Graduate School of Social Sciences
Research Master International Development Studies
Cover picture: Mistura 2016, official photograph of the Peruvian gastronomy society APEGA (2017)
MSc (Res) Thesis
The Development Implication of the
Peruvian Gastronomy Boom
- A Social Movement Analysis -
Heidrun Kerl, 11029250 Msc (Res) International Development Studies 31st of May, 2017
Thesis supervision and evaluation
Supervisor: Barbara Hogenboom Centre for Latin American Studies (CEDLA) University of Amsterdam Roetersstraat 33 1018 WB Amsterdam The Netherlands B.B.Hogenboom@cedla.nl Second reader: Michaela Hordijk Department Geography, Planning and International Development Studies Governance and Inclusive Development University of Amsterdam Nieuwe Achtergracht 166 1018WV Amsterdam The Netherlands M.A.Hordijk@uva.nl
Abstract
The complexity and wide range of negative effects of global agro-food systems have led to an increased focus on local food systems as a sustainable alternative which addresses issues of food justices within agro-food value chains. While the food justice movement first emerged as a western response to the adverse effects of globalization, this trend towards fair, healthy and sustainable food systems is increasingly prevalent in countries of the global south. One example is the phenomena of the Peruvian gastronomy boom, a social movement which advocates for social and environmental justice via the language of Peruvian national food. Nowadays Peruvian food is increasingly known internationally, yet little attention has been given to the emergence, strategies of mobilization and outcomes of this social phenomenon in relation to the countries’ development. Setting the gastronomy boom in the historical, economic, cultural and contemporary context of Peru, this paper shows how the Peruvian gastronomy movement (PGM) is creating addressing issues of food justice and contributes to a process of social change. Central to this analysis is a strong focus on productive alliances (allianzas cocinero-campesino), a farm-to-table schemes, which is promoted by the PGM to revalue the role of the farmer in the agro-food chain. This is done by setting a strong emphasis on local, direct, organic and seasonal food sourcing of restaurants. Using a sequential mixed-methods design, I show how the PGM strategically used the local context to ensure a strong resonance of the collective action frame (or discourse) of the movement and achieve a high degree of mobilization. Furthermore, I illustrate that the movements ‘goals and frames were changing over time from a discourse about national identity towards a discourse of food justice, because one core objective was achieved: a stronger national identity linked and expressed by Peruvian food. Lastly, I show how productive alliances are implemented and practiced by restaurants in the sector. It is concluded that the gastronomy movement, with its particular discourse strategies has triggered a social process towards fairer conditions within the agro-food chains and the inclusion on environmental-friendlier practices within the field. Yet, in order to create real social change toward food justice within Peruvian agro-food chains the values and best practices of the PGM need to be formalized and translated into sound public policy and necessary regulations.
Keyword: Peruvian gastronomy boom, social movements, discursive framing, social change, food justice, local food system, farm-to-table Word Count: 30.602 (incl. in-text citations + direct quotes)
A note on language
To maintain the authenticity of the interview data most direct quotes are written in Spanish. A translation can be found in the footnotes.A note on references
This thesis follows the reference style of the American Psychological Association, 6th edition. To assure the privacy of my respondent, I only make a reference to their background. When a certain argument or theme was mentioned by several respondents I refer to this as (Interview data, 2016). Participant observations or informal conversation are referred to as (Research data, 2016).Acronyms and Abbreviation
ANPE National Association of Organic Products (Asociación Nacional de Productos Ecológicos)
APEGA Peruvian Gastronomy Society (Associación Peruana de la Gastronomía)
BID Inter-American Development Bank (Banco Inter-americano de Desarrollo) FAO Food and Agriculture Organization (UN body) FiBL Research Institute for Organic Agriculture IDEAS Global Compact NGO for social development IFOAM International Federation of Organic Agriculture Movements PGM Peruvian Gastronomy Movement RAE Organic agriculture network (Red Agricultura Ecológica) SM Social Movement SMO Social Movement Organization UN United Nations
Glossary
Agro-food
chain Production/supply chain that links the production of agricultural products with the supply chain of the food sector or if gastro-agro chain, with the gastronomy sector.
Allianza cocinero-campesino
Productive alliances between farmers and restaurants to revalue the role of the farmer in the agro-food chain
Bioferia Organic farmer market
Ceviche Cold fish cocktail dish cooked in lime juice
Cold Chain Temperature controlled transportation system to assure food safety Cordon Bleu Gastronomy institute and university CorPapa Potato farmer association for premium gourmet Andean potatoes Discursive framing strategies
Strategic use of languages to frame the objective and goals of a social movement
El Comercio National Newspaper
El Trinche Gastronomic online magazine
Food Justice Normative concept that seeks to transform the dominant food system by critically questioning where, what and how food is grown, produced, transported, accessed and eaten. Combines ideas of environmental and social justice in relation to food.
Grand Mercado
Exhibition and market space at Mistura where (organic) farmers from all over the country exhibit products
Mistura Annual gastronomy festival
Productive
alliances Direct relationships between farmers and restaurants to revalue the role of the farmer in the agro-food chain, strong emphasis on organic, local, seasonal and direct sourcing.
Producto Estrellas
Distinction for emblematic products, thematic focus of Grand Mercado at Mistura
Rocoto de Oro Price for excellent practices and contributions to the gastronomy
sector. Annually awarded at Mistura
Table of Figures
Figure 1: Research Location Lima, Peru (Source: Google Maps, Tripadvisor) ... 7 Figure 2 Popular Peruvian Dishes (author) ... 8 Figure 3 Conceptual Scheme (author) ... 9 Figure 4 Conceptualization Food Justice (author) ... 13 Figure 5 Critical Realism Adapted From (Bhaskar, 1986) ... 17 Figure 6 Conceptual Framework, Adapted Bhaskar, 1986 ... 18 Figure 7 Sequential Embedded Design (See John W Creswell, 2003) ... 19 Figure 8 Detailed Overview of Research Design and Methodology ... 20 Figure 9 Stages of Social Movements (author, adapted from Christiansen, 2009) ... 29 Figure 10 Application of Christiansen (2009) to the PGM (author) ... 33 Figure 11 Gastón Acurio at Speech, 2006 ... 47 Figure 12 Front Cooking of Emblematic Product (APEGA, 2017) ... 57 Figure 13 Official Ceremony 'Rocoto de Oro' (APEGA, 2017) ... 58 Figure 14 Agro-Gastro Food Chain (author) ... 62 Figure 15 Agro-Gastro Food Chain (simplified), Direct Sourcing Rationale (author) ... 63 Figure 16 Overview Restaurant Sample (restaurant survey) ... 64 Figure 17 Overview Food Offer (restaurant survey) ... 64 Figure 18 Price Distribution of Menus and Main Dish ... 64 Figure 19 Origin of Product (local / imported) ... 65 Figure 20 Overview Sourcing Channels (Restaurant Survey) ... 66 Figure 21 Agro-Gastro Food Chain (simplified), Direct Sourcing Problems (author) ... 67Figure 22 Agro-Gastro Food Chain (simplified), Direct Sourcing Alternative Approaches (author) ... 70 Figure 23 Landing Page: Grand Mercado APEGA ... 73 Figure 24 Landing Page: Frutos de la Tierra ... 73 Figure 25 Landing Page: EcoMercado ... 73 Figure 26 Agro-Gastro Food Chain (simplified), Organic and Seasonal Sourcing Rationales .... 75 Figure 27 Dependent Variables for Menu Choice ... 76 Figure 28 Use of Organic Resources (Yes / No) ... 76 Figure 29: Spread of Restaurant Sourcing Behavior ... 77
Figure 30 Agro-Gastro Food Chain (simplified), organic and seasonal sourcing problems (author) ... 78 Figure 31 Agro-Gastro Food Chain (simplified), Organic and Seasonal Sourcing Solutions ... 80 Figure 32 Map of market locations (interactive link below) ... 118
Table of Tables
Table 1 Evolution of Mistura (APEGA, 2010a, 2010b, 2014a, 2014b, 2014c, 2015a, 2015b) ... 54 Table 2 Emblematic Products (APEGA, 2010a, 2010b, 2014a, 2014b, 2014c, 2015a, 2015b) .. 56Table 3 Possible Paths for Theoretical Social Movement ResearchError! Bookmark not defined. Table 4 Different Stages of Mobilization, Based on Chapter Three (author) ... 90
Table of Contents
Acronyms and Abbreviation ... iii Glossary ... iv Table of Figures ... v Table of Tables ... v Table of Contents ... vi FOREWORD ... 1 CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION ... 3 Research Motive ... 5 Research Context ... 7 Content of the Thesis ... 10 CHAPTER 2 - RESEARCH FRAMEWORK ... 11 The Theoretical Framework ... 11 Social Movement Studies ... 11 Food Justice Movement ... 13 The methodological framework ... 15 Research Problem ... 15 Research Approach ... 17 Research Design ... 19 Methods ... 19 Sampling Strategy ... 22 Data-Analysis ... 22 Quality Criteria ... 23 Methodological Reflection ... 23 Ethical Consideration ... 24 CHAPTER 3 - EMERGENCE AND EVOLUTION OF THE PGM ... 26 Theoretical Background: Emergence and Evolution of SM ... 27 Social Conditions ... 27 Resource Mobilization ... 28 Different Evolutionary Stages of Social Movements ... 29 Social Conditions of the PGM ... 31 Historical Legacies of Peru ... 31 Conflict and Post-conflict ... 32 The four stages of the PGM ... 33 The First Phase: New Opportunities ... 34 The Second Phase: The Emergence of a Leader ... 34 The Third Phase: the Gastronomy Boom ... 36 The Fourth Phase: Towards Mainstreaming? ... 38 Concluding Remarks ... 39 CHAPTER 4 - STRATEGIES OF MOBILIZATION ... 40
Framing in Social Movement Studies ... 42 Framing as Meaning-Making Process ... 42 Discursive Framing Strategies ... 43 Framing Strategies of the PGM ... 43 Resonating Power of Food as Central Theme of the Discourse ... 44 The Right Theme at the Right Time ... 46 The ‘Emergent’ Discourse ... 47 A Discourse of Opportunities ... 48 A discourse of Diversity ... 49 A Nationalistic Discourse ... 51 The ‘Maturing’ Discourse ... 53 A Discourse of Food Justice ... 54 Producto Estrella– Celebrating Product Diversity ... 56 Rocoto de Oro - Celebrating Good Agro-Gastronomical Practices ... 57 Concluding Remarks ... 59 CHAPTER 5 - PRACTICES OF PRODUCTIVE ALLIANCES ... 60 Productive Alliances and the Agro-Gastro Food Chain ... 61 Local and Direct Sourcing within the Agro-Gastro Chain ... 62 Description of the Sample (Restaurant Survey) ... 63 Restaurant Practices of Local and Direct Sourcing ... 65 Problems of Local and Direct Sourcing ... 67 Alternatives and Solutions to Local and Direct Sourcing ... 70 Organic and Seasonal Sourcing within the Agro-Gastro Chain ... 74 Restaurant Practices of Seasonal and Organic Sourcing ... 75 Problems of Seasonal and Organic Sourcing ... 78 Alternatives and Solutions to Seasonal and Organic Sourcing ... 80 Remaining Aspects ... 81 Concluding Remarks ... 83 CHAPTER 6 - DISCUSSION ... 85 Theoretical Contribution ... 86 CHAPTER 7 - RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSION ... 93 EPILOGUE ... 96 LIST OF REFERENCES ... 98 APPENDIX ... 110 Appendix A: List of Respondents ... 111 Appendix B: Participant Observations ... 113 Appendix C: Interview guide ... 115 Appendix D: Restaurant Survey (Spanish) ... 116 Appendix E: Overview of Market Locations ... 118 Appendix F: List of all Speakers and Tables Yuntémonos ... 119
Foreword
This thesis is product of more than a year of thought process, fieldwork experience, careful data collection and thorough analysis. However, all this would not have been possible without the support and assistance of many people.
Inspired by the documentary launch ‘future cities’1, which featured the Peruvian
gastronomy boom as a central element of Lima as a future city, I started this thesis project with the ambition to truly understand this social phenomenon and its possible contribution to a process of inclusive and sustainable development in Peru. This ambition was not only ambitious but a very difficult academic endeavor, which went above and beyond the scope of this thesis project. Yet, this thesis should be seen as one attempt on how to conceptualize the gastronomy boom and its possible contribution to a process of social change and more sustainable practices in the food sector.
Foreword I am very thankful to my thesis supervisor Barbara Hogenboom, my friends and class mates, colleagues and teachers to guide me in this research endeavor which led to this thesis. With your help, I was able to remain focused on my research objectives and stay connected to the initial fascination for this topic throughout the research and writing process. This fascination, however, does not only stem from the topic as such but especially from all the people I have met during the 4-months field research in Lima. I would like to thank all my research respondents that took both the time and energy to answer all my questions, fill in my questionnaires and connect me to their own professional networks. Thinking back, I am still touched by the openness, helpfulness and generosity of all those people that not only invited me to their homes and work places but also enabled me to truly understand this social phenomenon of the ‘gastronomic boom’. I would like to specially thank the Cordon Bleu to invite me into their institution, to assists classes, use their library space, talk to both students, chefs and teachers - and to provide me a great entry point into the Liman gastronomy sector. I especially want to thank Raúl, for his support in the field to help me to draft and validate my restaurant survey, to even escort me to public institutions like the chamber of commerce and to connect me not only to the ‘right people’ but also to introduce me to his friends who taught me how to cook some of the most delicious Peruvian dishes. Furthermore, I would like to thank all people that I spoke to from the Red Agricultura Ecologico (RAE), IDEAS, ANPE Peru, La Universidad Agraria, CorPapa, Slow Food Peru, Las VacasFelices, the founding members of APEGA, UgazConsultoria, the Cordon Bleu, ElComercio, Eltrinche and all those inspiring chefs and thought leaders that have shared their experience, knowledge and opinions with me. Most of you live very busy lives, with full agendas and long working days. I am extremely grateful for the time you have dedicate to this research project. Last but not least, I want to thank my awesome roommates and friends in Lima, which not only discovered many restaurants, local and organic markets and food festivals with me but also made sure that I had a great time in Peru. Yet, all this would not have been possible without the support of my family and boyfriend Philipp.
So, when I look back on the past year, one of the most common question that I have been asked is: ‘You are doing your master thesis on (Peruvian) food and gastronomy? – that must be tasty!’ I can finally answer: ‘Yes - It was tasty, but it was also about so much more. I could write a book about it – wait, and actually (almost) did. Why don’t you read my master thesis?’
Chapter 1
Introduction
One of the most important aspects of our daily lives is often neglected, ignored or not sufficiently paid attention to - Food. Without food, we would not be able to have sufficient energy to get through the day. Food nourishes our bodies but it also provides us pleasure, relief from a busy day or the companionship of a shared meal. Often, the food choice we make are not only based on our preferences for taste or other dietary choices and restrictions but are also an important expression of our cultural identities. However, while there is more choice, availability and diversity of products (in western European supermarkets) than ever before, people spend less time and thoughts on the preparation and origins of our daily food intakes (Ramey, 2009). The availability and convenience of quick and ready-made meals, however, overshadows the complexity and unsustainability of the current modern food systems.
It is widely agreed that the current modern food system and the related conventional ways of industrial farming are highly unsustainable and have negative impacts on the environment and local communities worldwide (FAO, 2016). Food and agriculture is one of
Chapter 1: Introduction
poverty. By 2050, the world population is expected to reach 9,7 billion with more than 2/3rd of the population living in urban areas (FAO, 2017; UN, 2017). This will lead to an increased demand in the quantity of food products but also in the quality of diets (e.g. more animal proteins). It is therefore one of the biggest challenges to find ways on how to feed the current generations without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs in an environmental friendly, equitable and just way (FAO, 2017).
This complexity and unsustainability of the modern food system can be overwhelming. Yet, all over the world groups of individuals, farmers, organizations, researchers and governments have started to address the wide arrays of problems related to the food system. Proposed solutions range from organic-certified products and plant-based diets, to initiatives to reduces food waste and re-focus on local food systems with short supply chains (Global Food Forums, 2017). Such efforts aim to address the objective problems of the modern food system (e.g. environmental degradation) and the underlying normative concerns of food injustices, which address the ways how food is produced, processed, distributed and consumed (Alkon, 2013a; Alkon & Agyeman, 2011; Gottlieb & Joshi, 2010). Nevertheless, solution-orientated debates on possible ways to achieve food justice have been mainly prevalent in western countries of the global North. This not only disregards the global interconnectedness of food issues but overlooks innovative and compelling local initiatives and approaches of countries in the Global South, which aim to address agro-food related issues within their own national context.
One very fascinating local approaches to address wide arrays of problems within the food system is the case of the Peruvian gastronomic revolution, which is also known as the Peruvian gastronomic boom2. This gastronomic movement is a national movement of chefs,
restauranteurs and farmers dedicated to promote Peruvian cuisine and food products worldwide in a socially and environmentally just way. What from the outside appears as sharp increase in popularity of Peruvian dishes and super foods3 like e.g. Ceviche and Quinoa
is part of wider process of social change within Peru. Within the last 20 years, Peru’s steady
2 Note: Both terms are used interchangeable by e.g. the gastronomic society APEGA. The difference of the terms
is a difference in period/phase of the gastronomic movement. The term ‘gastronomic boom’ refers to the acceleration and peak in popularity and mobilization; the term ‘gastronomic revolution’ refers to the overall process of radical change related to the ideals, aims and goals of the gastronomic movement like e.g. the direct link which is made between gastronomy and social/environmental responsibility (interview data, 2016)
3Note: ‘Superfoods’ is a term to describe (often ancient) products of high nutritional value e.g. quinoa, chia, goji
Chapter 1: Introduction gastronomic ascent has been a source of national pride and a motor for the local economy; providing new sources of employment and a driver for tourism. It has also led to a stronger awareness about the origin of food, traditional recipes and food products, food-related health concerns and the growing inequalities and environmental concerns of biodiversity protection within and of the food system. Central to this phenomenon is a strong focus on the revaluation of the role of the farmer within the local value chain as a safeguard for biodiversity, ancestral knowledge and the source of the success of the Peruvian gastronomy boom. This emphasis is manifested in so-called ‘allianzas cocinero-campesino’, which I refer throughout the thesis as productive alliances between producer and restaurants. While there has been some scattered interest in this gastronomic phenomenon as a driver of national pride and economic development, very little (academic) attention has been given to the actual practices of productive alliances.
Research Motive
There are several motives underlying to this thesis research project. First and foremost, the gastronomic phenomena of the Peruvian gastronomy boom, is a unique case study on a local approach to addressing wider social, environmental and economic issues related to the food system. It has not been studied in great detail. Among the few (academic) publications most attention is given to the role of the gastronomic movement in shaping the national identity (Matta, 2012, 2014a), its revolutionary characteristics (APEGA, 2013; Lauer & Lauer, 2006; Valderrama, 2009) and possible doubts regarding its inclusiveness and neo-liberal assumptions (Bohardt, 2014; García, 2013, 2014). While authors like Fan (2013) question whether ‘ideas about (Peruvian) food can inspire real social change’, up until now I was not able to find any (academic) attempt which aims to answer this question. The lack of an answers arguably stems on the one hand from the broadness and philosophical nature of the all-encompassing concept of ‘social change’. On the other hand, scientific traditions regarding the study of ‘changes’ require some kind of measurable base line. In the case of the Peruvian gastronomy boom, constructing such a base line would not only raise questions of feasibility but also disciplinary conflicts due to ontological and epistemological differences regarding the (objective) measurability of social phenomena. However, it is crucial to understand how local initiatives and movements like the Peruvian gastronomic phenomena find alternativeChapter 1: Introduction
approaches within their local context to make the current food systems more sustainable4
while catering to the expected increase in demand of food. Consequently, this thesis intends to answer the question: How does the Peruvian gastronomy movement (PGM) addresses issues of food justice and contribute to a process of social change?
Posing this research question, I conceptualize the Peruvian gastronomic phenomenon as a social movement defined as an ‘ongoing collective effort to bring about [consequential] social change’ (McCarthy, 1997, p. 244). In contrast to popular associations of social movements, the PGM should not be understood as a group-based protest movements with aims to bring about changes using traditional forms of mobilization (e.g. public demonstrations, petitions). Instead, it understands the PGM as a celebratory movement which uses culinary and cultural events combined with prognostic (solution-orientated) discursive framing strategies as forms of mobilization (Benford & Snow, 2000; Della Porta & Diani, 2015). Due to the limited extend of previous studies, this research takes on a very contextual perspective. Consequently, in order to answer the main question of this research, the first empirical chapter (Chapter three) is based on a historical analysis of the phenomenon by answering sub-question one: How did the Peruvian gastronomy movement (PGM) emerge and evolve?. Afterwards, I show how the gastronomic movement successfully mobilized the masses and shaped a strong national identification with Peruvian food as a driver for social change. Using the theoretical foundation of social movement studies, I show how the different discursive framing strategies were used to create a collective identity and shared vision on productive alliances between food producers and restaurants. Thud, in Chapter four I answer sub-question two: What are the different discursive strategies used for mobilization throughout the evolution of the movement?. Lastly, I demonstrate in Chapter five, how productive alliances are manifested in the practices of restaurant sourcing behavior and address issues of food justice. Thus, I answer sub-question three: How are productive alliances practiced and implemented in the Liman food sector?
4 Note: Due to the extent of this thesis I do not refer to all other global problems related to the food industry like
climate change, poverty, child labor etc. For more information please refer to the information provided by the FAO (2017)
Chapter 1: Introduction
Research Context
This thesis is based on four-month empirical field research which I conducted from August to December 2016 in Lima (Peru). Peru is located in the western part of South America; boarding in the north with Ecuador, Colombia, in the east with Brazil, and south with Chile and Bolivia and west with the Pacific Ocean. It has one of the highest biodiversity worldwide with a broad range of different habitats, ecosystems and climates ranging from the Amazon rainforest basin to the Andean highlands. This, so-called mega-biodiversity amounts to around 25.000 species (10% of worlds’ total), 28 climate zones (out of 32) and 84 ecosystems (out of 103). With around 1,285,000 km2 it is the third largest country in South America and
inhabits approximately 31,4 million people (World Bank, 2016). The official languages of Peru are Spanish (84,1%), Quechua (13%) and Aymara (1,7%) (Infoplease, 2016). With a Human Development Index of 0.734 Peru ranks moderately high on place 84th and with a GINI of 44,7
which expresses a medium income inequality on the 35th place worldwide with around
$12.638 GDP/PPP/per capita (World Bank, 2016).
Figure 1: Research Location Lima, Peru (Source: Google Maps, Tripadvisor)
Chapter 1: Introduction
Lima, the capital of Peru, is the most populated city (approx. 8,4 million inhabitants). Lima, being a vibrant and fast-growing metropolis, is the gastronomic capital of Peru and home the best Peruvian restaurants. Yet, it is not only the breeding ground of the gastronomic movement but also the central commercial, political and administrative hub of Peru. Furthermore, the annual international gastronomy festival Mistura takes places at la costa verde, the shores of the city.
However, what is Peruvian food? The Peruvian cuisine reflects a fusion of local practices and ingredients from cuisines that where brought through immigrants from Europe, Asia and West Africa. This fusion cuisine combines these multicultural influences with local and traditional ingredients like Quinoa, Lime, Camote (sweet potato) and aji (chili) (Damgaard Liander, 2014; Farell, 2014; Perret Bermúdez, 2014) This fusion of ingredients and recipes becomes very visible when looking at the most popular Peruvian dishes (see figure2) (Herrero, 2014; Perret Bermúdez, 2014). Ceviche (raw fish cocktails with lime and onions) Ají de gallina (spicy creamed chicken dish with chili peppers) Causas (mashed/whipped potatoes mixed with additions of chilies, seafood and/or avocado) Papas a la huancaina (potato dish with spicy sour cream) Antichuchos (skewered, marinated heart meat) Lomo saltado (meat-stir with red onions, chili peppers, tomatoes and French fries) Figure 2 Popular Peruvian Dishes (author)
Chapter 1: Introduction
This research is based on a mixed-method research design with a strong focus on qualitative methods of semi-structured interviews. Following the theoretical lines of food system research (see figure 3), I have conducted interviews with a diverse set of actors including: Chefs, restauranteurs, food producer, the gastronomic society APEGA, civil society actors like Slow Food or Food no Bombs, farmer organizations like the Ecological Agricultural Network (RAE) and Association of Organic Farmers Peru (ANPE), gastronomy teachers, researchers and journalists. Besides this I conducted a small restaurant survey (n=91) on the sourcing practices of local restaurants and many participant observations at local farmers markets, gastronomy festival (including several visits at MISTURA), cooking classes, educational gastronomic institutions (El Cordon Bleu) and public debates on the topic. Figure 3 Conceptual Scheme (author)
Chapter 1: Introduction
Content of the Thesis
The remainder of this thesis is structured in three main parts: The first part (Chapter two) introduces the core theoretical concepts of social movement studies and the food justice movement. Furthermore, is outlines the research design and methodology of this thesis. The second part consists of three empirical chapters. Chapter three focuses on the historical and economic context that led to the emergence of the Peruvian gastronomic movement and outlines the different phase of mobilization. Chapter four shows how different discursive strategies were used to (re-) create a shared national identity and a joint view on productive alliances. Chapter fives shows how productive alliances are used in the restaurant sourcing practices of Limans restaurants. It also illustrates the different thresholds and alternative strategies restaurants employ to source local, direct, organic and seasonal products. The third part discusses and concludes the main findings and recommendations of this thesis.
Chapter 2
Research Framework
In this chapter I outline the research framework of this thesis project. This framework consists of a theoretical part and a methodological part, which includes a methodological reflection. The first part outlines the two major theoretical ideas and concepts, namely: social movement (studies) and food justice (movements). This theoretical framework aims to be an introduction to those concepts while additional theories will be provided and outlined in each chapter. The second part outlines the research problem and the resulting research questions, the research approach (epistemological and ontological position) and the research design with detailed elaboration on the methods used during fieldwork. The last part provides a short reflection on both the theories and methodologies taking into account possible limitations of the scope of this research and ethical considerations of this study.
The Theoretical Framework
Social Movement Studies
Chapter 2: Research Framework
about what social movements are. The idea about what a social movement is, often depends on the theoretical approach and discipline of the researcher. Those definitions vary in the levels of analysis (e.g. micro, meso, macro), units of analysis (e.g. individuals, groups, organizations) to different ontological positions and schools of thought. This research understands social movements as: an organized and enduring form of collective action among networks of individual actors positioned within civil society that are striving to challenge prevailing structures and relations of power in order to promote and/or resist a process of social change (Diani, 2000; McCarthy, 1997).Thus, using this definition, a SM is understood not exclusively as a certain group of actors but as a wider process of transformation within society (Fowereaker, 1995).
Research and theory on social movements involve different academic disciplines, ranging from political science and sociology to anthropology and cultural studies. While the study of social movements was initially rooted in sociological theories, this cross-disciplinary exchange established its own field on social movement studies (Goodwin & Jasper, 2004). As social movements became more connected and globalized, the field of social movement studies has been constantly evolving (Polletta & Jasper, 2001). Initial (classical) social movement theory mainly focused on the relationship between structures and political behavior with particular interest to explain variations in the political orientations of movements: their ideologies, aims, motivation or propensities for violence (Walder, 2009). Thus, most classical social movement research was focusing on why (instead of how) a certain movement was reformist or revolutionary, secular or religious, pragmatic or ideological and peaceful or violent (Goodwin & Jasper, 2004). In order to answer this type of questions, mobilization was seen as a response to imbalances in norms and morality which were caused by structural aspects and ideologies. This view therefore relied on a view of society as comprised of different classes, different roles and a static moral order. Yet, classical social movement theories failed to explain post-industrial movements of the 1960s (e.g. peace, feminism or environmentalist movements). In contrast to former movements, post-industrial movement were not necessarily bound to the local and national context but often acted on a transnational level. The main motive of mobilization was not purely based on an ideological and political struggle of discontent but on a topical and value-driven struggle over the control of shared meaning (Lee, 2007). These new social movements are not about ideology but about meaning and values.
Chapter 2: Research Framework
The changing nature of social movements led to the emergence of a new wave of social movement theory. This new approach broadened its interest to not only understand why social movements emerge but also how they evolve and mobilize their resources (Tilly, 1978; Walder, 2009). This did not only open up the analysis to the evolving social conditions and resources that generated the emergence of the movement but also to the different forms and strategies movements use to navigate and interact with the political, cultural and historical environment in order to grow and succeed (Walder, 2009).
I introduce the theoretical perspectives on the social conditions (Polletta & Jasper, 2001), resource mobilization (Canel, 2004; Della Porta & Diani, 2009) and conceptualization of mobilization phases of social movements (Christiansen, 2009), in the contextual Chapter three. I extend this theoretical foundation further in Chapter four, when outlining the different strategies used for mobilization, with a specific focus on discursive framing strategies (Benford & Snow, 2000).
Food Justice Movement
Food Justice is a normative concept that seeks to transform the dominant food system by critically questioning where, what and how food is grown, produced, transported, accessed and eaten (Alkon & Agyeman, 2011; Gottlieb & Joshi, 2010). Central to this idea is that the current food system, which is understood as the entire set of activities, processes and infrastructures needed to feed a population, is socially unequal and environmentally harmful. Thus, the normative concept of food justice applies ideas of social justice and environmental justice to the food sector (see figure 4). Figure 4 Conceptualization Food Justice (author)
Chapter 2: Research Framework
Due to the complexity of food systems, its study requires a multi-disciplinary approach which includes areas ranging from agriculture, business administration, cultural studies to gastronomy, logistics, waste management and many more (FAO, 2017).
The food justice movement emerged at the turn of the century as a response to the increased complexity and broad range of negative ecological, social and health impacts of the modern food systems (Gottlieb & Joshi, 2010). It aims to address the capitalistic nature of modern agro-food chains (Alkon & Agyeman, 2011), the considerable environmental burden on natural resources (M. a. Altieri & Toledo, 2011; Rockström, 2009) and the problem of diet-related health diseases (Feenstra, 2002; Kahane et al., 2013). The food justice movement has its roots in environmental movements, which aim to address the fair distribution of environmental burdens and benefits, and combines them with ideas of social justice (Gottlieb & Joshi, 2010). Doing this, the food justice movement does not only aim to address the negative environmental impact of global food systems but also the unequal degrees of participation, power relations, labor conditions and the equitable distribution of different resources within the agro-food chain (Allen, 2008). Supporters of the food justice movement range from organizations like Slow Food and/or Food Not Bombs, food sovereignty and agro-ecological movements like La Via Campesina to individuals who cultivate sustainable food consumption lifestyles like vegetarian or veganism.
What all these different groups of supporters have in common is the strong focus on local food systems as an alternative to the globally connected agro-food chains. Yet, how are local food systems different from conventional agricultural systems? Local food systems are based on the assumption that they are geographically localized (‘the local’) rather than national and/or international spread. A strong emphasis is put on small distances between the production side (‘the farm’) and the consumer (‘the plate’). Distances in this context should not necessarily be understood in the spatial lengths (e.g. km) of the food transportation but by the number of intermediaries within the supply chain. Thus, local food systems are not only understood in spatial terms but especially in terms of the length of the supply chain (Martinez et al., 2010). By encouraging short and direct value chains the food justice movement advocates for greater control to people who are marginalized by the mainstream agro-food regime (Cadieux & Slocum, 2015).
A central practice that is promoted by food justice and local food movements are methods of direct product sourcing. In the context of gastronomy, such practices are formulated as farm-to-table schemes and fall into the category of procurement. Farm-to-table
Chapter 2: Research Framework
schemes promote the direct contact of the consumer with the producer by sourcing and serving local food at restaurants, schools and cafeterias. According to Allen (2008), this direct relationship is established in community-supported agriculture, at farmers’ markets or by the restaurant or school itself. Farm-to-table schemes are characteristic for their food traceability (‘knowing where the food comes from’). They are aligned with attitudes of food safety, food freshness, food seasons and small-holder farming (Brain, 2012). Advocates and practitioners frequently state that the short supply chains and high traceability guarantees higher a higher food safety, as less could contaminate the product. Furthermore, sourcing local products guarantees food freshness, as less taste and nutrients are lost due shorter transport distances of conventional food systems (Shafiur Rahman, 2007). Having regular contact with the farmer also creates more awareness of the natural cycle of seasons and the availability of different products at different times of the year. Eating seasonable products is not only seen as less costly due to lower prices and high availability of products, but also more nutritious. Restricting ones diet to the seasonal offer reduces the environmental impact, as no additional food products needs to be shipped to satisfy the food needs while it also promotes a diversity and variety and local food products. Lastly, seasonal consumptions fosters and preserves green spaces and farmland (Feenstra, 2002, 2009; Martinez et al., 2010). As I will show in the following Chapters, this strong emphasis on the local food system, farm-to-table schemes and other forms of productive alliances (‘allianza cocinero-campesino’) are a central element of the PGM and further elaborated in Chapter four and five.
The methodological framework
Research Problem
Previous explorations before leaving to the field showed me that the Peruvian gastronomy is a very unique social phenomenon: It aims to address local and global issues related to the food systems, while also coming to terms with the country’s long-standing history of conflict, racism and inequality. Both in the literature and throughout my research, there was a general (public and academic) agreement that this gastronomy phenomenon has stimulated a process of social change. Yet, no previous attempt has been made to describe this process explicitly. Previous research that has studied this phenomenon mainly in terms of its economic contribution of the rise in popularity of Peruvian food (Arrellano Marketing, 2009, 2010; Fairlie Reinoso, Bonifaz, Correa Aste, Tavera, & Valcárcel, 2012), the social implication of the
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and the cultural identification in relation to national dishes (Cánepa, 2011; Farell, 2014; Matta, 2012, 2014b; Wilson, 2011). As most of the literature on this topic mainly referred to this phenomenon as a ‘gastronomic boom’ or ‘gastronomic revolution’, the initial aim of this research was to understand and describe this social phenomenon in more detail in order to make the process of social change, with its mechanisms and outcomes, explicit. However, throughout the research process, I have discovered that the initial research aim of understanding and describing the process of social change can only be done when understanding the gastronomic phenomena itself as a social movement. Hence conceptualizing the Peruvian gastronomic movement as an ongoing effort to bring about social change, is a novel theoretical approach that has not been done before. Therefore, by using the presented definitions and theory of social movements in combination the normative idea of food justice, this research will answer following questions: How does the Peruvian gastronomy movement (PGM) address issues of food justice and contribute to a process of social change? 1. How did the PGM emerge and evolve? (Chapter three)
2. How did the PGM use different discursive framing strategies as a means of mobilization? (Chapter four)
3. How are productive alliances practiced and implemented in the Liman food sector? (Chapter five)
Doing so, this thesis is the first study which describes why and how this movements can be seen as a process of social change but also what the outcomes of this movement are in regard to productive alliances. This study addresses a lack in knowledge about how local food movements contribute to more sustainable food systems and contributes to the understudied field of non-western social movements. Therefore, this thesis can be understood as a conceptual analysis of a social phenomenon, which has become a crucial aspect and inherent part of the contemporary Peruvian national identity while shaping the values, norms and daily food practices of many Peruvians.
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Research Approach
Following the broader ideas of Bhaskar (1978, 1986) and Sayer (1992, 2006), this research takes on a critical realist ontology, which contends that there is an objective reality outside of human perceptions, which can be studied but is not necessarily observable in direct experiences. Taking on this ontology it is acknowledged that multiple (observable) interpretations of this reality exist, which are mediated through language, experiences, sense and the social context (structures) of the individual. This is in line with the strong interpretative epistemological stance of social constructivism of this research (Gray, 2014). Social constructivism seeks to understand the multiple meanings and perspectives of individuals on how they seek to understand the world in which they live. Therefore, the data collection is based on a multi-actor approach, which aims to focus on understanding the processes and interactions of individuals in the specific cultural and social setting while taking into account the social, economic and historical conditions of the Peruvian context. This research approach can be illustrated using the meta-theoretical framework of the ‘empirical’, the ‘actual’ and the ‘real’, which is proposed by Bhaskar (1978), which is useful for thoroughly understanding the processes of social change (see figure 5).
Figure 5 Critical Realism Adapted From (Bhaskar, 1986)
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This meta-theoretical framework assumes that only empirical and observable events or facts can be accessed directly by a variety of different empirical methods. Such empirical observation can vary from individual perceptions and interpretation to events, documents and other forms of primary and secondary sources, which in total make up the empirical data of this research. The other spheres of the ‘actual’ and ‘real’ can be uncovered by critically engaging with available empirical accounts, relating them to previous theories and creating new theories based on those findings. This meta-theoretical framework blends well into my analytical theoretical framework, which focuses on the emergence and evolution, the strategies and tactics and outcomes of the social movement (see figure 6).
Figure 6 Conceptual Framework, Adapted Bhaskar, 1986
Chapter three on the emergence and evolution of the Peruvian gastronomic movement focuses on the ‘actual’ sphere by both using empirical accounts of interviewees and primary and secondary sources in relation to social movement theory. Chapter four focuses on the movements’ strategies and mechanisms to mobilize and recruit supporters of the Peruvian gastronomic movement. The analysis of this chapter moves beyond the ‘actual’ by focusing on the ‘real’ (discursive) mechanisms that framed the discourse of the movement. These
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mechanisms are not observable with standard empirical methods but are only uncovered in an abductive process5 by critically engaging with both empirical accounts, primary and
secondary sources and the social/historical/economic conditions of the ‘actual’. Lastly, both the analysis of the ‘real’ and ‘actual’ sphere of the gastronomic movement will allow for a complete understanding of the ‘observable’ sphere, which in this case focuses on the real, actual and empirical outcomes of the Peruvian gastronomic movement (see Chapter five). Thus, by setting all spheres in relation to each other, this research provides a critical realist account of the Peruvian gastronomic movement.
Research Design
This ontological and epistemological position blends well into the exploratory embedded mixed-methods research design (see figure 7). Figure 7 Sequential Embedded Design (See John W Creswell, 2003) In line with the constructivist epistemology, a strong focus is set on qualitative data collection, while embedding quantitative data to support and expand upon qualitative findings in order to deepen the understanding of the research problem (Cresswell & Plano Clark, 2010; J W Creswell, 2003; Mackenzie & Knipe, 2006).
Methods
The main qualitative methods used for this research are semi-structured and structured interviews and participant observations at e.g. the gastronomy festival ‘Mistura’, cooking classes, restaurants, local markets and participation in events of local food and environmental movements. As survey forms part of the quantitative analysis (see Demen Meier, Siorak, Bonsch Buri, & Cornuz, 2015).
The objective of the initial qualitative phase was to gain a better understanding of the context and the perception of different actors, with a particular focus on chefs, on the
5 Note: Abductive thinking describes a combination of inductive and deductive thinking. Using both specific data
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gastronomy phenomena. Findings of this first phase and theories on local food systems were then incorporated into a quantitative survey about wider tendency of restaurants practices regarding the use of local products and farm-to-table initiatives. The third phase was a fluid continuation of the first phase, with a stronger focus on the broad range of actors in the local gastronomy sector. Figure 8 shows a detailed overview of the specific methods.
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The first (qualitative) stage consisted of ten semi-structured interviews of approximately 30 minutes and were collected between the 19th of August and the 15th of September 2016. Those were briefly evaluated in the field and made up the basis for the catalogue of question of the restaurant survey. Moreover, those interviews were also important points of references for further contacts (initiatives, research projects, chef, restaurants, best practices) within the gastronomy sector of Lima.
The second (qualitative) stage consisted of the design, validation and distribution of restaurant surveys. Together with a group of students from the gastronomy university ‘El Cordon Bleu Lima’ and the basis of the interview data, a survey with 21 questions in four categories (caracteristicas del negocio, gestion de compras, datos socio-gastronomicos, datos personales6) was designed. This questionnaire was then presented to three different
university teachers. All teachers gave very constructive feedback and thereby validated the survey for the use within the local context. The distribution was done digitally and on paper. Here, the researcher and a local research assistant collected around 50 paper surveys in a variety of district within the city of Lima and its adjacent department of Callao. Moreover 150 of the top-rated restaurants (according to TripAdvisor, 2017) were invited by mail to fill in the same survey online (See Appendix D ).
The final (qualitative) stage consisted of 17 in-depth structured and semi-structured interviews of approximately 45-60 minutes. Depending on the background of the interviewee different points of focus were set in each interview, concluding with the interviewees perspective on the gastronomic phenomena and their perceptions about outcomes of this movement (See Appendix C). Next to those interviews several participant observations, a small geographic data collection of market locations was made (see appendix E). Among the most important observations were several visits of the food festival MISTURA in September, the regular visit to different organic markets, participation in gastronomy classes at the culinary university el cordon bleu and participation in the event ‘Yuntémonos’7.
6 Translation: Characteristics of the business, Purchasing Management, Socio-gastronomic information, Personal
information
7 Note: ‘Yuntémonos – pensamos más allá de la olla’ (Lets join force – thinking beyond the pan) was a one-day
conferences (26th of November 2016) at the Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú (PUCP) on ten different
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Sampling Strategy
In this research I used a mix of purposeful, snowball and geographical location-based sampling based on the assumptions of the contextual scheme (Bryman, 2015; Bryman, Becker, & Sempik, 2008). The initial interviews were organized by the researcher’s own social and academic network and contacts provided by the local supervisor in Lima. Additionally, several researchers and organization (APEGA, local food movements like slow food, RAE) who are involved the field of gastronomy and local food system in the Peruvian/Lima context have been contacted and provided further contacts for interviews. Furthermore, Facebook communities like ‘veganos en Lima’ and ‘expats in Lima’ , ‘Lima organica’, ‘cocineros y chefs en Lima’ provided entry points into alternative food movements, restauranteur and consumers. The (paper) survey was both randomly distributed and purposefully sent out (digitally) to 150 top-rated restaurants in different areas of Lima in order to guarantee a good representation of the population of restaurants in Lima (time established, price level, menu choices and location).
Data-Analysis
Already during the field, I conducted a first initial data analysis to inform my research process and develop my survey based on initial interviews. Back from the field, I followed a very abductive analytical process with consisted of a continuous analysis and abstraction from my empirical data to the theory and vice versa. When looking back I would classify my data analysis in the following phases:
In the first phase, I used a thematic analysis of my empirical data, using thematic coding in Atlas-TI and descriptive analyze of the quantitative data, to identify common themes. Having identified the big themes and concepts of social change, social and environmental justice and national identity in relation to the Peruvian gastronomy boom, I had gained a conceptual understanding on how Peruvian gastronomy boom relates to the different concepts. In the second phase I aimed to relate those identified themes to the theoretical social science literature to revise and update my analytical framework of analysis. In this phase I gained a major insight that the Peruvian gastronomy boom can be understood and conceptualized as a social movement. Based on this new conceptualization, I created a new theoretical framework based on theories on the emergence and evolution of social movements, the discursive strategies used for mobilization and its role of creating a collective identity and the outcomes of the movement. I further conceptualized the Peruvian
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gastronomy as a movement that aims to achieve food justice, which combines both the ideas of social and environmental justice. The last phase of analysis was the application of the theory to my empirical data in triangulation with secondary literature. Here, I have to note that my analysis has followed the chronological order of my chapters. The analysis of Chapter three is mainly based on thematic clustering and triangulation of my interview data with secondary sources. Afterwards, I used the classification of the different phases (see Christiansen, 2009) as starting point for Chapter four, on the strategies of mobilization. Using the theoretical background of the framing literature, I used methods of discourse analysis which discourse was prevalent at the different stages of the movement. The analysis of the last empirical chapter is based on the theoretical and normative foundation of local food systems and the food justice movement. Using the conceptualization of a local food value chain, I show how the normative concept of productive alliances are practiced in the sourcing practices of restaurants in Lima. For this I use the results of my survey in triangulation with my interview data.
Quality Criteria
The overall quality criteria of this research are authenticity; representing the ‘true’ experiences of respondents and self-reflexivity of the researcher; the self-awareness on the impact on the research process. Further, the qualitative data is subject to a strong dependability and audibility; understood as the rigorous use and documentation of methods and subjectivities, and transferability of findings. The quality criteria of the quantitative data are reliability and replicability (Bryman et al., 2008; O’Leary, 2004).
Methodological Reflection
Critically reflecting on my data collection and my quality criteria I argue that my data is highly authentic. As seen in the overview of respondents (see appendix A), I was able to talk to a broad range of relevant actors of the Peruvian gastronomy sphere. Due to my scattered and purposeful sampling, I was able to talk to actors with diverse socio-economic backgrounds and different degrees of participation within the sector. Beside several semi-structured interviews, I have participated in several important events, regularly attended weekly markets, food fairs and restaurant. Throughout these participant observations, I have engaged with other participants, staff members and observed the different contexts. Throughout this process, I have always been aware of my own role as a researcher and my possible impact on
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my research process. However, I believe that due to the urban context of Lima and my independent (and passive) observer position aimed at understanding instead of explaining/changing I believe that I kept my own impact on the research process very low. In regard to my quantitative data collection I would say that my process followed both criteria of dependability and audibility. As explained earlier, I am very reflective and transparent on the changes in my research process, how they occurred and in which way the affected my research outcome. Having validated and tested my restaurant survey before I would say that the instrument is both reliable and replicable. However, there might be some doubt in terms of generalizability of the data due to the sampling size in relation (n= 91) to the overall research population (in between 5.000-8.000 restaurants).
In regard to my data analysis, there might be some concerns due to the change in my theoretical framework and research question, after returning from the field. Due to a lack of previous studies on the gastronomic phenomena I have followed an exploratory research design. However, as part of this exploratory process I have realized that my initial research proposal lacked a robust operationalization of my independent variable ‘sustainable development / social change’. In the process of my data analysis I came to realize that social movement theory provides a good analytical framework for analyzing this phenomenon. Nevertheless, the initial theoretical framework which focused on local food system, sustainable gastronomy practices and normative ideas of sustainable development are still incorporated in the analysis of this thesis. Therefore, I argue that the conceptualization of this phenomenon as a gastronomic movement is an extension to the previous research framework and constitutes a novel theoretical approach, which I further elaborate in the final discussion.
Ethical Consideration
Ethics, the guiding principles and morals of our daily behavior, are of high importance for conducting (social) research. Guillemin and Gillam (2004) differentiate between two types of ethics in research: the procedural ethic and ethics in practice. The first focuses on procedures like informing the participant about the research, provision of an informed consent, guaranteeing full privacy and protection of data. The second type focuses on the values that underlines these procedural guidelines.
This research project has a low-profile regarding ethical concern or conflicts due to the nature of the research question. Most of the interviews have been conducted in the city of Lima in public spaces, restaurants, offices and private home. All those interviews had been
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organized via email or phone with prior (informed) consent of the participant. All interviewed parties have agreed to the recording of the interview and were informed about the purpose and extent of my research. The contacts of those participant where either publically available (e.g. websites, facebook) or voluntarily given out by other respondent. I have been always very transparent about my own background and motivations to conduct this fieldwork. The recording of interviews was only done after prior consent and it was clearly outlined that any discussed information was only for the purpose of my research and no other forms of publication. In my view the only form of possible deception, which this research project could cause, that some people agreed for an interview as they hoped for their name to be published. However, as some respondents indicated that they would not like their name to be published, I made the decision to not directly refer to any of my participants. This way I make sure the privacy of all my respondents it protected. This is relevant as I intend to distribute the final product of my thesis among my respondents. I am certain that coming from the university of Amsterdam has helped me to a great extent to have access to educational and public institutions. Furthermore, being able to communicate without a translator has certainly contributed to the quality of my interview data - as no information was lost in translation. In my view, having followed a very transparent and honest research practice certainly contributed to the success of this fieldwork and the high response rates of my respondents and the access I got to a broad range of groups.
Chapter 3
Emergence and Evolution of the PGM
One thing that was conveyed by my interviewees is that the Peruvian gastronomic movement with its boom is seen as a process of social change towards a more confident, inclusive and sustainable Peruvian nation8. In order to fully understand this process of change one first hasto look at the social conditions and resources that made the emergence of the gastronomic movement possible and significantly influenced the evolution of the movement. Therefore, this chapter sets the context of the thesis and answers the first sub-question: How did the Peruvian gastronomic movement emerge and evolve over time? Social phenomena and movements often seem to occur and emerge in a spontaneous and unorganized way. However, when looking closely at the different social, historical and economic conditions, this ‘spontaneous’ emergence is often uncovered as a consequence of the different conditions of the context, which are crucial for the evolution of social movements. This chapter is divided in
8 Note: This statement is based on the conjunction of all answer that I received on the question, which I asked all
my interviewees: What do you understand as the ‘gastronomic boom’ and to what extend has it effected the development of Peru?
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three parts: The first part of the chapter introduces the theoretical background on the conditions that lead to the emergence and evolution of the movement. Here, I will first outline how social conditions can be understood and used as way to identify the root causes that lead to the emergence of a social movement. This is extended by the theory in resource mobilization and the analytical framework of the four stages of social movements as introduced by Christiansen (2009). In the second part I elaborate on the historic and economic conditions, which outline the context of this movement. In the third part, I incorporate the theories and apply the analytical framework of four evolutionary stages of social movements to the Peruvian gastronomic movement. I conclude this chapter with a small ‘outlook’ on how this contextual knowledge will be integrated in the remainder of this thesis. The information provided in this chapter is based on the empirical findings of my interview data and triangulated and supported with secondary literature.
Theoretical Background: Emergence and Evolution of SM
One main pillars of social movement theory is the study on why social movements emerge and evolve. While this academic question was already present in early social movement theories, its recently has been broadened to understanding not only the why but also how they evolve (Tilly, 1978; Walder, 2009).
Social Conditions
According to Polletta and Jasper (2001) one of the most important aspect that determines why and how social movements emerge and evolve are social conditions. Social conditions are commonly understood as the historic, economic and political context or state of a society. There are different sociological traditions on how to analyze social conditions. The first approach follows structuralist tradition, which understands social conditions as bigger societal structures, which are conditioned and influenced by the historical and economical context of a certain situation or group (Polletta & Jasper, 2001). This idea assumes that social phenomena like social movements emerge not due to an individual action (or a compilation of such), but wider structures or collective conditions that are the prerequisite for collective action to emerge. According to Polleta and Jasper (2001), such structures can be understood as e.g. a shared experience of conflict or economic hardship, or other structures that condition social exclusion or other forms of inequality that lead to subjective discontent and might motivate collective action. Another approach to understand social conditions is in forms of
