of defining sustainability. For this thesis, it is important to include both the social and the environmental aspects of sustainability. This connects to a more recent conceptualisation of sustainability that recognises the relationship between three principles: economic growth, respect for the environment and social equity. The economic principle requires an adequate production of resources, so that society can maintain a reasonable standard of living, and the environmental principle asserts that society protects its environmental resources (Bansal, 2002). The social principle requires that everyone must be treated fairly and equitably. The different principles or components of sustainability are interrelated since they commonly influence goals and targets established over time (Pareja-Eastaway, 2012: 502). By saying that, Pareja-Eastaway (2012) means that well-performing environmental sustainability cannot exist without a decent quality of life that is offered by a balanced society. The relationship between the social aspect of sustainability and the environmental aspect has often been neglected. To fill this gap, in this thesis, the two concepts, environmental and social sustainability, receive a central role. First of all, environmental sustainability will be outlined which covers the environmental principle of sustainability. Second, the concept of social sustainability will be explained and operationalised. Following from the conceptualisation of social sustainability, indicators will be given, in order to understand how social sustainability will be measured. The economic principle will be partly covered in the concept of social sustainability. In the following section, the environmental aspect of sustainability will be explained first.

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A. Environmental sustainability

Wilson and Tisdell (2001) write that increased morbidity and mortality of humans due to exposure to pesticides are especially recorded in developing countries. Not only the natural environment pays a high price to these externalities (Pimentel et al, 1992; Pimentel and Greiner, 1997), also farmers do. Farmers who are generally interested in environmental causes might be concerned about the phenomenon of negative influences on the health and environment by pesticides. Examples of externalities are affected health of farmers living near the farms and the sustainability of the agricultural production. Each year, thousands of farmers are affected by exposure of pesticides. Farmers continue those highly expensive and harmful pesticides, partly because there is no adequate education or training that teaches farmers alternative ways of crop cultivation (Wilson and Tisdell (2001). Many farmers for example, are illiterate and started working on the land since their childhood. Because of an inadequate use of the protective gear used during the use of pesticides and a lack of regulations, labourers can be harmed by the chemicals. This problem can be solved by ensuring proper attention for and regulations regarding environmental sustainability.

Harman Daly (1990) viewed environmental sustainability as a problem of natural capital and as the most important of the three pillars of sustainability. Daly proposed that a) for renewable resources, the harvest should not exceed the rate of a sustainable yield; b) for pollution, the rates of waste generation from projects should not exceed the assimilative capacity of the environment, which means the extent to which the environment can accommodate or tolerate pollutants; c) for nonrenewable resources, the depletion of the nonrenewable resources should require comparable development of renewable substitutes for that resource. In short, environmental sustainability can be defined as the rates of renewable resource harvest, pollution creation, and non-renewable resource depletion that can be continued indefinitely. If they cannot be continued indefinitely then they are not sustainable (Daly, 1990: 2). Following the definition of Ekins (2011), environmental sustainability means “the maintenance of important environmental functions, and the maintenance of the capacity of the capital stock to provide those functions” (Ekins, 2011: 637). The latter definition differs from the first in the sense that it is less specific because it lacks the aspect of rates, for example of renewable resource harvest, or pollution creation, that can be continued indefinitely. The common aspect of the two definitions is the importance to maintain environmental resources. Thus for this thesis, the latter definition of Ekins will be followed.

Now that environmental sustainability has been defined, it will be specified how environmental sustainability can be obtained in the different parts of the production process of cotton. Before looking into the concept of social sustainability, it is important to understand what environmental sustainability implies for the cultivation of cotton. For the cultivation part of organic cotton, there are two types of cotton that are cultivated on the means of alternative techniques; Bt cotton and Organic cotton. First of all, ‘Bt cotton’ can be grown from seeds that are insensitive for pests and other diseases. This method is alternative to conventional cotton in the sense that less toxics have to be used to grow the cotton. Genetically Modified Crops (Bt cotton) are grown from seeds that are

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insensitive for pests and other diseases. Bt cotton can be more environmentally friendly and cost-saving, while not making use of pesticides, controversially a common and criticised phenomenon is the high-pesticide use it brings. Even though Bt cotton is presented as a more environmentally friendly manner of growing cotton, it often still needs a high dose of toxics in order to grow free from diseases (Qaim et al, 2005: 191). Also Jayaraman (2002: 1) writes about the failure of Bt cotton, because the plant is not as resilient against drought as for example organic cotton plants (Jayaraman 2002: 1).


Second of all, cotton can be grown organically. Within this method, no pesticides or synthetic fertilisers are used. “Organic farming is a production system which avoids, or largely excludes, the use of synthetic fertilisers, pesticides, growth regulators, and livestock feed additives” (Yadav et al, 2013:1). Others argue: “The objectives of environmental, social, and economic sustainability are the basics of organic farming”(Stockdale et al, 2001). Logically following from organic farming, organic cotton uses no pesticides, herbicides, or insecticides during the growing cycle (Indian Textile Journal, 2013). Instead of using synthetic fertilisers, organic systems include intercropping with pulses, the use of farmyard manure and compost dung and crop residues that are mostly produced on the farm itself (Eyhorn et al, 2005a). Pest management is based on intercropping of maize and pigeon pea as trap crops. Herbal pesticides and repellents prepared on the farm are also used (Eyhorn, 2007: 27). In case of strong infestation with bollworms, organic farmers use Neem extract . 1

Conventional farming systems are different from organic farming systems, in the sense that prevailing farming systems make regular use of synthetic fertilisers, chemical pesticides and, to an increasing extent, genetically modified cotton varieties (Bt-cotton) possible (Eyhorn et al, 2007: 27).

Only few farmers have converted to organic farming and there is a discussion going on why only few farmers converted to organic farming, despite its environmental and cost-benefits. According to Wilson and Tisdell (2001) boundaries are the lack of knowledge, lack of experience and the high start-up costs when converting to organic farming. The conversion period, which is the transition period of farmers changing their methods from conventional farming, which can take around 1-3 years, pesticides and other chemicals are used in order to fertilise the land or prevent the land from pests. This long conversion period is often viewed as an obstacle by farmers (Eyhorn, 2003). In such a conversion period, farmers might experience a decline in yields, because the soil has to be ecologically re-balanced from the pest management handled earlier (Clark et al., 1998) and farmers need to gain experience with organic management practices (Martini et al., 2004). The conversion period might cause a decline of initial farm-incomes, even though production costs drop and with it the presence of organic price premiums. The obstacles of the conversion period serve as an

Neem extract or neem oil is pressed from the fruits and seeds of the neem tree. It repels a wide variety of

1

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entrance barrier, especially important for resource poor farmers who cannot risk the temporary loss of income. Besides the possible lower income and risk, organic farmers need to purchase more organic manure and keep more cattle, in order to produce the resources that are needed to fertilise the land. Even though more cattle needs to be purchased, input for costs for seeds, fertilisers and pest management are lower in organic cotton farms than input costs for conventional farms (Eyhorn, 2007).


In this research we will make use of a definition that contains out of the above explanations of environmental sustainability. I recall; “Organic farming is a production system which avoids, or largely excludes, the use of synthetic fertilisers, pesticides, growth regulators, and livestock feed additives” (Yadav et al, 2013: 1). In practice it means that none of these products should be used. Therefore, other techniques to fertilise or prevent the crops from pest will be used, making use of natural resources such as farmyard manure, compost dung, crop residues, intercrops, Neem or other herbal pesticides.

In this section, environmental sustainability and organic cotton farming has been defined. In the next section, the concept of social sustainability will be defined, discussed and operationalised by making use of the standards of the ILO.

B. Social sustainability

Social sustainability is often defined as ‘Development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs’ (WCED, 1987: 40). The broad character of this definition makes it appealing for usage and own interpretation. Therefore this concept needs clarification. The way Sachs (1999) describes social sustainability, includes social homogeneity, impartial incomes and access to effects, services and employment. Another way of framing the concept is that social sustainability yields desirable outcomes for everyone at any time (Vallance et al, 2011: 343).

Social sustainability constitutes one of the aspects of sustainability (Pareja-Eastaway, 2012: 502). From the three dimensions of sustainability (economical, environmental and social), the social aspect has evidence to be the more problematic in terms of definition and measurement (Pareja-Eastaway, 2012: 502). The reasons for the problematic definition and measurement of social sustainability are the broad range of issues and the blurred separation between theoretical approaches and normative considerations. Key principles on which social sustainability could be based read as follows: a) equity or equitable opportunities and outcomes for all; b) diversity for or inclusiveness of different groups; and c) quality of life or acceptable level of individual self-esteem and community quality of work, income and standard of living. These principles of social sustainability are developed under the Western Australian Council of Social Services (WACOSS). Following from these principles, social sustainability can be defined as “the capacity of current and future generations to create healthy and liveable communities, supported by the formal and

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informal processes, systems, structures and relationships” (Barron and Gauntlett, 2002: 18). “Social sustainability refers to the capacity inherent in individuals and communities to meet their own needs and achieve a balanced quality of life (Pareja-Eastaway, 2012: 503). Usually, social sustainability also includes aspects related to the inner self, or ‘human sustainability’. This concept is understood as “the capacity of individuals to develop themselves on the basis of their human capital, that is, health, education, culture, skills, and knowledge (Pereja-Eastaway, 2012: 503).

In the academic debate, a shift has taken place from ‘hard’ social sustainability such as poverty, inequalities and unemployment - towards a ‘softer’ approach based on less measurable items such as happiness, quality of life, place attachment, identity and social mix (Coleantonio, 2009). Coleantonio’s definition of social sustainability is “…how individuals, communities and societies live with each other and set out to achieve the objectives of development models, which they have chosen for themselves taking also into account the physical boundaries of their places and planet earth as a whole” (Coleantonio, 2009: 8). Depending on which approach to social sustainability one takes, different aspects become the main object of research. According to Pareja- Eastaway (2012), there are five different approaches; the behavioural science approach, the business studies approach, using institutional theory, social capital theory, and the equity and human rights approach. Happiness and health are topics for the behavioural science approach (Pareja- Eastaway, 2012:503). Corporate social sustainability is key concept of the business studies approach. For institutional theory, which is related to governance analysis, participation and actor’s involvement are relevant. Poverty or equal opportunities are fundamental for the equity and human rights approach (Pareja-Eastaway, 2012:503). The equity and human rights approach and the behavioural science approach are the most close to the approach that will be taken for this thesis. Main themes of this research on social sustainability are poverty, equal opportunities, happiness and health. These objects will be assured by mean of indicators. 


I will look at several key-points at the farms, that are based on the indicators of the International Labour Organisation (ILO). The International Labour Organisation aims to achieve full and productive but moreover decent work for all peoples, including women and young people, a goal that is embedded in the ILO 2008 Declaration on Social Justice for a Fair Globalisation. The organisation works together with member states, including India. The ILO promotes a set of Decent Work Indicators, in order to support member States and social partners to reach the goal. This set exists out of respect for fundamental workers’ rights and international labour standards, employment promotion, social protection and social dialogue. The indicators will help me measuring and studying social sustainability at the farms. The indicators that are considered as most important are; forced labour, wages, injuries & health, usual hours of work, gender equality & discrimination, and child labour. I chose those indicators on their measurability and content. For each of the indicators that are pointed out I will present the definitions and in some cases the complications of the definitions and how these will be undertaken in the thesis. Before doing so, I will explain why I chose for these indicators in particular.

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“Labour has never been free and it has always been in bonds, more so in an agrarian set-up” (Nagesh, 1981: 109). Considering the remote area in Tamil Nadu where this research took place, it is important to elaborate somewhat more on this issue. A labourer is free when is able to accept or reject the conditions and wages offered by the employer. Plus, he should have the choice not to work or to break the contract and quit (Nagesh, 1981: 109). Naturally, those circumstances of are never ideally obtained in a labour country (Nagesh, 1981: 109). In an agrarian society or pre-capitalist society, conditions of inequality and servitude render labour un-free in various ways (Nagesh, 1981: 109). Nagesh (1981) states that the main characteristic of un-free labour is that the labourer cannot refuse to work for a given employer. Usually, the inability of this workers arises from a combination of forms of dependence (Nagesh, 1981: 109). “Un-free labour almost always entails wages at lower than market rates. It often involves longer hours of work, irregular payment, the performance of household as well as agricultural tasks, or claim by the employer upon the time of the labourer’s wife and children”. Two categories of unfree labour in the Indian agrarian society are ‘forced labour’ and ‘bonded labour’. A proportion of forced labour could be bonded labour and bonded labour has an element of coercion or compulsion in it. Therefore, the terms are confusing and interchangeable; forced labour and bonded labour are not easy to distinguish from each other. In the next section, I will elaborate on the concepts forced labour and bonded labour.

C. Indicators of social sustainability 1. Forced labour

The Abolition of Forced Labour Convention, 1957 (No.105) prohibits all forms of forced labour. These include political coercion, economic development and as means of racial, social or religious discrimination. During the first ILO Convention on Forced Labour in 1980, forced labour was defined as: “all work or service which is exacted from any person under the menace of any penalty and for which the said person has not offered himself voluntarily”

(

ILO Forced Labour Convention, 1930, No. 29). This definition laid down circumstances that are acceptable for compulsory labour (Dharam, 2003). According to Dharam (2003) and Nagesh (1981), contemporary forced labour can take many forms. Forced labour can include slavery-type situations, bonded labour, serfdom and prison labour (Dharam, 2003) or it could be ‘gratuitous’ or ‘pressurised’ because it is not offered voluntarily. The definition of the ILO convention on Forced labour does not mention the gratuitous character which often accompanies forced labour in the agrarian Indian system (Nagesh, 1981: 109). Marty defines forced labour in a different way and states that in India, forced labour has been defined as ‘’work or service, whether with or without payment, which is exacted from a person, against his will’’ (Maity, 1979: 77). In the Report of the Agricultural Labour Enquiry (1952) forced labour was defined as “all work or service exacted from a person against his will either/or on payment of wages which were not a sufficient inducement to perform the work willingly”. ‘Forced labour’ means a sort of forced work from a labourer, with or without payment of wages for the services delivered by him or her (Maity, 1979: 78).

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Mishra (2012) declared forced labour as “an aberration which arises out of a relationship between the employee and the employer resting on regimentation and coercion” (Mishra, 2012: 345). If work is executed under the right circumstances it should be enjoyable but this could only happen if work is performed under just and fair conditions (Mishra 2012: 345). Thereby the relationship between the employee and employer should be humane. That implies that work is related to specific properties of the labourer, like age, willpower and strength. If this is not the case, the worker is likely to experience anger, irritation, demoralisation and demotivation (Mishra, 2012:345). Mishra argues that in order to enable the worker to work with devotion, sincerity and to let him or her contribute his or her very best to the enterprise, conditions need to be created.

Another term that is related to forced labour is unfree labour or bonded labour. “Bondage is an employment modality of the last resort to which workers at the bottom of the informal economy fall prey when they are unable to earn an income minimally sufficient to sustain themselves and their household throughout the year”(Breman, 2014:135). Bonded labour is the outcome of the dept-bondage and is also forced or compulsory labour (Maity, 1979: 77). The debate on unfree labour has received renewed attention over the past years (Carswell & de Neve, 2013:431). As Carswell and de Neve (2013) point out; “academics and policy-makers are seeking to better understand the pervasiveness of this practice and the specific forms it takes under contemporary capitalist modes of production” (Carswell & de Neve, 2013:431). Srivastava (2009:135) pointed out the high rate of bonded labour outside agriculture and the high rate of migrant bondage of India’s informal economy (Carswell & de Neve, 2013:431).

Following from the above information, I propose that for this thesis social sustainability at organic farms implies that no forced labour should be present as defined by the International Labour Organization and without labour being ‘gratuitous’. That means that all work or services should not be exacted against someone’s will. In order to prevent forced labour, conditions should be created so that interactions between farmer and field-workers are humane, relationships between workers with different positions should be humane too and the experience of anger, irritation, demoralisation and demotivation is not present, or limited. Therefore I will look at those working conditions, interactions and relations. Furthermore, one point forced labour includes is that workers should be paid. I will elaborate on this statement in the next section on wages.

2. Wages

For this thesis, wages are an important concept, because they determine whether forced labour is present and it is part of the term social sustainability. In this context, I adopt the definition of the ILO that states that: “wages refer to total earnings received from employers, in cash and in kind. They include direct wages and salaries for time worked or work done, remuneration for time not worked, as well as bonuses and gratuities regularly received” (ILO manual, 2015: 69). What are we measuring when looking at minimum wages? “A minimum wage is the minimum sum payable to a worker for work performed or services rendered, within a given period, whether calculated on the

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basis of time or output, which may not be reduced either by individual or collective agreement, which is guaranteed by law and which may be fixed in such a way as to cover the minimum needs of the worker and his or her family, in the light of national economic and social conditions” (website ILO, 2015). The Indian Minimum Wages Act of 1948 sets minimum wages for agricultural labour, per region in India. The minimum wage concluded by the Committee of the Minimum wages act, will be the standard for this research. According to the Committee of this act, a minimum wage must provide not merely the bare sustenance of life, but for preservation of the efficiency of the worker. For that reason, education, medical requirements and amenities must be provided by the minimum wage too (Report on The Working Of The Minimum Wages Act, 1948, For the Year 2012). The minimum wage of Agriculture and works related to agriculture is 100 rupees per day (Report on The Working Of The Minimum Wages Act, 1948, For the Year 2012). For this thesis, it is important to notice that wages of agricultural workers should at least not be lower than 100 rupees per day. 


3. Health & injuries

This indicator measures the safety and health-rate of a workplace. In order to be able to measure the health and injury rate, in this thesis there will be focused on whether the farms provide a safe and healthy workplace, as defined by the Occupational Safety and Health Convention in 1981:

“in a safe and healthy workplace, employers ensure that different chemical, physical and biological substances at workplaces don’t pose risk to the health of workers. Plus, employers provide adequate protective clothing and equipment to prevent accidents or adverse effects to workers’ health; employers have taken measures to deal with emergencies and there are adequate first aid arrangements available; workers co-operate with the employer to create and maintain a safe and healthy workplace; and workers are provided safety training by employers” (Article 16-19, Occupational Safety and Health Convention, 1981, No. 155). Another key point that should be added to that stems from The Employees' Compensation Act developed in 1923 (WC Act). This act imposes that payment is required for compensation to the workman or his family in cases of employment related injuries resulting in death or disability. In this thesis, when measuring health & injury, there will be specifically focused on these key points, based on the article of Occupational Safety and Health Convention and The Employees’ Compensation Act. Social sustainability at the farms will include that no risk is imposed on the employers regarding chemicals or due to other agricultural work. Plus, adequate protective clothing and equipment needs to be provided to prevent workers from accidents. The last point is that employers provide compensation for the workman when injuries occur resulting in death or disability occur. 


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4. Usual hours of work

Usual hours of work should not excess the 48 hours per week which are ‘usual’ hours of work according to the Decent work Standards of the ILO (Decent work indicators, 2015). 


5. Gender equality

For a farm to be social sustainable, it should also include gender equality and gender equity.

“Gender equality means that women and men have equal conditions for realising their full human

rights and for contributing to, and benefiting from, economic, social, cultural and political development. Gender equality is therefore the equal valuing by society of the similarities and the differences of men and women, and the roles they play. It is based on women and men being full partners in their home, their community and their society. Gender equality starts with equal valuing of girls and boys” (ILO, Geneva, 2000). Gender equity means “fairness of treatment for women and men, according to their respective needs. This may include equal treatment or treatment that is different but which is considered equivalent in terms of rights, benefits, obligations and opportunities” (IFAD, 2015). Distribution in skilled jobs, the unemployment rate and differences in earnings and other benefits are specified indicators for gender (in)equality (Dharam, 2003:127). Distribution in skilled jobs, differences in earnings and other benefits are key points of the research when measuring gender equality and equity at the farms.

6. Child labour


There is little consensus on who is a “child” and what constitutes “labour” in the concept child labour (Munmun, 2009: 206). Problematic is the exact definition of who constitutes a child (Munmun, 2009: 206). In some countries, a child means being 12 years, while in others it is 14 or 18 years. A child in India is often defined differently for different purposes or different sectors of work (Bajpai, 2003: 4). The concept “labour” is also problematic. A distinction is made between “child work” and “child labour” in the international discourse. “Work”, in sense, is a form of employment that is beneficial to the child, whereas “labour” refers to “the production and services which interfere with the normal development of children”(Munmun, 2009: 206). The United Nations (UN) Convention on the Rights of the Child recognizes “the right of the child to be protected from economic exploitation and from performing any work that is likely to be hazardous or to interfere with the child’s education, or to be harmful to the child’s health or physical, mental, spiritual, moral or social development” (United Nations, 1991). One of the first conventions on the topic was adopted in 1919, the first year of the International Labour Organization’s existence. The Convention defined the minimum age for work at 14 years (Dharam, 2003: 125). For this research, it is obviously important that no child labour is present at the farms. For this research, the definition of child labour by Lieten (2000: 2037) will be followed, which includes the Rights of the Child and respects the Convention of the ILO. Lieten defines child labour as “any work by children that interferes with their full physical development, the opportunities for a minimum education and of their needed recreation (Lieten, 2000:2037). In this research, being a child means being up

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to 12 years old. Through informal conversations and family histories, the age of the children will be known. 


In this chapter, the main debatesand concepts concerning social sustainability have been outlined and defined. After that, some important indicators that form the base for the measurement of social sustainability have been identified and outlined. In the next chapter, I will speak about the methods that I have used during the fieldwork, in order to study social sustainability in the cultivation of organic cotton. Also, I will elaborate on the setting the fieldwork took place and reflect on the quality of the data obtained during the research.

3. Methodology

The previous chapter explained the main concepts of environmental and social sustainability. In this thesis, social sustainability will be measured by means of the indicators forced labour, wages, health & injuries, usual hours of work, gender equality and child labour. These indicators have been defined in the previous chapter. On the means of qualitative research methods, these indicators will be measured. In the first part of this chapter I explain the methods I have used to select the farmers and conduct the research. Thereby I also introduce the five main sources from which I obtained the main part of the data. In the second part, I elaborate on the setting. At last, I reflect on the research and the quality of the data.

Methods

Data for this study were collected using qualitative research methods. The reason I chose for qualitative research, was because it enabled me to provide a rich description of the organic cotton production chain and to gain a deeper understanding regarding social sustainability in the production chain. The thesis follows a case-study design (Bryman, 2012: 71), in which 5 organic farms in Erode district are studied. Thereby, I have focused on social sustainability. The study is exploratory and interpretive of nature, partly due to time limitation.

This study is an in-depth analysis of social sustainability at organic farms in Erode district. The study uses a qualitative study approach to investigate the manifestation of social sustainability at organic farms. The first part of the fieldwork was carried out in a rural area where mainly qualitative semistructured interviews. I stayed in Erode district for 6,5 weeks in a small town called Anthiyur at a small base of an NGO. Farmers were selected based on their farming techniques. The requirement for the selection was that they were farming ecologically for more than three years and that they cultivated cotton. The semistructured interviews held with them covered mainly issues relating to the workplace, the techniques, the obstacles, the relationship with workers, the household, history, wages, gender and health. Each interview took around 40 minutes and was conducted at the farms. The research data in this thesis is drawn from five main sources:

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Farm 1: Rajun Coundar,70 years old, organic farmer of cotton, groundnuts, maize, fodder+ cattle

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Farm 2: Manoharan, 39 years old, organic farmer of cotton, groundnuts maize + cattle

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Farm 3: Ravi Chandren, 39 years old, organic farmer of cotton and maize + cattle

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Farm 4: Alagradsh, organic farmer of cotton and groundnuts + holding cattle

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Farm 5: Alagreshnan, organic farmer of fodder, groundnuts, cotton & maize. 


All of the five farms are located in close to Anthiyur, a town situated in Erode district in Tamil Nadu. 


The methodological approach taken in this study is qualitative based on semi-structured interviews and observations. Data for this study were collected using an interpreter in order to encounter the language gap. By employing qualitative methods and choosing for this approach, I attempt to illuminate the complexity of sustainability as well as environmental as social. Thereby, I aim to identify the relationship between the two concepts.

For this thesis, I conducted 33 interviews. I interviewed 7 organic farmers, 11 workers that were related to the farmers, 7 landless workers including one group interview with 6 female-labourers, 6 employers of the NGO situated in the area and 1 governmental official of the block.

Workers were selected both randomly and purposively. Workers who were working in the area were selected randomly through snowball sampling, since all workers were circulating from farm to farm through the whole area. Workers at the NGO and the farmers were selected purposively. By doing so, I was able to pick whoever I thought that could provide me with the most useful information. Interviews with workers covered topics related to their work, motivations, problems, households, history and health. Interviews with farmers covered topics related to farming techniques, wages of employers and family members, family participation, the conversion to organic farming, income, problems and food. A life history approach was used in the interviews with women and men who were (family) related to the farmers. This approach helped to gain insight how labour was organised 10-20 years ago. Also life-histories of the farmers helped me gain insight in their decision-making process towards the shift to organic cotton. Each interview took around 30 minutes. Interviews with workers were conducted in the fields, in the workplace and sometimes in worker’s homes. These interviews were, as mentioned before, all conducted with an interpreter. Making use of an interpreter was useful, since he was part of the culture and because he could pose my questions. However, it might have influenced the quality of the data. Although my interpreter could speak English, a language barrier was still present. Due to that fact, situations occurred in which it was difficult to be able to have longer and deeper conversations. Also, because the interpreter was from that region, I might have been biased in my interpretation. So on the one hand the interpreter helped me to get familiar with the culture, but on the other hand it might have influenced me. Being conscious of that fact, I used additional literature to strengthen and broaden my view and interpretations. In addition, participant observations were held at the farms by helping the workers plucking the cotton.

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The second part of the study was conducted all over the South of Tamil Nadu in all sorts of factories; spinning factories, loom factories, knitting factories and dying units. I interviewed 17 people, including 8 managers/ owners of factories, 1 brand owner, 7 labourers and 1 NGO project initiator. I held observations at 9 workplaces in factories including a longer observation period of 1 week at a dying unit. I stayed at different hostels, lodges or guesthouses near to the factories which enabled me to stay close to the workers, make appointments at different times of the day, even after working hours and held visits and various observations at different times of the day. Concluding, due to the observations, the location where I stayed and the contacts I had, I was able to gain a deeper understanding of social sustainability at the workplaces. 


Setting

Tamil Nadu, the province in which the research was conducted, is one of the less economically developed states in India. The region has a population of approximately 55.9 million people, divided into 22 administrative districts (Ayres & Simon, 2003:212). According to Ayres & Simon (2003), the region is one of the less economically developed states. Plus, it depends heavily (60%) on low productive agriculture (Ayres & Simon, 2003:214). Ayres & Simon (2003) state that “ The vast majority of the population are Hindus, with Christians and Muslims making up most of the remainder. According to the 1991 Census, the Scheduled Castes (19%) and the Scheduled Tribes (1%) account for 20% of the population, compared with 25% for India as a whole” (Ayres & Simon, 2003:214).

“Part of the problem for Tamil Nadu being poorly economically developed is the heavily dependence factor on low-productivity agriculture, which accounts for over 60% of employment. Image 2. women with goats, cotton on the foreground

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Agricultural development has been held back by the frequency of droughts on the central plateau and years of under-investment in irrigation and mechanisation” Ayres and Simon (2003: 214) state.

Reflections

From the many strategies I had prepared in the beginning of the study, I chose to approach an organisation in Tamil Nadu that was connected tot organic farmers. The non governmental organisation helped me to select gain contacts with the farmers. The fact that they provided me with access to the farmers and the area was crucial for the research. On the one hand, it was favourable that the organisation provided a certain level of protection and safety. On the other hand, it might have been of influence on my perspective. Although I was conscious of the fact that the organisation could influence me and my thoughts, I tried to stay as independent in my way of thinking as possible. What I could not control was which farmers were chosen exactly, since the organisation was the middle-man between me and the farmers. However, for the workers, I was able to choose them myself within the whole area. My interpreter and I would go out together, and as he was working for himself too, he enabled me to go to the houses and living spaces of the workers at any time they were available. Of course, as mentioned earlier, there was also a language barrier between me and my interpreter. Due to that language barrier and a shortage of time, my data were somewhat ‘light’ concerning some topics. For that reason I used additional literature in order to limit my bias and complement my data.

Being a female in a rural area in India had positive and negative consequences. Positive aspects of being a woman were the contacts with women without having any gender-biased issues. On the one side, I felt that women felt at ease with me and were willing to tell their stories and show me their lives. On the other hand, I felt as being a foreign female, sometimes intimidated by men. However, because of the good company and secure environment, I was able to do my work. Naturally, my presence as a foreign student influenced the data I collected. I feel that especially the child labour measurement failed on the part of the cultivation of cotton, because of my presence as a foreigner. Even when the children of farmers would help during the harvest-season, I am sure they would not tell me or hide it, because child labour is a very sensitive topic, also in India.

This chapter elaborated on how research was conducted, where it was conducted and it reflected on several limitations in the research. In the next chapter, I will further explain the case and present and analyse data. For this thesis, I have chosen to only present and analyse the case of the 5 organic farmers, and exclude the production of organic cotton, because of limited time and limited space restraint.

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4. Case Study on 5 organic farms in Erode District

In the first part of this chapter I will describe how the fieldwork was conducted and present the collected data from the research in Erode district in Tamil Nadu. Therefore I start with a short history of organic farmers in Erode district and their characteristics. The second part of the chapter discusses the techniques organic cotton farmers use and their perspectives towards organic cotton cultivation and labour. I outline and analyse the environmental and social principles of sustainability at the five selected farms in Erode district. By looking at the motivations of farmers for the conversion towards organic farming, I will be able to analyse the regulations around organic farming in the area. In the last part of the chapter, I analyse the perspectives of employees working at the farms. This second part is clearly related to social sustainability. By analysing the perspectives of rural workers, I am aiming to get a clear view on how social sustainability is manifested at the farms.

4.1 Organic cotton farmers in Erode district

Emergence of organic farmers in Tamil Nadu

How did organic farmers emerge in Tamil Nadu? Traditionally, locally re-generable materials for soil fertilisation were part of the indigenous knowledge of Indian agriculture (Gosh, 2004: 3). The advent of the modern methods based on HYV seeds and chemical fertiliser and the challenge of shortages that was a reality in the 1960s impelled a turn from traditional to modern technology that ran its course through the decades. Today, in the wake of changing perceptions and approaches on market and ecology there is a need to revisit the traditions and work for a judicious mix of the modern and traditional technologies for greater sustainability of development. According to Amaranth and Sridhar (2012), there is a distinct movement in Tamil Nadu among farmers, agriculture experts and scientists in favour of organic farming. Institutions such as the Tamil Nadu Agricultural University, State Department of Agriculture, NGOs and other agencies have started to advocate organic farming in major crops (Amaranth and Sridhar, 2012: 33). In the year 2007-2008, 3.661.054 hectares were under conversion and 4006.2 hectares of cultivated land were certified as organic, which constitutes 0.20 percent of the net cultivated area of the state (Amaranth and Sridhar, 2012: 33).

Characteristics of organic farmers in Erode district

The answer to this subquestion 1 of the thesis can be partly provided by literature and the interviews undertaken in the area. Farmers belong to the Gounders community, which is a village high-caste community. They are well known for their possession of land and power looms (Carswell and de Neve, 2013: 439). The farmers I spoke to in Erode district call themselves ‘’organic’’ farmers after a conversion period of three years in which they cannot apply any pesticides or chemical fertilisers on their land. After a successful observation period of one year, they are entitled to receive a certificate, handed out by an NGO. Farmers who convert to organic

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cotton cultivation, say to be motivated by costs only. For example, one of the respondents explained:


“For me it was actually more a choice based on costs. I knew about it through media and advertisement on the tv and that’s how I got interested in it. When I started to read and learn more about organic farming, I found out that it is actually reducing costs in an easy way. Because I only use resources from within the farm now, I have less expenses. For example, I don’t have to purchase the chemical fertilisers anymore.” (organic farmer, Erode district)


From the citation above and similar statements of other farmers can be concluded that farmers might be influenced through media before making the decision to convert to organic cotton farming. Others learned about it from NGOs and friends. Philosophical or ideological choices might have played a role, however, the farmer states clearly that the main reason why the farmer converted to organic farming was because of the reduction of costs.

Influence of NGO

Organic farmers in Erode district who want to convert to organic farming are generally trained and guided by NGO’s that provide them sufficient knowledge about the techniques. NGOs first promote the concept of LEISA, which stands for Low External Input and Sustainable Agriculture. LEISA is about inspiring farmers to use local resources, natural processes and their own knowledge, culture and values to improve productivity and income in an ecologically sound way (website agricultures network, 2015). One respondent, the head of the NGO Myrada and training centre in Erode district, told me: “because many of the components of organic farming are already present at the farms themselves, we are promoting LEISA first. When farmers get confidence, they can become an organic farmer. They can’t become an organic farmer suddenly.” For those who want to become organic farmers, they need to attend trainings and get organic-certification. Their time investment seems small when compared to the land-labour process itself. Farmers can also get encouraged and thought by people working at NGO’s. One organic farmer told me:

The people from the NGO learnt me how I had to farm in an organic way. They taught me how to use fertilisers which I purchase for a small amount from them. Also, I’m producing my own fertilisers and bio-pesticides now. It’s less costly and the quality of my harvest is higher. (Organic farmer, Erode district)

From the above citation, it can be concluded that farmers are influenced by NGOs or educated by them before converting to organic farming. It shows that education plays an important role for farmers to decide to convert to organic farming. The answers of farmers indicate the importance of the presence of NGOs in the eduction for farmers to convert to farming organically. In the next section, I will elaborate on the conversion period of farmers between conventional and organic farming,

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Farmers and the conversion period

Wilson and Tisdell (2001) write that increased morbidity and mortality of humans due to exposure to pesticides are especially recorded in developing countries. Not only the natural environment pays a high price to these externalities (Pimentel et al, 1992; Pimentel and Greiner, 1997), also farmers do. Farmers who are generally interested in environmental causes might be concerned about the phenomenon of negative influences on the health and environment by pesticides. However, it is also a matter of who to know, as one organic farmer (Ravi Chandren, farm 3) replied: “I chose to convert to organic framing, because I heard from it through a friend who is living in another district named Kerala. When I learnt the techniques how to farm organically, I knew it was what I had been searching for. Because farming organically, doesn't harm nature as well as men’s health”. From the answer it is clear the farmer had already something in mind that was related to organic farming. However, he had not made the step to convert by himself yet, until a friend told him about organic farming. This shows the importance spreading information through of word to mouth. The answer of this farmer shows his consciousness of the negative aspects of conventional farming. Because the conversion to organic farming was lucrative for both nature and his income, Ravi Chandren decided to convert. The new techniques he learnt enabled him to farm in an organic way. The example of Ravi shows the importance of education and information for farmers to make the conversion to farm organically. 


Each year, thousands of farmers are affected by the exposure to pesticides. Farmers' health is affected by the externalities of cultivating cotton while making use of chemicals. Farmers continue those highly expensive and harmful pesticides, partly because there is no adequate education or training that teaches farmers alternative ways of crop cultivation (Wilson and Tisdell, 2001). Many farmers for example, are illiterate and started working on the land since their childhood. Because of an inadequate use of the gear used during the use of pesticides and a lack of regulations towards this, labourers can be harmed by the chemicals. Despite the high costs of cultivating cotton conventionally, farmers continue to use pesticides. Why do farmers continue to use pesticides, when using them is costlier and affecting health and environment? Whenever farmers have not heard of organic farming, are not educated how to do so, or do not have an ‘example’ friend, it might be harder to make the step to convert to farm organically. Namely first three years, farmers are at risk and generate lower incomes than they did farming conventionally. It is only after those three years that their yield, soil fertility and income will increase. For many farmers, this period is too long to oversee. The risk that is included in the process discourages them. Especially the smallest scale farmers cope with this problem. They only own 1-2 acres, and for them each little change in income is connected to their survival.


In the previous section, I explained what the technical implications are of producing cotton in an organic way. In the next section, insights of organic farming and its labour will be shown and analysed, substituted by literature. First, I will describe and analyse the 5 farms that I have been studying. Before being able to identify what the relationship between environmental and social

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