Potential to rebuild the future within adult population of displaced Syrians in Lebanon

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Giada Bussu 1 UVA ID: 11403209 Giada Bussu

M.Sc. International Development Studies 31st_{January 2018}

Potential to rebuild the future within adult population of

displaced Syrians in Lebanon.

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Giada Bussu 2 UVA ID: 11403209

Graduate School of Social Sciences

Master International Development Studies

2017-18

Name: Giada Bussu

Student number: 11403209

Email: giadabussu@hotmail.it

Date of submission: 31

st

_{January 2018}

Word Count: 29.936

Supervisor: Courtney Vegelin

Second Reader: Esther Miedema

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“Us humans, who made us? Did the Syrian revolution make us? Did Bashar Assad

make us? Or Saudi Arabia? Or Russia? Or Iran? What is this lying? What do they have

to do with us? They fucked the mother of one of the safest nations in the world. A

nation that was living in heaven.”

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Table of Content

Table of Content ... 4 Abstract ... 6 1 Introduction ... 7 1.1 Purpose of research ... 7 1.2 Academic relevance ... 8 1.3 Societal relevance ... 10 1.4 Research questions ... 11 1.5 Concluding remarks ... 12 2 Theoretical framework ... 14

2.1 Studies on trauma among displaced populations ... 14

2.2 The focus shift from “trauma” to “resilience” ... 16

2.3 Evolution of the concept of resilience: from ecological to social context ... 18

2.4 Gender-based approach to resilience ... 20

2.5 Contextualising resilience in terms of displacement ... 21

2.6 Chapter Summary and Conceptual Scheme ... 25

3 Context ... 28

3.1 The Current Syrian War and the Massive Phenomenon of Displacement ... 28

3.2 Social Issues Caused by the Growing Influx of Refugees in Lebanon ... 32

3.3 Concluding remarks ... 35 4 Methodologies... 36 4.1 Sampling ... 36 4.2 Data Analysis ... 37 4.3 In-depth interviews ... 38 4.4 Focus groups ... 38 4.5 Field notes ... 39 4.6 Ethics ... 40

4.7 The quality of research and its limitations ... 45

4.8 Grounded theory and innovation ... 48

5 Findings ... 51

5.1 Elderly generations in Syria ... 52

5.2 Leaving Syria ... 54

5.3 Syrian women ... 55

5.4 Syrian men ... 56

5.5 Prospect for the children ... 57

5.6 Those who have nothing left ... 59

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5.8 The effect of displacement ... 63

5.9 Syrians as a community ... 64

5.10 Prospect of integration ... 64

5.11 Concluding remarks ... 65

6 Answering the research questions and reflection ... 66

6.1 Answering the sub-questions ... 66

6.2 Answering the main research question ... 75

6.3 Reflection ... 77

6.4 Recommendations for future research ... 80

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Abstract

The Syrian civil war has led to the displacement of a huge number of people who moved out as refugees in other countries in the Middle East and Europe. Lebanon represents one of the biggest recipient of these refugees, with an estimation of around two million people seeking asylum in the country. The conflict has separated families, changed the perception of life within the people and resulted in the destruction of the livelihoods of the population, hence leading to poverty and hopelessness. Most worrying is the fact that the end to the conflict cannot be predicted, since the warring side is made up of multiple actors that keep fighting each other, heated by different ideologies and interests. This research is intended to analyse the impact of the condition of displacement on the resilience of adult members of the Syrian displaced society. More precisely the research, through the implementation of active interviews and participant observation, aims at encouraging a deep reflection on whether and how this population maintains ambitions and willingness to rebuild the future, and how this reflects resilience in the context of being displaced. Findings suggest, as will be explained in the following chapters, that the condition of displacement has a significant impact on the individual and his aspirations, particularly on the members of this Syrian community which seems to be characterized by a strong feeling of belonging and loyalty to the land. However, the community that has been approached proves to be a surprisingly resilient population, capable of going through devastating events without losing mental lucidity and clear thinking. The peculiarities of Syrians as products of this specific circumstances and the basis for comparison will be discussed during the thesis. Within the sample, adult generations of displaced Syrians still dream a future but have to face the current impossibility of realising their ambitions. Despite the common willingness to start rebuilding a life from scratch, the aspirations of men and women do not include the possibility of spending their lives out of Syria, which can be considered problematic admitting the fact that the conflict is ongoing and causing irreversible damage to the country. To this extent, considering their aspirations as concrete ambitions remains questionable.

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1 Introduction

More than 340,000 Syrians have lost their lives since the start of the civil war in 2011. The conflict that escalated into a full-blown war commenced after Syrians took to the streets to complain and register disappointment with their government (Gonzales et al, 2016). Aside from the tragic and unnecessary deaths, more than 11 million Syrians have fled the country (Atala, 2016). Indeed, multiple reports by international media houses paint a picture of a region that is overwhelmed by what is happening in Syria. The country’s neighbours have made sustained attempts to accommodate the refugees, but the reality is that the disaster is having catastrophic social, political and economic effects on the region (Atala, 2016). The civil war that started when the government arrested and tortured young citizens shockingly grew into a full conflict with the residents and government involved.

In this context, this thesis explores the experience of displacement in order to understand how it affects the ways in which those affected envision their futures. The rest of this chapter will further introduce the research that has been conducted in Lebanon, one of the biggest recipients of Syrian refugees, on the resilience and willingness to rebuild the future among displaced Syrians. In order to understand the meaning of this work, the following section (1.1) will explain the purpose of the research and the perspective of the researcher in this work. This will be followed by an explanation of the academic relevance (section 1.2), and then an explanation of the societal relevance (section 1.3). After this, the research questions and a short explanation about them will be introduced. This chapter will close with an outline of the rest of the thesis.

1.1 Purpose of research

The first objective of this work is to bring attention to the importance of the issue, in order to encourage further research and reflection. The Syrian refugee crisis is affecting at present increasing proportions of the global population beside the refugees themselves (Gonzales et al, 2016). The world should be now concerned by the side effects that the phenomenon of massive displacement implies. Many questions arise with regards to the future of a largely displaced population, which has been living for years in a state of emergency with no end in sight. Discussions on the eventual return of Syrian refugees are on course (Clausen, 2015). However, with the issue being part of an intense political battle, achieving a clear roadmap is appearing

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Giada Bussu 8 UVA ID: 11403209 too much a task among the various sectarian interests (Gonzales et al, 2016). There is the urgent need to prevent more harm encountered by individuals within the Syrian environment. In an International Center For Justice Report titled: Not Without Dignity Views of Syrian Refugees in Lebanon on Displacement, Conditions of Return, and Coexistence, a conclusion is drawn that the primary reason for the sustained crisis is due to the political battles behind it. Meanwhile, other research (Rim El Ghantri and Karim El Mufti (2017) argues that whereas all appears as doom for the refugees, there is hope on the possible rebuilding of Syria. However, they posit that this healing exercise will be largely driven by the Syrian nationals themselves and not necessarily the political elite, even if it is the elite themselves who are prolonging the conflict. Brokering of the return of Syrian refugees may have to be left at the hands of politicians and the international community but the eventual healing process will be managed by the victims themselves. Given that the victim of the conflict and of displacement might eventually be the leaders of their own healing process, it is deemed crucial to deepen the global understanding of their own views on the future. As such, this research aims to contribute to the global knowledge of the aspirations of the Syrian victims of the disaster, helping to better understand the potential of this populations in terms of the real needs expressed by the victims themselves. This deepened understanding will hopefully contribute to the ways in which political and humanitarian intervention are addressed and shaped, with more appropriate information on the specific case and context.

1.2 Academic relevance

Academically, this research hopes to give insight into what displaced Syrians deem important for the future so that these perspectives can be taken into account when reconciliatory and reconstruction processes are ready to begin. Currently, in terms of the displaced population, there is a good deal of literature which explores the psychological effects of displacement on the Syrian population. Reviewing the literature available on the topic leads to results such as, among others: “Mental health and psychosocial needs of Syrian refugees and the role of Syrian non-governmental organisations” (2016, Almoshmosh, Nadim ; Mobayed, Mamoun ; Aljendi, Mohammad), which consists of an assessment of the mental health of Syrian refugees and the psychological support that is needed; “The role of war trauma survivors in managing their own mental conditions, Syria civil war as an example” (2016, Almoshmosh, Nadim), about the mental disorders occurred after the trauma of the war; “Impact of the Syrian Crisis on the

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Giada Bussu 9 UVA ID: 11403209 Hospitalization of Syrians in a Psychiatric Setting” (2016, Lama, Souaiby ; François, Kazour ; Marwan, Zoghbi ; Sami, Richa), an article that approaches the Syrian crisis from a psychiatric perspective. While attention to the psychological effects of the war on Syrian refugees is necessary,it seems that more research is needed to focus on how knowledge about the psychological state of the displaced population can contribute to steps that can later be taken to help the war-ravaged country can build itself back to prosperity. This research hopes to contribute in this way.

Contributions in this direction have been made by institutions as the Brookings Institute which has spearheaded research initiatives on the possible routes that the country and its citizens can take towards recreating their nation. In 2017 media report Brennan Hoban, a Brookings’ Fellow on 13th_{December 2017, the institute notes that some of the intervention taken by the country} and allies such as the US lack a firm empirical background that can support a long-term healing process. For example, the article presents that the US must not focus on spending millions of dollars in military inspired take-over of cities. The attention must entail seeking to entrench governance institutions that can overcome fightings, within and without Syria. If western countries, the report notes, fail to acknowledge the need to create strong civil society bodies as well as activating restorative justice mechanisms, the country risks sliding back to anarchy as happened in 2011. (Hoban, 2018).

In a broader sense, Syria has received a lot of attention in recent years. Studies have addressed the conflict in various ways. For instance, in regard to the rebuilding of Syria, it is argued that military action without understanding the fundamental social and cultural factors that informed civil war will end up as an exercise in futility (Hoban, 2018). As such, understanding the social and cultural roots of the conflict is believed to constitute the basis for any rebuilding effort. With this in mind, it becomes important to focus on socio-cultural factors of the Syrian resident and displaced population to give insight on the specific steps that can be taken in order to ensure longer term stability. Crucially, the fact that the strife came out of a conflict between opposition groups and the government must be taken into consideration (Clausen, 2015). A number of actors and rebels also hijacked the process and added fire to the already complicated situation (Pieper, 2014). The reasons inspiring all participants must be nailed down as a way of starting a scientific backed solution process to peace. With many nations indicating a visible interest in investing in Syria, researchers must keenly scrutinize their reasons and motives to determine their neutrality in future conflicts (Hoban, 2018). In perspective, if a country like Russia is allowed to put money into the country yet it shares interests with some of the actors in the strife,

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Giada Bussu 10 UVA ID: 11403209 the ultimate result will be another externally instigated strife (Pieper, 2014). Consequently, Syria will forever risk future conflicts, permanently jeopardizing the hopes of a reconstruction. In this context, the attention of this study has been narrowed on the effects of the events on people’s resilience and ambitions, with the aim of contributing to the researchers’ and policy makers’ understanding of the real perspective of displaced Syrians. It hopes to contribute to the literature available which considers the struggles of the Syrian population from a clinical/psychiatric angle, to provide more insight into the capacity of this population of coping with the situation and maintain resilience. On this topic, it has been difficult to find anything that addresses the Syrian conflict specifically. Considering the gap in research on this topic, the academic relevance of the study is to assess the possibilities of the population to absorb the trauma and rebuild itself. Analysing the possibilities implies the necessity of assessing how the displaced population perceive their future and how they hope to achieve their goals. The research is carried with a view to understand if and how a person who has lost the worth of a lifetime of work is willing to start all over from scratch, if there is a concrete strategy to be pursued, and where the future is envisioned.

1.3 Societal relevance

The available information on the Syrian story points to a minimal understanding of the needs of Syrian citizens and refugees. While many individuals and organizations are genuinely willing to assist the country in reclaiming its lost glory, it seems that more can be done to capture the aspirations of Syrians themselves. The target of this research consists of the adult population of displaced Syrians, and the analysis digs into their aspirations for themselves and their children. This study deliberately chooses to give attention to the adult population for two reasons. First, it is believed that the impact of the losses caused by the conflict may have a stronger impact on adults than in children, assuming that adult people hold the responsibility of their own family, and in many cases the loss of an adult person consists in the loss of the culmination of a lifetime’s work. Second, the effects of the events on children and young generations are believed to have detrimental effects on the generation of their parents, who are living the difficulty of the reality for themselves and their children. However, the role of young generations in the rebuilding process is evidently major. For this reason, the immediate intervention objective should aim towards realizing how an entire generation of young people is getting lost due to the current happenings. The young people affected will have to contend with a life of orphanage, trauma, lack of education and social amenities and a diminished

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Giada Bussu 11 UVA ID: 11403209 strength to participate on global affairs. Further, they may face an adult life filled with hate for other people, communities and religion (Jabbar and Zaza, 2014). If such a possible scenario was to happen, Syria may never recover. Therefore, even in the need for short-term responses, participants in this recovery process must be willing to do all that possible and re-capture the realities and imaginations of this group of Syrians. Summarily, then, without deep research on the very needs of such frustrated people, no aid will help, and no policy will be effective, and it is safe to believe that at these conditions Syria may never rise again. This research is therefore devoted to attempt to deeply capture the views of displaced Syrians on their future, with the aim of contributing to provide a description of this reality that could eventually help guiding the intervention to properly apply to this specific context.

An additional element to the societal relevance of this work is given by the potentially beneficial effects on the respondents given by the participation to the research. This phenomenon has been studied by De Haene et Al (2010) and will be discussed further in this thesis. The openness of the respondents and their will to participate suggested that the narration of their stories might itself have constituted an empowering tool for the individuals (see section 4.6 for more explanation).

1.4 Research questions

Main research question:

How and in what ways do adult members of the displaced Syrian community in Lebanon have aspirations for their future and the future of their children, and how does this reflect resilience in the context of displacement?

Sub-questions:

1) How does the displaced adult Syrian population talk about the future while their lives are restricted to refugee camps?

2) How did the events of war and displacement affect their aspirations for the future?

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Giada Bussu 12 UVA ID: 11403209 4) How does the displaced adult Syrian population use their aspirations for the future to shape their lives in their current context?

5) How do aspirations for the future as expressed by the displaced adult Syrian population add to the meaning of resilience?

The main research question is intended to address the aspirations of adult members of the Syrian displaced community in Lebanon with regards to their future and the future of their children. The second part of the question refers to the possibility that the fact of maintaining ambitions in this context might represent a proof of resilience, in ways that will be explored during this research.

The sub-questions are meant to construct meaning by linking together to answer the main research question. Sub-Q 1 explores where and in what ways the future is envisioned by individuals whose lives are confined in foreign countries with no possibility to go back home. Sub-Q 2 accentuates the link between the aspirations for the future and the condition of displacement, introducing as well the effects of the experience of war on these aspirations. Sub-Q 3 narrows the attention to the aspirations of adults for the future of their children, aiming at answering the same questions as above with a different angle. Sub-Q 4 deepens the way that these aspirations can shape the lives of the individuals, namely the influence of their ambitions on their life choices and on the ways they conduct their lives. Sub-Q 5 can be reconducted to the second part of the main RQ, as it introduces the meaning of aspirations for the future in relation to the concept of resilience.

1.5 Concluding remarks

This chapter hopes to have clarified the intentions that have led to the implementation of this research and that have guided the work from the fieldwork to the analytical process. The conditions that gave reason to believe in the meaning of this work have been presented in this chapter in terms of purpose of the research and relevance (academic and societal), and can be shortly summarised in the need of contributing to understand the perspectives of the members of the Syrian displaced population within this specific context, with the hope of helping to provide efficient and appropriate intervention.

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Giada Bussu 13 UVA ID: 11403209 The second chapter that follows will entrench the concepts that have arisen in theory and literature in order to provide background to the rest of the research.

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2 Theoretical framework

The following chapter is intended to provide a framework consisting of theories and definitions of concepts that are deemed necessary for the understanding the research work. The first section is dedicated to the description and definition of the concept of trauma and how the concept applies to the subject of analysis. A second section will explain how observations during research have led to a shift of the focus from the concept of trauma to the more appropriate concept of resilience. A third section will define the concept of resilience more broadly in order to embed this concept in literature. This will be followed by a section providing a gender-based analysis of the concept of resilience, and another which will analyse the relation between the concepts of resilience and displacement by providing definitions and explaining the link between the two concepts applied to the research topic and context. The result of this relation will later provide the context for answering the research question (in Chapter 6). The last section will address the implementation of grounded theory to describe the peculiarities of the context that are essential for a comprehensive overview of the research.

2.1 Studies on trauma among displaced populations

This research was initially intended to analyse the effects of trauma within the adult population of displaced Syrians on their aspirations for the future. The concept of trauma in this frame has been therefore explored and defined as the mental instability that affects an individual as a result of being in contact with a disturbing situation, or resulting from the feeling of being mistreated and having their dignity violated (Constanze et Al, 2013). Further, the condition arises in cases of uncertainty about the future of an individual or that of their kin and is of concern among displaced populations (Almoshmosh, 2016). To clarify, displaced people are identified as people who flee their home country in seek of asylum in another country, due to the unsafe or unbearable conditions in their countries of origin (Constanze et Al, 2013). Studies conducted on displaced populations have found that they suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder (PSTD), which is a condition that occurs when an individual is exposed to a disturbing situation such as war, death, or suffering (Stenmark et Al, 2013). In regard to the displaced Syrians, broadly speaking, the effects of the war emanating from the level of destruction and the deaths caused by the conflict is considered the main cause of the PSTD (Constanze et Al, 2013).

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Giada Bussu 15 UVA ID: 11403209 Trauma has lasting effects on the mental and the physical health of individuals during and after the war since the events that caused the trauma remain vivid in the minds of the casualties (Constanze et Al, 2013). In order to understand the potential consequences of the war on the psychological stability of people hit by the war, some effects have been derived from those nations that have suffered the same fate. Emblematic cases include Rwanda after the 1994 genocide and the countries that suffered the Arab uprising, as well as other countries that have suffered civil conflict (UNHCR, 2015). In the case of the war in Syria, the effects of the war and trauma on the mental stability has already manifested itself in terms of the mental disorders that are being reported among the populations (Almoshmosh, 2016). Additionally, post traumatic stress disorder has caused an increase in the suicidal incidence among the refugees due to the rise in the stress and discomfort. According to the UNHCR report of 2016, before the start of the conflict, suicidal attempts were at 9.1% of the population. However, the rate currently stands at 24.5% which is an indication of the rise in the effects of trauma among the members of the community. This is an interpretation that trauma leads to the development of mental instability which, as a result, leads people to lose hope and commit suicide. At the camps, the reality of displacement, loss of family members, lack of employment and income, and the uncertain future continues to stress the refugees (Almoshmosh, 2016).

Children have not been spared from the brutality of the effects of the war and the adverse effects of the conflict as evident in the reported disparities in their growth patterns (Jabbar and Zaza, 2014). In children, post-traumatic stress disorder is known to affect their brain development and consequently leads to the slow development of cognitive skills which may lead to a community where people are short tempered (Constanze 276). Additionally, the trauma causes a change in behaviour among the children, whereby, the children are likely to develop violent behaviours (Jabbar and Zaza, 2014). The United Nations have established that Syria is one of the world's most dangerous place to live as a child due to the emotional distress deriving from the turn of events happening in the country (Diab, 2009). Moreover, the sources of emotional distress for boys and girls seem to be different (Jabbar and Zaza, 2014). The girls face massive physical and emotional isolation while the boys are likely to face bullying and harassment from rebels and government forces. This increases the chances of the development of violent behaviour among the children.

While considering the issue of trauma among the Syrian refugees, there is a group that has been neglected regardless of the high level of risk facing this group. These are the elderly members of the refugee community, a group that is faced with even more challenges compared to the rest

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Giada Bussu 16 UVA ID: 11403209 of the groups (Almoshmosh, 2016). The elderly are faced with a challenge of requiring to see the development of peace and the resuming of an ordinary life which will make them return to their country. The elderly also suffer the lack of comprehensive health care and the lack of attention to chronic diseases which most of them are suffering from, such as cancer, diabetes, and hypertension (Diab, 2009). Moreover, another issue that is likely to affect the elderly population is the fact that the rebel fighters may be their children, while on the other hand, the government armed soldiers may also be their children. Many elderly members of the Syrian society are concerned by the tragedy of seeing their own sons destroying the nation and harming conationals in the name of beliefs that the elderly might not agree1_.

Overall, a search through existing literature revealed that there is no consistent research on the possibility that elderly members of the society might have the hope for the restoration of a nation built on mutual respect and peace, which is key to the prosperity of the nation. The strength to move on despite the destruction of property and their investment, which is a result of the bombing of assets by both the militia and the government, is a factor that still needs to be assessed.

In conclusion, people displaced by war and conflict are faced with an enormous number of challenges, among them poor health condition, destruction of the family unit, lack of proper education, and loss of loved ones. Research mentioned above has shown that the effects of being displaced will lead to the development of trauma and PSTD which has an adverse effect on the future of the country (De Haene et Al, 2010). Among displaced people, the elderly are believed to be facing immense challenges ranging from poor health, chronic diseases, trauma, the pain of the loss of their loved once, the instability of a life in a new country, and all the aspect that have been mentioned. However, this group receives little attention from the researchers and the organizations that would otherwise be offering help to this people with a bid to ensure that they resume their lives.

2.2 The focus shift from “trauma” to “resilience”

In light of what has been said, the fieldwork was implemented with the aim of exploring the effects of trauma among elderly generations of Syrians, as assumed based on the literature

1_{This fact has been explained by an historical consultant expert in Syrian contemporary history, interviewed}

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Giada Bussu 17 UVA ID: 11403209 review discussed above. Once immersed into the context, however, the initial findings derived from the first interviews lead to a shift of the focus in two senses. Firstly, it has been noticed that the group that was previously defined as “elderly generations” has mostly remained in Syria2_{. The sample of people who were interviewed does not include any member of elderly} generations. As explained by younger members of the community, elderly generations of Syrians are currently in Syria, refusing to leave their own country despite the danger3_{. It was} explained that the elderly seem to prefer to die in their homeland instead of betraying it by moving to another country. For this reason, the societal group analysed has shifted from “elderly” to “adult”. Adult people are identified as mothers and fathers, components of household, or people in age for being the heads of a family. The choice of analysing adult members comes from the assumption that being hit by immense losses as the ones derived from the war may potentially have a stronger impact on someone who had built his/her own life and is responsible towards a family.

The second observation that inspired a different shade on the research topic is the fact that the sample of people who have been interviewed seemed to be surprisingly resilient about the trauma experienced during the war. People were able to talk about tragic events showing an astounding strength that gets them over traumatic experiences. Far beyond the expectation, the interviews and chats with people in the camp did not represent a broken population but instead a warm community which has been bent by devastating events but is still willing to stand and is largely helpful within its members. The traumatic impact of the war and the violence that has been experienced is reasonably believed to affect the lives of the displaced population, but this impact does not manifest itself with evident symptoms to the eyes of social researchers without a specific psychological preparation. Although the hypothesis of encountering a sample of people which is affected by the lasting effects of trauma has not been discredited, a further reflection after the beginning of the field work led to the conclusion that the analysis of trauma and post-traumatic stress disorder within the subject of study would be inappropriate for several reasons; firstly the study would require specific psychological preparation, considering that the symptoms are not immediately evident and the effects are not manifest. Secondly, the outstanding resilient attitude that is shown by the respondents over the evoked presence of trauma might be interpreted as a great predominance of resilience over trauma. Lastly, studies on the effects of trauma on the mental health of displaced Syrians after the experience of the

2_{See section 5.1}

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Giada Bussu 18 UVA ID: 11403209 war are available, whilst there is a gap in research of the analysis of the same topic from the perspective of resilience.

It has been noticed that the professional environment (humanitarian interventions, humanitarian workers, policy makers, psychological assistants) linked to refugee contexts tends to focus on trauma with little recognition of the resilience and coping strength demonstrated (Hutchinson, Dorsett, 2012). The tendency is to associate the refugees’ experience of hardship, distress and deprivation with psychopathology, which implies neglecting people’s capacity to cope with conditions of adversity. According to the experience of Hutchinson and Dorsett (2012), the majority of people who experience traumatic events in war-torn countries do not develop significant mental disorders but show instead enormous courage and strength. The authors argue that, while it is important to acknowledge the psychological aspects of trauma, the western medical model tends to categorise refugees as traumatized, vulnerable and dysfunctional, therefore denying the resilience of survivors and disqualifying refugees’ capacity for self-governance. This is believed to divert attention away from a real understanding of distress of the refugees and from their own views and choices. (Hutchinson, Dorsett, 2012). In support of this argument, a research carried out in a refugee context by Shweitzer, Greenslade and Kagee (2007) shows that individuals who have experienced traumatic and life-threatening events often report positive attitudes such as re-evaluation of their own life, strengthened family relationships and increased empathy for others.

Within this context, the focus of the research has been therefore shifted to resilience, which consists in a more noticeable aspect and undoubtedly a predominant characteristic of the sample analysed. The research topic had shifted to the analysis of this resilience with particular attention to the context of displacement. The condition of being displaced in bad conditions has indeed a strong impact on the aspirations of these people who were forced to leave their country. Based on these observations, the research was carried with the aim of exploring the effects of displacement on the aspirations and resilience of Syrians.

2.3 Evolution of the concept of resilience: from ecological to social context

The following section is devoted to the evolution of the term “resilience” and its applications in the context of ecology and climate change, aiming at contextualising the concept and provid-ing a better framework to the nature of its specific use in this research. The concept of resilience arose in the 1970s in relation to the climate and disaster literature (Gaillard,2010) and evolved to broader areas of discussion related to social sciences, political economy, development policy,

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Giada Bussu 19 UVA ID: 11403209 psychology of trauma, public health and national security (Walker and Cooper, 2011). The def-inition of resilience in ecology, as well as in other areas, is still highly debated. The resilience of an ecological system often relates to the functioning of the system, as its ability to absorb perturbations, or as the scope of disturbance that can be absorbed by a system before it changes its structure, or indeed as the speed of recovery from a disturbance (Adger, 2000).

The resilience of social systems has been related to the resilience of economical systems when the first depends on the latter, most clearly when social systems are dependent on the environ-ment itself (on a single ecosystem or on a single resource), thereby manifesting instability and propensity to variance of income and risk of failure of particular sources (Adger, 2000). While several studies (Adger,2000) apply the concept of resilience from the ecological sciences to social systems, suggesting that there are no structural differences between socialised institutions and ecological systems, it is necessary to differentiate the social and development application from the prior use of the term. Ecological resilience – as has been said – relates to systems, implying that the individual condition of the single members of the system is not essential, as long as populations of species are preserved. The social sphere concerns instead individual agents and their basic rights, as well as their aspirations for improved living conditions (Barret and Constas, 2013). The conceptualisation of resilience in the context of development is tightly focused on human well-being. Differing from the use of the term in ecology, which is merely descriptive and does not provide a positive or negative connotation, development resilience has normative foundations to the extent that higher levels of resilience among people are in this context always considered positively (Barret and Constas, 2013).

The theory of development resilience provided by Barret and Constas (2013) relates the concept of resilience to Amartya Sen’s conception of capabilities (Sen, 1999), to the extent that chronic poverty and disadvantage reflect the sustained deprivation of capabilities. The same theory re-flects on the relation between the concepts of vulnerability and resilience, in which the first refers to the likely immediate impact of a shock given one’s coping capacity, while the second concerns the long-term path of well-being in occasion of stressor and shocks, and the likelihood that adverse outcomes do not persist for an extended period.

Conclusively, this section aimed at providing a brief review of the evolution of the concept of resilience. Once having clarified how the concept is meant in different contexts, this research will use the term in the framework of displacement, taking into account the stressors of war and forced migration. The conceptualisation of resilience within this work is therefore relatable to

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Giada Bussu 20 UVA ID: 11403209 the use of the term in social environments, assuming a positive connotation and concerning long-term paths of well-being.

2.4 Gender-based approach to resilience

Another aspect of resilience is its conceptualisation in the context of gender and gender differ-ences. While this work did not set out to research the different experiences among refugees based on gender, differences did become apparent. It is therefore worth it to explore the theories that can explain such differences.

To begin, Harani, Lasiuk, and Hegadoren (2016) argue that the current approach to resilience is inappropriate in terms of gender sensitivity because it does not reflect the ways that gender roles, social expectations, perception and environmental factors act together to shape women’s and men’s responses to adversity. They suggest that gender differences go beyond biological distinction, as they include such factors as beliefs, behaviours and attitudes that have an impact on people’s health and well-being. The available data according to the same study finds that responses to stressful events present different impacts based on gender, suggesting that women are more vulnerable than men to develop stress disorders after experiencing chronic stressors, day-to-day stressors or trauma, hence scoring lower on measures of resilience compared to men. A study conducted by Walter-Ginzburg et Al (2005) on gender differences and similarities within a sample of Israeli Jews found a situation in which men and women were both resilient but in different ways. The study found men to show better cognition, to give more help to the children, to rely less on caretakers and to have better health and functioning. Women scored lower in health and functional status and showed to be more reliant on external help. However, different factors seemed to reduce the mortality risk according to genders, making men and women result resilient in different ways (Walter-Ginzburg, 2005).

The article written by Harani, Lasiuk, and Hegadoren (2016) suggests that similar outcomes can be better understood through an observation of gender role differences. This implies that the traditional role associated with women in many cultures explains why women, traditionally considered responsible towards their spouses, children and family and for the daily household duties, report concern regarding family related matters and health issues, while men are mostly linked to finance, work matters and decision making. Additionally, gender-specific circum-stances have to be taken into account when considering women’s response to crisis, such as

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Giada Bussu 21 UVA ID: 11403209 early marriage, pregnancy, mothering and elderly parent care (Harani, Lasiuk, Hegadoren, 2016).

According to the same article, women also report an emotion-based coping, while men demon-strate more action oriented coping demon-strategies. Also in this case, the outcome needs to be under-stood though the lens of gender roles. Women are indeed more inclined to express their emo-tions and stressors and to share them with other women in seek of support, which is sometimes perceived as weakness and dependency. In contrast, the traditional role of men encourages in-dividuality and strength hence leading men to deny stressful feelings and internalise emotions (Harani, Lasiuk, Hegadoren, 2016).

In conclusion, this section was aimed at exploring the different experiences of resilience in the two genders. This is considered important in order to interpret the data emerged from this re-search, which finds some discrepancies between men and women. Although the focus of this research is not specifically oriented to gender differences, this background will be crucial to understand different responses without making wrong assumptions.

2.5 Contextualising resilience in terms of displacement

“Given the experience of human rights violations among refugees, who should decide what constitutes a (non)resilient response? Is it reasonable to assign some responses to human rights violations as resilient and some not resilient?” (Lenette, Brough, Cox, Everyday resilience: Narrative of single refugee women with children, Qualitative Social Work 12(5), 2012, pp 640)

2.5.1 Resilience on the individual and community level

Resilience is an evolving concept that is often debated and does not present a single definition. To begin, the definition given by the United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduc-tion (UNISDR) claims that the “resilience of a community in respect to potential hazardous events is determined by the degree to which the community has the necessary resources and is capable of organising itself both prior to and during times of need” (Procedia Economics and Finance, 2014). As can be seen here, this definition focuses on the community level, and thus sees resilience as being drawn from interaction among people, and not necessarily as an indi-vidual characteristic.

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Giada Bussu 22 UVA ID: 11403209 At the individual level, resilience has been presented as the capacity of an individual to achieve quick recovery after an incident paved with challenges and sustained difficulties (Pinto et al, 2014). Within refugee contexts, resilience has been conceptualized at the level of the individual as well as the level of the community, and is often associated with the ability to overcome factors of disadvantage such as poverty, lack of education, trauma and other barriers to the achievement of the status of successful citizen. However, it also includes the implication that any individual who fails in this achievement is considered non-resilient (Lenette, Brough, Cox, 2012). As Lenette et al (2012) note, resilience can emerge from different dimensions, such as being consistent in facing challenging situations in everyday life. In this sense, the notion of resilience goes beyond the standard goals defined by outsiders and emerges from meaningful features entrenched in the daily accomplishment of quotidian tasks. The same authors attribute a processual nature to the concept of resilience, to the extent that the meaning of resilience lays in more than overcoming traumatic experiences and implicates a dynamic process of changing, building, learning and moving on. Resilience is therefore intended as a process and an achieve-ment, meaning that individuals and communities are not simply resilient as if resilience was a trait, but rather they keep striving for achieving their resilience, therefore achieving resilient outcomes. Applying a resilience perspective to the understanding of refugees’ experiences means moving away from the idea of refugees as victims of circumstances, and providing a strength-based starting point (Lenette et al, 2012).

2.5.2 Resilience, vulnerability and needed intervention

Understanding the relationship between resilience and displacement is important for this topic because it brings together the context in which refugees must live (displacement) and a concep-tualization of their response to it. On one hand, it must first be clear that displacement of human populations causes vulnerabilities among them. Vulnerabilities can be looked at in terms of insecurities related to health, housing, income, property, stability, social, cultural and political exclusion, and as a result, groups experiencing vulnerabilities have fewer coping capacities (Turner, 2010). On the other hand, resilience can be understood as a response to different levels of vulnerability, which Mitchell and Harris (2012) define as the propensity or predisposition to be adversely affected, with vulnerability thus seen as a factor of reduction of resilience. Con-tinuing in this theme, it has been argued that “a vulnerable community is one in which the capacity to preserve the structure of that community is compromised by the risk or shock whilst a resilient community is one that can absorb the shock and recover” (Procedia Economics and Finance, 2014, p851).

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Giada Bussu 23 UVA ID: 11403209 This was seen in a study on the relationship between displacement and resilience among pas-toralists in Northern Kenia (Caterina and Schrepfer, 2014). It was found that each time the population encountered a risk of being displaced due to shocks and stress (related to drought, violence or poverty, for instance) they experienced increased vulnerability, and displayed less resilience. In a similar study on pastoralists (Siriwardhana and Stewart, 2012), it was found that if groups face harsher situations such as droughts, and the country’s weak institutions cannot salvage it, the resilience levels are highly weakened to the point of possible elimination. Im-plicitly, resilience is raised through strong support systems that lay a foundation for the eventual bouncing back by the affected individuals or groups.

Linking the individual to the community, Pinto et al (2016) further discuss the capability of communal resilience and observe that it is pegged to the resources available that may facilitate possible reorganization. This is supported by the additional argument that one of the most ef-fective strategies in stimulating recreation of displaced communities entails taking action in the initial phases before full displacement occurs (Siriwardhana and Stewart, 2012). Such an action involves taking initiative when the displaced people are moving from absolute reliance in hu-manitarian aid to the actual recovery process. Many huhu-manitarian organizations tend to come in on recovery when the displaced populations are put in a recovery path. Humanitarian inter-vention has the capacity to provide relief on a permanent or temporal basis. A key reference of understanding the resilience of human beings is laying a strong emphasize on human rights. Governments that neglect the human needs of their citizens systemically water down their re-silience. Displaced people must be viewed as human beings first and the rights awarded to the rest must also be directed theory way. In such an engagement, their power to bounce back to a life or prosperity rises very fast.

Deepening the meaning provided above by Pinto et al (2014), the displacement and resilience of people presents one of the most challenging life situations where human life and dignity are highly threatened and can threaten even the strongest vaults of resilience. It is extremely diffi-cult for a human being to spring back to normalcy when they have been moved from their natural habitats and customs. It is further argued that creating cultural connections, achieving social adjustment and generally leading life the way they are conditioned themselves, proves a to be an uphill task (Pinto et al, 2014). The hopelessness and frustrations following displaced persons and the assured life of fear and trauma in extremely new and fragile environments directly erases chance of re-creation. This approach further argues that unless governance actors move with speed to restore the life trajectory led by such persons, those affected may lose their

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Giada Bussu 24 UVA ID: 11403209 ability to be resilient. It is believed that the best solution is for external bodies to invest heavily in not only bringing back people to their home places but ensuring that the factors leading to displacement never occur again.

2.5.3 Increasing the complexity of resilience: turning to mental health

Other approaches to resilience (Southwick et al 2014) highlight its complexity, requiring an analysis from a multi-dimensional manner that must be viewed from contextual angles. In Southwick’s definitions of resilience, resilience can take the shape and form of a trait, a process or an outcome. Southwick suggests that resilience out of displacement must be seen as an out-come. One of the biggest ways to challenge the resilience of people is to affect their health, as the paper notes. When people are displaced, the first casualty of such action is an attack on their mental state (Southwick et al 2014). Without psychological stability, these victims cannot re-design or even visualize their recovery processes. Furthermore, in the process of displacement, the individuals undergo intense body turmoil as well hunger further threatening their physical health. A human body that is weak cannot manage to undertake a successful restructuring (De Haene et Al, 2010).

Siriwardhana and Stewart (2012), further the discussion by stating that all the phases of dis-placement are characterized by a health crisis of sorts. They present their analysis in terms of phases. In the phase before a person becomes displaced (the so-called pre-flight category), a displaced person is likely to face deteriorating physical health. The second, or flight stage, often entails the actual movement. In this phase, sustained trauma and mental strain form a big part of the refugee’s life (Siriwardhana & Stewart, 2012). The third, or post-flight stage, extends to include psychological torture and more physical health decline as the populations are living in unknown lands with minimal dietary attention and care. All the phases of forced movement bear certain life stressors such as conflict which expose the refugees to such conditions as psy-chopathology. Clearly, the displaced person is utterly vulnerable further reducing the ability to return into a normal life process. However, Siriwardhana and Stewart agree share the view with others mentioned above that a displaced person is exposed to variant contexts which in turn determine his/her responses to the life stressors.

Siriwardhana and Stewart (2012) create a direct link between displacement, mental health and resilience. In mental health, resilience is defined as that ability that allows people to recover from trauma and loss. It is separated from the recovery process at this point. The article

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ap-Giada Bussu 25 UVA ID: 11403209 proaches resilience from an angle where it can be used to treat mental disorders and not a di-mension that seeks to see how resilience is affected by mental disorders. The study had found out through a quantitative survey in Congo that the only way to end mental disorders among displaced people was to permanently end the forced migration cycles (Siriwardhana, & Stewart, 2012). Another study in South Sudan found that for displaced to raise their resilience levels and thus beat mental disorders, support systems from a religious angle, social support and strong personal traits are required. That way, life for displaced people can proceed without having to increase vulnerability and thus enable them to lead normal lives. With a normal life trajectory, it is nearly impossible for such a population to experience individual mental disorders. In any case, social support and common resilience goals can also assist the affected people in recov-ering quickly from traumatic experiences (Siriwardhana, & Stewart, 2012). The paper however warns that the duration of displacement directly affects the mental conditioning further influ-encing resilience levels. It is in that case that the ultimate intervention systems should purpose to end the displacement menace.

2.6 Chapter Summary and Conceptual Scheme

This research has been carried out to explore the relationship between being displaced and how resilience is experienced. This chapter has reflected on the initial stages of research which were focused on trauma, and why the switch was made to better understand the concept of resilience. Then, the concept of resilience was presented and explored from how it first was found in the literature in relation to natural sciences and ecological factors, and then how it was used by the social scientists. Then, the concept was considered according to a gender analysis to understand why there may be gendered differences in being able to have resilience. After this, resilience was linked to vulnerability and displacement to make it clear how the concept is used in this thesis.

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Giada Bussu 26 UVA ID: 11403209 Figura 1 Conceptual scheme

The key terms that came out of the different theoretical approaches that are relevant to this research have been used to design this conceptual model, to show how they come together to help answer the research question. The conceptual model starts by showing that resilience can be driven on individual or community aspirations. In the case of this research, the individual and the community come together (this is discussed in chapter 4 and 5). Connected to this is the idea that resilience is not a condition, but a process that either an individual or a community can experience. Resilience was seen as the response or a force that counters vulnerabilities, and as something that is achieved when individuals or communities can find connections and nor-malcy in their everyday lives, even if they are in new locations. However, it was also seen that women and men experience resilience in different ways. Finally, there was mention that gov-ernment and humanitarian interventions can make a difference. This last part was not directly researched, but it came up during conversations in the field, and should be represented in the conceptual framework by showing how it can impact outcomes. That is why it is represented in

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Giada Bussu 27 UVA ID: 11403209 the conceptual framework as being on the outside, but as something that can still be taken into account.

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3 Context

The following chapter will provide an overview of the context framing the issues affecting the subjects of the research. In order to comprehend the point of view of the individuals, it is deemed crucial to acknowledge the background of the conflict and the causes of displacement. This is because, as is discussed in the final chapter, these aspects might play a role in how the respondents envision their future. The first section (3.1) will address the complexity of the current war and the phenomenon of displacement. The second sub-chapter (3.2) analyses the impact of displacement in the Lebanese context, which is where the research took place. Section 3.3 will summarise the main features of the context that are relevant for the coming chapters. The research location will be described in chapter 5, before the presentation of the findings.

3.1 The Current Syrian War and the Massive Phenomenon of Displacement

The Syrian conflict has led to the displacement of millions of people and destruction of property of unknown value belonging to the local citizens, the government, and foreign investors (Clausen, 2015). Understanding the context of the conflict is vital to comprehend the origin of the war and the stages through which the conflict has gone. Syria was once known to be a quiet and free nation, but in the last decade this has changed dramatically. The current crisis began in 2011 when the current president Bashar al-Assad succeeded his father Hafez al-Assad. Although he already took office back in 2000, violence erupted as of 2011 against Bashar al-Assad, when people took the streets to protest of what they called poor leadership and lack of political freedom (Pieper, 2014). Since then, there have been complaints related to his leadership skills with the residents grumbling about the hard-living conditions, high levels of unemployment and corruption (BBC News, 2017). People demonstrated in the streets peacefully with an aim of getting their views heard. They demanded for the resignation of president Bashar al-Assad. Nevertheless, the government did not take it well and thus hit back unremorsefully with an aim to restore state’s control (Jenkins, 2014). With these retaliations, the opposition supporters began taking up arms and forcing the securities out of their lands (Jenkins, 2014). Consequently, the war escalated rapidly and many rebel groups were formed

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Giada Bussu 29 UVA ID: 11403209 in order to oppose the government. To date, the government has still not been willing to relinquish its power and continues to retaliate with greater force, leading to the level of violence we see today.

Since the war in Syria started in 2011, many deaths have been recorded. According to the BBC report (2016), the United Nations had documented a total of 250,000 deaths as of the year 2015. Since then, the numbers have been on the rise as the fights are still ongoing. What began as a mere peaceful uprising protest in Syria has since developed into a full blown civil war that has devastated the country in all ways (Hoban, 2018). Some of the major reasons why the war is still ongoing is because of claims that the president belongs to a minority group and the presence of two different Islamic confessions in Syria.

Unlike the Arab uprising that rocked many Arab nations, the Syrian conflict has escalated beyond the need to have a regime change, to a civil war of which the end remains unpredictable. Two theories have been developed to explain the origin and the events that led to the start of the conflict which escalated to a full-grown conflict. One field of thought explains that the origin of the war is traced to March 6, 2011, when some children were arrested by authorities for making anti-government graffiti painting (Almoshmosh, 2016). After the arrest, the regime could not account for some of the children who had been arrested implying that they might have died while under the custody of the government. Another field of thought narrates that the conflict started with demonstrations similar to those that took place in many of the Arab nation with the aim of changing the regime (Almoshmosh, 2016). The demonstrations led to a security crackdown which tried to calm and scare off the protesters out of the streets, a move that was futile since the demonstrations continued. In April 2011, the Syrian security forces fired at the protesters killing a number of them, this catalysed the conflict, and within a short time, the demonstrators grew into a full grown armed rebellion that fought against the government. In July 2011, the rebels formed a deadly union under the umbrella called the Free Syrian Army, which was more organized and well equipped to fight the government forces.

One major aspect that exists in today’s Syrian conflict is the fact that president Bashar al-Assad is still in power. He has defied all odds and international expectations that he would step down amidst the crisis the country is undergoing. His family is known to have come from a minority group called the Alawites. According to Clausen (2015), at the end of the World War 1, the French had control over the countries such as Syria and Kuwait. The French government wanted to be dominant over them and instilled rules where no minority groups would become dominant. This hindered the development of the minority groups which thus lived at a high state of

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Giada Bussu 30 UVA ID: 11403209 poverty. The Alawites were known to be peasants under the control of affluent Christians and Sunni Muslims, and had no way for them to grow and become independent (Clausen, 2015). As time went by, they were able to create a civil institution with an aim of securing the power from the French. They were able to rise to the top rank and in 1946, after a series of coups, the Alawites seized power led by the Assad family. As of today, the country state of power still remains with the Assad family. It might be because of the kingship the Assad family has been able to retain that forced the opposition to demonstrate against the government. Since the Alawites were considered as mere peasants, the fact that they gained power over other notable leaders might be the reason the fights are ongoing.

3.1.1 The dynamics of the conflict

According to the testimony of the historical consultant that has been interviewed with regards to the dynamics of the conflict, and with the support of other sources such as Laub and Masters (2016), Gunter (2015) and Jenkins (2014), the principal actors constituting the context of the conflict can be identified in:

- The loyalist forces which support the Assad regime, composed principally by the Syrian army as well as Shiites, Lebanese, Iraqi and Afghan militias, operating to maintain in power the regime with the support of Russia, Iran, Hezbollah and Shi’a volunteers from abroad (Jenkins,2014).

- Democratic revolutionary groups composed by defectors of the Syrian army, comprising a kaleidoscopic variety of internal groups and brigades (FSA-Free Syrian Army, Syrian Democratic Forces supported by US, various groups supported by Turkey). The rebel units are grouped based on their ideology and loyalty to a larger faction. Many of the defectors are Sunni ex-conscripts who claimed their opposition to the Alawite domination. (Jenkins, 2014)

- Islamic groups willing to take advantage of the reigning chaos in the country to gain power and spread the Islamic values they defend (Islamic Front, Army of Islam, Ahrar al-Sham, Liwa al-Haq, Al-quaeda, ISIS etc). All these groups can be identified as Salafist, meaning that they believe in a literal interpretation of the Quran and see the upheaval of Assad as a possibility to build an Islamic state with the imposition of the Islamic law (Jenkins, 2014). The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), colloquially known as Islamic state, is a self- proclaimed militant movement that is characterized by violence and wreaking havoc in everyplace they go. According to Laub and Masters (2016), what started out as a state building project turned out to be a terrorist troupe that motivated attacks to innocent people with no remorse. Not only were

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Giada Bussu 31 UVA ID: 11403209 the attacks in Iraq and Syria, but also in other countries around the world. ISIS has continually taken responsibility for terrorist bombings in Europe, America and other continents. The ISIS controls major cities such as Raqqa in Syria and Mocul in Iraq.

- The Syrian Kurds is another group that is well known to differ with the Islamic state. In 2012, the Kurds gained their autonomy and have been playing major roles in changing the Middle East political map. The Kurds and the ISIS have been battling on post state entities with each party claiming that they have instilled their leaders in power, Gunter (2015). The struggles continue as ISIS has now become a threat to both the Syrian, Turkish and Iraq Kurds. The two groups keep fighting for power and leadership. More and more people have become affected with the ongoing fights thus causing millions of people to leave their homes in search of a better place.

The brief explanation of the actors pictures a situation in which the leader in power seems unable to maintain a real authority over the country, but still receives enough support to remain in power (Clausen, 2015). The rebel movement on the other hand, is fragmented and weakened by inside fighting, therefore also unable to gain authority throughout Syria. The growing influence of jihadist elements dividing the rebel movement constitutes a disincentive for western governments to provide military support to the anti-regime forces (Jenkins, 2014). The crisis in Syria has therefore been ongoing without consistent efforts being made. The President remains adamant with no plans of backing down from power. The United Nations and countries such as USA have been aiding support to the people of Syria and negotiations have also been ongoing. As the historical consultant claims, it remains unclear if the war will end soon, but as long as different rebel groups keep fighting within themselves, then it will be hard for the country to get back on its own feet.

There have been casualties on both sides of the divide. The war has escalated from the use of standard light weapons to the use of sophisticated weapons and military techniques by both sides of the war (Almoshmosh, 2016). Further, Human Right Watch and the media have reported the use of chemical weapons that have led to the deaths of many civilians and lasting implications to the lives of the people involved (BBC News, 2018). Reports have been made on other gross abuse of human rights and the destruction of livelihoods by both sides, therefore, increasing the number of casualties and refugees (World Report, 2017). Additional reports have been made on the use of bombs in remote villages and civilian residence leading to the death of women, children, and innocent men. It has been reported that more than 100.000 people from both sides and the civilians have disappeared in the war (World Report 2017). The UN is

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Giada Bussu 32 UVA ID: 11403209 investigating a situation where a chemical attack in the Idlib opposition held the town of Khan Sheikhoun seems to have taken place and is being treated as a war crime (BBC News, 2018). The chemical attack led to the death of about eighty people, among them civilians including women, children, and the elderly. On April 15 (2018), over one hundred and ten people were killed in an evacuation deal between the government and the rebels, a situation that gives a true picture of the current conflict in Syria.

In the current situation, the number of refugees has been on the rise with many people fleeing to the neighbouring Lebanon before staging their way to other European countries (Gonzales et Al, 2016). According to the UNHCR report of 2016, more than one 1.5 million people have fled Syria seeking safety in the neighbouring countries. These people are settled in camps in which they are concentrated, and where they rely on aid from donor nations and the goodwill from the host country to survival and protection. Lebanon, the country hosting the majority of the Syrian refugees, has been strained by the increased population who increase the pressure on the available resources (Atala, 2016). The strain is being felt through pressure on basic needs like water, food, and medication. In conclusion, the UN (UN refugee chief A. Gutierrez) has acknowledged that the Syrian conflict is the worst humanitarian crisis in recent history since the 1994 genocide of Rwanda.

3.2 Social Issues Caused by the Growing Influx of Refugees in Lebanon

Lebanon is by all definitions a small country in the Middle East. The nation, with an estimated population of approximately 6 million people (2016), houses around 1.5 million refugees. Of that refugee population, 1.2 million of them come from Syria. The population has increased by more than one million people without an increase in the resources to cater for these people, hence leading to strain in the exploitation of the resources and consequently adversely affecting both the locals and the refugees (Atala, 2016).

The official government of Lebanon recognizes all non-citizens as displaced personalities (Arcos González, Cherri & Castro Delgado, 2016). Despite hosting so many refugees, the tiny state has continuously emphasized that it is not a refugee hosting ground and that all people not claiming legitimate residence in the country must be expelled (González et Al, 2016). The overlying cause for such a national attitude is the fact that the nation lacks the necessary resources to house immigrants or refugees for that matter. In the end, the strained resources

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Giada Bussu 33 UVA ID: 11403209 have to be shared between the recognized residents and more than a quarter percentile population of the refugees.

From a social perspective, Lebanon did its neighbors justice by opening up its resources to the Syrian neighbors. The host residents provided the ‘visitors’ with water and support services in spite of the underlying challenges that faced the citizens of the country. Indeed, many view Lebanon’s gesture towards Syrian refugees as more of kindness than practicality given the host country’s situation (Gulland, 2013). Politically, Lebanon has had the key challenge of derailing from its millennium development goals’ trajectory due to the overall strain received from the refugee situation (Atala, 2016). Economically, the small country has seen its debt supersede the GDP by over 141%. The same GDP has also decreased from an approximate of 10% in the year 2010 to around 1% in 2014. Summarily, the economy of Lebanon is or has been worst hit by the refugee influx into the country. Further, as a result of admitting a Syrian population that comprises of 1 in every 4 Lebanese, about 20% of the Lebanon population remains unemployed (Atala, 2016). Such consequential factors have affected, in a negative way, the collective resilience of a nation than was once highly optimistic (Gonzales et Al, 2016).

However, and clearly, it is the social impact that has created enormous challenges for Lebanon. Starting from the unfair competition created by the labour supply of Syrians who, in desperate need of a job, work at low conditions and poor salaries distorting the labour market (Gulland, 2013), many other issues are arising from the massive influx of Syrians. Many children in Lebanon, due to sustained deprivation of core services remain uneducated, vulnerable and frustrated as a result of constrained government attention towards them and overcrowding of public schools (Lama et Al, 2016). The national health and education services have a bleak outlook as well due to the apparent lack of resources and manpower to accommodate the new population (Atala, 2016). For example, within the medical services sector, a surge in tuberculosis rates has seen the nation encounter a rise of more than 30% between the year 2011 and 2014 (Atala, 2016). The medical infrastructure intended to attend to the 6 million Lebanese population have to contend with an extra 1.5 from the refugee population, implying that doctor to patient rates are substantially affected (Atala, 2016). With lack of effective staff resources and a drop in equipment and medical infrastructure, Lebanon has resorted to reducing primary health access due to the overcrowding and the subsequent patient waiting time (Atala, 2016). In short, the country is socially paying through the nose in its bid to house all Syrian refugees. In addition, the Syrian population is hosted in conditions considered improper. The UNHCR report of 2016 states that over 50% of the Syrian refugees in Lebanon are children, and they do