The Urban Refugee in Marzahn-Hellersdorf: Best Practices for Refugee Integration in Challenging Environments

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The Urban Refugee in Marzahn-Hellersdorf: Best Practices for

Refugee Integration in Challenging Environments

MA Thesis in European Studies Graduate School for Humanities Universiteit van Amsterdam

Akudo McGee 11757507

Main supervisor: Dr. Luiza Bialasiewicz Second supervisor: Dr. Christian Noack June 2018

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Abstract

Assembled amongst the backdrop of one of the largest forced migration events in recorded history, this thesis employs a multidisciplinary approach to understand contemporary refugee integration. Rather than simply reengaging with scholarly discourse, this thesis seeks to move beyond theoretical ideas of refugee integration in the most hospitable environments and identify best practices for environments that are challenging for refugee integration. In order to do so, the Marzahn-Hellersdorf district of Berlin, Germany was used as a case study and the integrative initiatives operating in the area were assessed according to the longstanding integration theories of Doug Saunders, Hartmut Esser and Rainer Bauböck. A contemporary understanding of how these theories on integration may be concretely implemented required the use of action plans developed by the Berlin government, integration goals set by the German government and engagement with initiative leaders in the target district. To investigate these matters, this thesis makes use of ethnographic research, interviews, fieldwork, historical research and urban studies. The aptitude of urban environments, specifically to facilitate intercultural exchange was the partial focus of this thesis as well, since the manipulation of these exchanges is one of many ways to encourage integration. The conclusions for this research are practical and include the improvement of district-specific services in Marzahn-Hellersdorf, additional psychological support for refugees, neighborhood-wide initiatives that address the needs of residents in tandem with those of refugees and overall ideological changes to the perceptions of the individual actors involved in the integration process.

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Table of Figures

FIGURE 1.DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION FOR MARZAHN-HELLERSDORF ... 45

FIGURE 2.REFUGEE ACCOMMODATIONS IN MARZAHN-HELLERSDORF ... 50

FIGURE 3.THE ENTRANCE TO THE CHILDREN’S PARK SECTION OF GÄRTEN DER WELT ... 54

FIGURE 4.“THE BOOTED CAT”SEEN IN THE CHILDREN’S GARDEN ... 54

FIGURE 5.THE VIEW FROM A SUMMERHOUSE GARDEN IN MAHLSDORF ... 56

FIGURE 6.ORGANIZATIONS OPERATING IN MARZAHN-HELLERSDORF FOR REFUGEES ... 57

FIGURE 7.ORGANIZATIONS FOCUSED ON REFUGEE INTEGRATION IN MARZAHN-HELLERSDORF ... 60

FIGURE 8.A POSTER FOR THE ZUCKERFEST ... 61

FIGURE 9."RUSH OF THE POOR"COVER FROM 1991 ... 65

FIGURE 10."IF HE WERE DEPORTED...SHE WOULD STILL BE ALIVE.”COVER FROM 2018 ... 65

FIGURE 11."WE HELP REFUGEES IN NEED" ... 67

FIGURE 12.SEARCH RESULTS FOR "REFUGEE INTEGRATION" OVER TIME ... 68

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Introduction

Contemporary migration research explores the potential of cities to provide unparalleled pathways to inclusive refugee integration.1

This nascent focus on cities and urban refugees largely coincides with organizations like the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) refocusing their initiatives and research on refugees in environments situated outside of state-sanctioned spaces like camps and processing centers.2

This shift, which occurred in 2009, exposes the fact that the urban refugee experience is understudied and thus remains obtuse. Unlike state sanctioned spaces for refugee reception, urban areas, often cities, function as part of a complex political constellation where the needs of refugees and residents must be arbitrated continuously.3

The adequate functioning of integration at the city level requires seamless

communication between cities and state and national governments that coordinate the assignment of refugees and obligate cities to handle their education, integration and protection.4

State and national governments acting without an understanding of and fluid communication with cities risks burdening cities with onerous demands and little support for their unique social and economic circumstances.5

In fact, the experimental history of urban resettlement in Europe has often left refugees in communities ill equipped to accommodate them socially and

economically.6

Along with placing emphasis on coordination between cities and other levels of governance, the importance of the urban attributes of cities themselves has recently come into focus. Urban theorists and other researchers recognize urban spaces as exceptional hubs for integration and cross-cultural exchanges.7

These theories are based on the assumption that the

1_{Jonathan Darling, “Forced migration and the city: Irregularity, informality, and the politics of presence,”}

Progress in Human Geography (2016): 1-21, doi:10.1177/030913251662900.

2_Ibid.

3_{Jonathan Stevenson, “The urban refugee crisis,” Strategic Comments 23, no. 2 (2017): v-vii, DOI:}

10.1080/13567888.2017.1311077.

4_{Barbara Oomen, “Beyond the Nation State? Glocal Citizenship and its Consequences for Integration,” in}

The Integration of Migrants and Refugees: An EUI Forun on Migration, Citizenship and Demography, ed. Rainer Bauböck and Milena Tripkovic (European University Institute, 2017), 58.

5_{Stevenson, “The urban refugee crisis.”}

6_{Jonathan Darling, “Cities of sanctuary,” Open Democracy, 13 August 2015,}

opendemocracy.net/can-europe-make-it/jonathan-darling/cities-of-sanctuary.

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dense population arrangements of urban areas facilitate the inescapable interaction of diverse individuals who are then forced to confront and conform to the presence of each other.8

The optimistic and celebratory tone of these theories on urban contact has heavily informed understandings of the urban encounter, however, the research here suggests this may not always be the case.9

With this understanding of the urban refugee experience, this thesis aims to act as a continuation of urban refugee research. It will focus on an urban environment that is located in a socially and economically “difficult” district, which possess almost none of the elements

conducive to refugee integration.10

Far from being the idealized setting for refugee resettlement, Marzahn-Hellersdorf is known for some neo-Nazis activity, the vandalism of several refugee shelters and is often referred to as a “no-go zone” for foreigners.11

Written against this backdrop, this paper asks the question, in which ways can the integration of urban refugees be strengthened when threatened with an inhospitable social and economic environment? The following research questions and sub-questions will be explored throughout this thesis as well:

What are the tools and who are the actors involved in refugee integration in Marzahn-Hellersdorf?

o Are there “best practices” that may be adopted or that may inform future policy in general?

How do residents of Marzahn-Hellersdorf react to the recent influx of refugees and what insight may be gained from these reactions?

o Is the state meeting the needs of these residents? If not, how does the state reconcile the needs of residents with the needs of refugees?

What role, if any does integrated urban planning play in preventing refugee alienation and marginalization in Marzahn-Hellersdorf?

8

Ibid., 110-112.

9_{Helen F. Wilson, “Encounter,” in Urban Theory: New Critial Perspectives ed. Mark Jayne and Kevin}

Ward (New York: Routledge, 2017), 112.

10_{Lara Gohr, “Angry Germans Explain Their Country's Surging Right-Wing Movement,” Vice, 27}

September 2017, vice.com/en_us/article/xwgg9w/angry-germans-explain-their-countrys-surging-right-wing-movement.

11_{Holly Young, “Beautiful to unbearable: what life is like for refugees in Berlin's 'Nazi' neighbourhood,”}

The Local, 20 October 2017, thelocal.de/20171020/beautiful-to-unbearable-what-is-life-like-for-refugees-in-berlins-nazi-neighbourhood.

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Chapter 1: Research Questions and Methods

Some terms used here follow official definitions that are widely accepted and mostly

uncontested. Other definitions, however, lack a single interpretation or are defined in terms that are inalienable from certain philosophical or political schools of thought. For these reasons, the most frequently used and important terms are defined below:

Refugee: Refugees are persons “fleeing armed conflict or persecution” whose status is recognized and protected by international law.1213

A refugee is forced to flee their country of origin due to persecution, war or violence and has a well-founded fear of maltreatment due to their race, religion, nationality, political opinion or membership in a particular social group. They are either barred from returning home or have reasonable fear of doing so. The definition of this term is largely uncontested as the 1951 Geneva Convention incontrovertibly defines who is considered a refugee, their legal status and the relationship anticipated between refugees and host countries.

Asylum Seeker: An asylum seeker is someone who has fled their country and seeks shelter in another country. In order to be legally recognized as a refugee, they must demonstrate that they fled due to a well-founded fear of persecution. Unless and until they are recognized as refugees they are not entitled to receive the legal protection or medical assistance afforded according to refugee law.14

Migrant: Migrants are defined as people who choose to leave their country for reasons other than the fear of persecution, according to the UNHCR. These reasons may include, but are not limited to: seeking employment, seeking education or family reunion.

Migrants may safely return to their counties of origin and, unlike refugees, can depend on continued protection from their home countries.15

Conflating the terms refugee and migrant have serious consequences, the most conspicuous of which is the trivialization

12_{i.e. the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol as well as related legal literature}

13_{“What is a Refugee?” UNHCR, accessed 30 January 2018,}

unrefugees.org/refugee-facts/what-is-a-refugee.

14_Ibid.

15_{“UNHCR viewpoint: ‘Refugee’ or ‘migrant’ – Which is right?” UNHCR, 11 July 2016,}

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of what it legally means to be a refugee and the traumatic experiences most refugees have. In addition, the misidentification, purposeful or otherwise of the term, may result in incorrect perceptions at best and skewed data and ill-informed political discourse at worse. The differences between these terms notwithstanding, both definitions are formed according to the expectation that each groups is able to legally validate their migration status. It should also be acknowledged that some seeking asylum may be unable to have their claims granted due to factors that do not always mean they aren’t threatened in their home countries. Such was the case of a trans-woman seeking asylum in Germany from Lebanon, identified only as Eliana by news outlets.16

She received a deportation notice from the German government on the grounds that she entered Greece as a biological male and therefore was not considered trans. Since the German government invalidated her identity as a trans-woman as her reason to seek asylum, her country of origin was considered safe to return to and she was not considered a refugee, though she fled due to violent, transphobic attacks.17

Integration: Since integration has been defined and outlined by various actors for a variety of purposes, both theoretical and governmental definitions of integration will be referred to.18

Integration is defined by the Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge (BAMF)19

as a long-term process, which aims to "include everyone in society who lives in Germany on a permanent and legal basis.” 20_{They further state that these “immigrants} should have the opportunity to participate fully in all areas of society on an equal

standing.”21

The second definition of integration used is a theoretical definition put forth by Hartmut Esser, who has written extensively about integration. Esser defines

integration as the cohesion of individual parts into a whole. 22

The whole is composed of interdependent parts, which individually possess the ability to affect the entire system

16_{Morgan Meaker, “German deportations ignore risks LGBT asylum seekers face at home,” Politico, 8}

July 2017,politico.eu/article/gay-refugees-syria-lgbt-german-deportations-ignore-risks-asylum-seekers-face-at-home.

17_Ibid.

18_{In chapter 3, both definitions will be further elucidated; basic definitions will be provided here.} 19_{Integration is defined by the Federal Office for Migration and Refugees}

20

“Glossary,” Federal Office for Migration and Refugees, access date 2 February 2018,

bamf.de/EN/Service/Left/Glossary/_function/glossar.html?nn=1449076&lv2=5832434&lv3=1504366.

21_Ibid.

22_{Hartmut Esser, Integration und ethnische Schichtung (Mannheim: Arbeitspapiere - Mannheimer}

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and other actors; therefore, each individual actor is important. Important here is Esser's notion of social integration, which focuses on individuals and how they are integrated into an existing system.Esser measures integration according to criteria that relate to language and cultural acquisition, societal niches, interethnic contact and emotional feelings of belonging.23

1.1. Methodology

Interviews: Visits to Marzahn-Hellersdorf occurred in two sessions. The first was from 15-19

March 2018 and the second from 25-30 April 2018; a Skype video interview also took place on 16 May 2018. In total 8 interviews were carried out. The groups contacted include: organizations that work with refugees, individuals who volunteer with refugees, urban designers and refugee shelter coordinators. Semi-structured interviews were carried out to allow participants to deviate from interview questions and provide details which may be of great importance but which had not previously been considered. Unstructured interviews were avoided to make data more easily comparable. The idea behind the semi-structured interviews is that everyone has a story to tell and each individual’s experience exposes the interconnectedness of the relationships between individuals in a shared urban space. Interviews and observational data also help to complement other data, which oftentimes fails to account for incalculable factors. For instance, one of the BAMF’s main goals is to "promote acceptance and intercultural competence."24

While some indicators of acceptance can be tracked and recorded, for instance, how many politically motivated attacks take place against refugees in a given year, the conclusion that someone is or isn’t accepted relies heavily on perceptions and feelings of belonging. This includes the feeling of being included or excluded and arbitrary measurements of tolerance. Tracking the perception of inclusion or exclusion is, however, no less important than tracking measurable data, as it affects how thoroughly integration takes place; this is where interviews are crucially important. Face-to-face interviews were used whenever possible to allow for the

analyzation of body language, unrevised responses and other cues like facial expressions and

23_Ibid.

24

Katrin Hirseland, “The Federal Office Centre of Expertise in Matters of Migration and Integration,” Bonifatius GmbH, November 2009, bamf.de/SharedDocs/Anlagen/EN/Publikationen/Flyer/integration-foerderungvernetzungdialog_en.pdf?__blob=publicationFile.

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tone.25

Interviews were documented on pre-printed interview forms and a research log was kept for interviews and observational research. Interviews were not recorded due to the potentially sensitive nature of the questions. Recent physical attacks and property vandalism have been reported across Berlin against refugee shelters, politicians and private citizens who work directly with refugees, therefore, the interview style was designed to make interviewees as comfortable as possible and protect any political opinions they may express.26

The purpose of each interview remained transparent to subjects at all times and

participants had the chance to opt out or refuse to disclose identifying information at any time. A form entitled “Consent for Participation in Interview Research” was signed by subjects to ensure that the purpose of this research and the right to terminate participation was understood.

Participants had the opportunity to receive consent forms and/or conduct the interviews in German or English.

Historical Research: An awareness of Germany’s migration and integration history sheds light

on the present-day state of the country’s integration and immigration policies. Germany, which historically never regarded itself a country of migration even from the genesis of the nation, has only recently embraced multiculturalism. 27

The reception of refugees and integration measures are related to these ideas of belonging, which will briefly be discussed in chapter 2. It includes both the examination of previous migration into Germany as well as the acceptance or rejection of various migrant groups. The unique history of Marzahn-Hellersdorf is included in this

historical research as well, as the history of migration in the district shaped its present ethnic and economic composition, which also influenced factors like acceptance, prejudice, violence and population density. Due to the ongoing nature of integration in Germany, historical data has limited potential for exploring the previous research questions. Ethnographic research and interviews were leveraged to supplement historical data since many events discussed in the course of this research are unfolding in real time.

25_Ibid.

26_{Alexander Dinger and Ulrich Kraetzer, “Der rechte Terror von Neukölln,” Berliner Morgenpost, 7}

April 2018, morgenpost.de/berlin/article213944231/Der-rechte-Terror-von-Neukoelln.html.

27_{Ulrike Hamann and Serhat Karakayali, “Practicing Willkommenskultur: Migration and Solidarity in}

Germany,” Intersections: East European Journal of Society and Politics 2, no. 4 (2016): 69-86, doi:doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v2i4.296.

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Ethnographic Research: The purpose of ethnographic research is to uncover and elucidate the

meaning of social relationships and social life.28_{In its most ideal form, ethnographic research} includes "thick participation," in which a researcher has a sustained and extensive presence at their research site(s) and can experience and characterize the social interactions around them through fieldwork.29

This kind of extensive research allows researchers to scrutinize and conceptualize the importance of “situated practices” in understanding the content of social performances in the time and place of their existence. Ethnographic research is especially beneficial for studying open-ended and fluctuating interactions between actors, as opposed to historical research in which events have already occurred and are immutable in nature.30

The importance of ethnographic research for this thesis is not to draw conclusions based on cause and effect, but rather to collect observational data by examining the “lived experiences” of each subject.31

In addition to interviews conducted in the homes, offices and public spaces inhabited by residents and initiative leaders in Marzahn-Hellersdorf the choice of a hotel and Airbnb

accommodation in the neighborhood provided a more organic and less detached experience of the neighborhood and its residents. A conscious effort was made to remain in

Marzahn-Hellersdorf for the majority of these two trips, including shopping at local markets and taking walks through the neighborhood and local parks. Interactions with residents outside of interviews were recorded in a research log. Photographs were also taken in the neighborhood, using an iPhone camera. Although exposure to the district was limited and the number of interviews and initiatives explored were small, valuable insight was gained into the world of initiatives

operating throughout Marzahn-Hellersdorf and, to some extent throughout Berlin. Many of these initiatives were uncovered through interviews, conversation or from posters discovered while traveling throughout the city.

Other Considerations: The best way to conduct culturally sensitive interviews is to approach

"gate-keepers" in the community or other appropriate community members in an ethical and

28_{Felicitas Macgilchrist and Tom Van Houtl, “Ethnographic Discourse Analysis and Social Science,”}

Forum: Qualitative Social Research 12, no. 1 (2011), doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.17169/fqs-12.1.1600.

29_Ibid.

30_{Tony L. Whitehead,“ Basic Classical Ethnographic Research Methods” (Department of}

Anthropology-University of Maryland , Maryland, 2005), 4.

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transparent way to guarantee anonymity and establish trust.32

Although the intention was to interview refugees as well, due to the short amount of time allotted for field trips33_{and the} vulnerable status of refugees, reasonable trust could not be established with refugees or with gatekeepers, like shelters. The decision was made, therefore, no longer to pursue refugee interviews. Another factor to consider is the unintentional consequence of my own appearance. Whenever an interview or other qualitative research is conducted, researchers should be

cognizant of the effect(s) of their presence on interviewees and their environment. I am aware of my presence as a young, college-educated, woman of African decent. There was a chance that my race, gender or educational background had an effect on my interactions with others.

The reputation of Marzahn-Hellersdorf as an unsafe location for non-white foreigners potentially influenced perceptions of the district and the experiences with residents there as well. Data collected on these subjective experiences and other observational research is dependent on the researcher and therefor, unquantifiable and potentially irreplicable. It should be

acknowledged and is further explored in chapter 5 that my physical appearance and language capabilities affected my experience and perceptions of the district. Finally weather and safety concerns mediated some experiences; although the neighborhood was explored at night once during each visit, for safety reasons, travel at night or in the late evening was avoided. During the first visit, it was also unseasonably cold so time outdoors was limited, however, notably fewer people were outside during the colder days and fewer interactions were recorded as a result.

1.2. Historical Relevance of Research

This research emerges amidst the landscape of a noticeably different phase in migration history. In the summer of 2015, international focus coagulated around what was beginning to be

identified as the “refugee crisis.” That year the number of people applying for asylum in the EU swelled to 1.26 million with the number of people entering the EU by official and clandestine

32_{Valerie J. Smith “Ethical and Effective Ethnographic Research Methods: A Case Study with Afghan}

Refugees in California,” Ethical and Effective Ethnographic Research Methods (2009): 59-72, doi: 10.1525/jer.2009.4.3.59.

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methods was unprecedented.34

Reports of massive migration flows in 2015 and 2016 were saturated with accounts of drowning deaths and other accidental smuggling deaths. In 2016 an estimated 5,022 drowning deaths were recorded for refugees and migrants entering the

Mediterranean, significantly more than the reported 3,771 drowning deaths in 2015.35

This level of forced migration is due to several conflicts and precarious political situations, most dating back before 2015 and many ongoing as of the time of this paper.36

During the first months of the so called “refugee crisis,” refugees entering the European Union did so largely from Italy and Greece, applying for asylum mainly in Germany, Sweden, Hungry, Austria, France and Italy.37

After the sometimes generous but mostly uncoordinated response of member states it became apparent that the aging legal and political procedures for refugee integration and intake weren’t functioning to an appropriate capacity to conform to the number of asylum seekers.38 Later, many member states, owing to security concerns, clandestine migration, chronic migration flows and incommensurate experience with integration and intake struggled to cooperate through burden sharing schemes and ultimately closed internal borders or severely restricted migration.39 In the summer of 2015, in the midst of the “crisis” itself, German chancellor Angela Merkel took the unprecedented move of relaxing the rules of the Dublin Regulation and declared Germany was prepared to accept over 800,000 asylum seekers that year with promises to admit even more.40

This decision irrevocably cemented the fate of millions of Germans and refugees under the determined promise, “wir schaffen das.” 41

34_{“EU migrant crisis: facts and figures,” European Parliament, 30 June 2017,}

europarl.europa.eu/news/en/headlines/society/20170629STO78630/eu-migrant-crisis-facts-and-figures. 35_Ibid.

36_{“What’s Driving the Global Refugee Crisis?” International Crisis Group, 15 September 2016,}

crisisgroup.org/global/what-s-driving-global-refugee-crisis.

37_{“Migrant crisis: Migration to Europe explained in seven charts,” BBC, 4 March 2016,} www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-34131911.

38_{Rainer Bauböck and Milena Tripkovic, introduction to The Integration of Migrants and Refugees An}

EUI Forum on Migration, Citizenship and Demography, (European University Institute, 2017), 1-6.

39_{Ibid.,
1.}

40_{Valentina Romei, Billy Ehrenberg-Shannon, Haluka Maier-Borst and Guy Chazan, “How well have}

Germany’s refugees integrated?” Financial Times, 19 September 2017, ft.com/content/e1c069e0-872f-11e7-bf50-e1c239b45787.

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Chapter 2: Germany as an Einwanderungsland

"Deutschland ist Einwanderungsland" 42

- these words, spoken by chancellor Angela Merkel during a televised civil dialogue between Germans and policy makers were widely shared by news outlets and cited by other politicians.43

When questions arose on the topic of immigration, Merkel took a clear stance, by saying that Germany has basically always been an immigration country. While most questions at the event did not deal with migration and virtually none were about refugees specifically, this solitary quote from Merkel has seemed to leave a lasting impact with proponents and opponents alike.44

Although Merkel’s words served as a reminder of this sore point, the debate over whether Germany is an immigration country is pervasive, arousing discourse and debate long before 2015.45

Many, like Klaus Bade, Chair of the Expert Council of German Foundations on Integration and Migration have linked Germany's reluctance to

acknowledge itself as a migration society as one of many impediments to integration.46

This next chapter will engage with the complicated title of Einwanderungsland, which has been contested inside and outside of the country.

This is more than a term or a definition, but rather, Germany’s confrontation with its ambiguous national identity. To best understand Germany’s attempt to integrate refugees, Germany’s political, social and legal reaction to various periods migration in the country will be explored. A few words will also be said about the pre-nation state days of what is now Germany in order to understand how the question of Germany’s immigration history stems irrevocability from an ethnically based foundation of nationhood.47

42_{Germany is an immigration country (own translation).}

43_{Kay-Alexander Scholz, “Merkel: 'Deutschland ist Einwanderungsland',” Deutsche Welle, 1 June 2015,}

dw.com/de/merkel-deutschland-ist-einwanderungsland/a-18490654.

44_{Ronny Zasowk, “Deutschland ist kein Einwanderungsland!” National Democratic Party,}

npd.de/deutschland-ist-kein-einwanderungsland.

45_{Andrea Dernbach, “ 'Wir sind kein Einwanderungsland' ,” Das Tagesspiegel, 7 December 2006,}

tagesspiegel.de/politik/wir-sind-kein-einwanderungsland/783936.html.

46_{Anna Maria Stadler, The challenged nation state How to successfully integrate refugees into German}

society’” (master’s thesis, Uppsala University, 2016), 52.

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2.1. German Immigration History

Before 1950, Germany did not have a sizable population of ethnic minorities, with the exception of Jews, whose numbers plummeted during the Nazi Germany period.48

After the Second World War, following economic booms in West Germany, the West German government took steps to recruit Gastarbeiter or “guest workers” into the country to remedy labor shortages; workers came from countries like Greece, Morocco, Yugoslavia and Turkey.49

The term "guest worker" exemplified exactly what the government hoped to achieve through the series of recruitment agreements with these émigrés. Based on the assumption that they would be guests and return to their home countries once their labor was no longer needed, no legal structures for integration or long-term residence schemes were arranged for them. West Germany’s need for immigration and feelings towards immigrants were directly related to their economic contribution to the country; even immigration from East Germany was welcomed due to its potential to economically benefit West Germany.50

Guest workers, whose foreign qualifications were often unrecognized by the West German government and who typically filled low-wage jobs helped West Germany enjoy a brief period of almost unprecedented economic growth, until the economic crisis of 1966-7 and the subsequent Anwerbestopp51

in 1973. The Anwerbestopp was intended to discontinue the stay of guest workers and encourage them to return home voluntarily.52

It restricted new immigration of guest workers into West Germany from countries outside of the European Economic Community (EEC), however, guest workers stayed in Germany, fearing that if they left, they would be unable to return.53_{The number of immigrants rose as guest workers sent for their family members to} join them, however, German law at the time made it impossible, even for the second-generation, German-born children of these migrants to obtain German citizenship. Although guest workers

48_{“Ethnic groups,” Encyclopedia Britannica, accessed 1 June 2017.}

britannica.com/place/Germany/Ethnic-groups.

49_Ibid.

50_{Veysel Oezcan, “Germany: Immigration in Transition,” Migration Policy Institute, 1 July 2004,}

migrationpolicy.org/article/germany-immigration-transition.

51_{Recruitment ban.}

52_{Ulrike Hamann and Serhat Karakayali. “Practicing Willkommenskultur: Migration and Solidarity in}

Germany,” Intersections: East European Journal of Society and Politics 2, no. 4 (2016): 69-86, doi:10.17356/ieejsp.v2i4.296.

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expose Germany’s feelings about migration in many ways, not all immigrants coming into Germany were accepted on the basis of their potential economic contribution.

The first non-European refugees to arrive in Germany were the Vietnamese "boat people."54

The approximately 1.5 million Vietnamese refugees who fled violence and persecution beginning in 1978 were almost eerily similar to the refugees fleeing to Europe by boat who would arrive over four decades later.55

Vietnamese refugees resettled in Germany with the support of Germans and policy makers like Ernst Albrecht, and Ursula von der Leyen, who was the first to take in these refugees in 1978.56

The first 10,000 refugees arrived to Germany via one charitable endeavor, the private aid committee Ein Schiff für Vietnam57

, established by journalist Rupert Neudeck.58

Today many59

refugees who fled violence following the Vietnam War and their decedents still live in Germany and their ability to integrate affectively in the country is perceived as a “success story” by many social scientists.60

Vietnamese contract workers61 also migrated to East Germany although they lived in separated housing units, which socially isolated them and prevented integration.62

In addition to labor and humanitarian migration experiences, Germany also experienced the return of ethnic German repatriates. At the end of the 1980s, 1.4 million Spätaussiedler63

immigrated to West Germany, following their Aussiedler counterparts who immigrated after 1950.64

54_{Kurt de Swaaf, “The “boat people” and their children,” How Germany Ticks, 7 December 2016,}

deutschland.de/en/topic/politics/peace-security/the-boat-people-and-their-children.

55_Ibid.

56_{Bernd Wolf, The Vietnamese Diaspora in Germany (Eppelheim: Aksoy Print & Project Management,,}

2007), giz.de/fachexpertise/downloads/giz2007-en-vietnamese-diaspora.pdf.

57_{A ship for Vietnam (own translation)}

58_{“21. Januar 1979 - Komitee "Ein Schiff für Vietnam" gegründet,” WDR, last modified 21 January 2014,}

www1.wdr.de/stichtag/stichtag8090.html.

59_{There is a significant gap in data recorded of these arrivals and statistics can vary widely and be}

unreliable. For this reason precise numbers are not mentioned, where it is not possible.

60_Ibid.

61_{This migration was in the form of short term, typically 5 year contracts, a total of 60,000 contract}

workers were in East Germany as of 1989.

62_{Wolf, “The Vietnamese Diaspora in Germany.”}

63_{The usage of Spätaussiedler (late repatriates) over Aussiedler (repatriates) only refers to whether one}

migrated to Germany before or after January 1, 1993.

64_{Susanne Worbs, Eva Bund, Martin Kohls and Christian Babka von Gostomski, (Spät-)Aussiedler in}

Deutschland Eine Analyse aktueller Daten und Forschungsergebnisse (Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge: 2013), bamf.de/SharedDocs/Anlagen/DE/Publikationen/Forschungsberichte/fb20-spaetaussiedler.pdf?__blob=publicationFile.

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There are 4.5 million (Spät)Aussiedler in Germany today, most are repatriates coming from Poland, Romania and the former Soviet Union.65_{Between 1988 and 2003, almost 2.2} million people emigrated from the Soviet Union, 575,000 from Poland and 220,000 from Romania; today they account for 20% of Germany’s population.6667

Many of these ethnic Germans returned to Germany following the fall of the Iron Curtain and the relaxation of travel restrictions on the former Eastern Bloc.68

Similar to measures taken in 1973 to stem the flow of guest workers, the German government provided aid to ethnic Germans living abroad to

incentivize their stay in their countries of origin and later established a quota system to moderate the number of returning repatriates. Though some69

Spätaussiedler had to prove they faced ethnic discrimination in order to immigrate to Germany, Spätaussiedler enjoy a special legal status.70 Both legally and culturally they are not viewed as having a migration background and aren’t required to have an adequate command of German.71

There were significant migration flows in the early 1990s as well due to the fall of the Soviet Union, war in the former Yugoslavia and escalating violence against Kurds living in Turkey. The refugees produced by these conflicts were affected by a law change in 1993 that limited the number of asylum claims accepted in Germany, based on the perceived safety of the intermediate countries asylum seekers traveled through en route to Germany.72

Germany’s population today reflects these past migrations. Germans73

are still the largest ethnic group in the country, accounting for 91.5% of the population, Turks account for 2.4% and the other 6.1% of the population's minority groups are largely composed of Poles, Italians, Syrians and Greeks.74 The largest increases in Germany's foreign population occurred in 1970, with the number of foreign-born men always higher, especially during periods of labor migration and because the

65_{“Spätaussiedler,” Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge, 17 February 2017,}

bamf.de/DE/Migration/Spaetaussiedler/spaetaussiedler-node.html.

66_Ibid.

67_{Oezcan, Germany: Immigration in Transition.} 68_Ibid.

69_{The roughly 10% who came from outside the Soviet Union.}

70_{Worbs, Bund, Kohls and von Gostomski “(Spät-)Aussiedler in Deutschland Eine Analyse aktueller}

Daten und Forschungsergebnisse,” 24.

71_{“Spätaussiedler.”}

72_{Oezcan, Germany: Immigration in Transition.}

73_{Importantly, (Spät)Aussiedler are not statistically differentiated from other ethnic Germans.} 74_{“The World Fact Book,” Central Intelligence Agency, accessed 16 February 2018.}

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largest migrations into Germany coincided directly with labor movements, up until the most recent forced migration events, most immigration law developed through the understanding of immigrants as temporary workers and not with the goal of integrating immigrants intent on staying in the country.75

In fact, efforts to integrate migrants were actively circumvented in order to discourage “outsiders” from staying. While the legal history of German immigration law is important, it should also be acknowledged that debates and discourse about citizenship law and immigration status often double as conversations about nationhood, what it means to belong to a nation and who belongs there.76

2.2. History of German Immigration Law

The birth of modern day Germany, through the solidification of the German nation-state, provides important insight into German identity formation. German identity, inspired by the ideas of romantics like Johann Gottfried Herder, whose writings were appropriated during the nation formation process, may seem like bygone feelings, however, they influenced the

development of the German legal system.7778_{The late formation of the German nation-state was} made possible by ethnic nationalism, among other geo-political factors, which allowed for the amalgamation of approximately 300 German-speaking principalities into one nation.79

The early ideas behind German nation formation were grounded in the assumption that the existence of peoples and nations were ontological in nature and therefore the existence of the German people as an entity would pre-date the nation-state and subsequent political orders.80

Germany both

75_{Hamann and Karakayali, “Practicing Willkommenskultur: Migration and Solidarity in Germany,” 73.} 76_{Rogers, Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany (Cambridge: Harvard}

University Press, 1992), 188.

77_{Mark Hewitson, “Nation and Nationalismus: representation and national identity in Imperial Germany,”}

in Representing the German Nation, ed. Mary Fulbrook and Martin Swales (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000), 25.

78_{James, Angelos, "Becoming European," The New York Times Magazine, 10 Apr. 2016,}

http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A448991816/LitRC?u=amst&sid=LitRC&xid=a88d8067.

79_{Michael Dusche, “Origins of Ethnic Nationalism in Germany and Repercussions in India,” Economic &}

Political Weekly, 41, no. 22 (2010): 37-46, URL:

mdusche.de/media/hirek/file/OriginsofEthnicNationalisminGermany&RepercussionsinIndia_4370.pdf.

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during nation formation and the subsequent strengthening of the nation, in the eyes of intellectuals like Friedrich Schlegel, was seen as a family.81

By family it is meant that citizens were a collection of individuals tied by their blood relationship to each other, their shared history and coagulative agents like language and culture. In Wilhelmine Germany (1890-1914), German citizenship law was formed on the basis of pure

jus sanguinis a legal principal by which nationality isn't based on place of birth, but rather on

blood.82

This is not the case today, however, as the processes of naturalization and integration are facilitated by the German government. This chapter will therefore explore the evolution of German immigration law. The most significant development in immigration law occurred after the labor migration movements of the 1970s and 1980s. After 1974, 90% of all immigrants entering the country did so for the purposes of family reunification, joining labor migrants already in the country.83

The assumption that these guest workers were simply tenants and would soon leave the country not only thwarted integration measures but also solidified the idea that Germany was not and would not become an Einwanderungsland.84

In the 1980s, the children of former guest workers pushed for immigration laws to create a legal pathway to citizenship, however, at the time, rising tensions about immigrants and recent asylum seekers entering the country halted further development of these laws.85

In 1990, reforms to the Alien Law and related regulations changed decisions about work and residence permits for workers and their families, deportation decisions, family reunification, political participation etc. Consequently, resident aliens finally receive formal equality in the eyes of the law and access to the social security system86

.87

However, they did not have equal rights to political participation, voting, military service or employment in the civil service sector. Lack of official measures to integrate guest workers and their progeny stunted the educational and economic performance of first generation immigrants. For instance, in the case of many Turkish children, while schools

81_{Dusche, “Origins of Ethnic Nationalism in Germany and Repercussions in India,”41.}

82_{Eli Plenk, interview by Alessandra Malli, Blood Relations: A Brief Conversation on Citizenship in}

Germany, Humanity in Action, June 2013.

83_{Hermann Kurthen, “Germany at the Crossroads: National Identity and the Challenges of Immigration,”}

The International Migration Review 29, no. 4 (1995): 914-938, URL:

http://www.jstor.org/stable/2547732.

84_{Kurthen, “Germany at the Crossroads: National Identity and the Challenges of Immigration,” 923-924.} 85_{Ibid., 924.}

86_{This includes health, unemployment and retirement assistance.} 87_{Ibid., 930.}

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introduced supplementary Turkish lessons to prepare them for life in Turkey, they were not integrated into the German school system and often ended up "bilingual illiterates," neither fluent in Turkish nor in German. 88

This story was different for German repatriates. Despite the refusal of the

liberal-conservative Kohl government to acknowledge Germany as an Einwanderungsland, they worked to repatriate and legally integrate Aussiedler because Germany suffered low birthrates and labor market shortages at the time.89

Their repatriation was made possible using a law from 1956 called the Bundesvertriebenengesetz, or Expellee Law.90

This law, together with legal

stipulations from the West German constitution and the war-related Compensation Act assured that Aussiedler from Eastern Europe and Russia who had proof of personal or parental

citizenship to the German Reich could apply for citizenship.91

In addition to proof of personal or familial citizenship, applicants could also provide evidence of nationhood, including ancestry, language, education or cultural practices. Continuing instability in Eastern Europe following the collapse of the Soviet Union caused an increase of immigration into Germany, at which point a decision was made to control resettlement through the Aussiedleraufnahmegesetz.92

This act required applications and a waiting period for residence permits and in 1992 a cap of 250,000 admissions per year was established. 93

Today Germany legally acknowledges (Spät)Aussiedler as "German by blood," again evoking a strong "political-cultural

understanding" of German identity as rooted in jus sanguinis.94_{(Spät)Aussiedler are entitled to} live in Germany by means of a special acceptance process in which ethnic Germans receive automatic German citizenship.95

They are also legally entitled to free integration courses in

88_{“A Sorry History of Self-Deception and Wasted Opportunities,” Spiegel Online, accessed 24 February}

2018. spiegel.de/international/germany/turkish-immigration-to-germany-a-sorry-history-of-self-deception-and-wasted-opportunities-a-716067-2.html.

89_{Kurthen, “Germany at the Crossroads: National Identity and the Challenges of Immigration,” 921.} 90_{Jenny Gesley, “Germany: The Development of Migration and Citizenship Law in Postwar Germany,”}

Library of Congress, 13 March 2017, gov/law/help/migration-citizenship/germany.php#_ftn40.

91_Ibid. 92_Ibid.

93_{Kurthen, “Germany at the Crossroads: National Identity and the Challenges of Immigration,” 922.} 94_{Brubaker, “Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany,” 187.}

95_{“Spätaussiedler,” Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge, accessed 24 February 2018.}

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Germany and acknowledged on the census as Germans, without a migration background.96 Integration outcomes are positive for (Spät)Aussiedler; they are more likely than any other “migrant” group to be satisfied with life in Germany, have low rates of unemployment, often have long-term plans for a future in Germany and are highly active in the German labor market.97 98

Today supranational agreements guaranteeing the freedom of movement and right to work throughout the EU ensure that immigration and integration into Germany is simpler (for EU and EEA citizens).

While acknowledging recent improvements, it is important to remember that current entry requirements vastly favor highly qualified migrants with EU/EEA citizenship, by virtue of EU and/or EEA free movement arrangements.99

Moreover, integration and thus feelings of belonging are still strongly linked to German language competency. Language used this way can act as a "gate-keeping device" for access to resources like jobs and medical care as well as a symbol of who is an insider/outsider.100

These facts notwithstanding, movements to assist and manage the influx of “outsiders” to Germany, changes to immigration law and pushes for more inclusive integration measures point to something significant. Somewhere in German society, the acceptance of the other is recognized. This is often referred to as Willkommenskultur, or

welcome culture and this phenomenon, commonly associated with Germany has been credited in the country’s acceptance of foreigners, labor migrants, asylum seekers and refugees.

2.3. Willkommen in Deutschland: The History of Willkommenskultur

Today the term Willkommenskultur is used to refer to how Germans accept and incorporate foreigners, especially through initiatives started by private citizens.101_{Willkommenskultur has a} much older history and was not always used to exemplify the acceptance of the foreign other. In

96_{“Inhalt und Ablauf,” Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge, accessed 24 February 2018.}

bamf.de/DE/Willkommen/DeutschLernen/Integrationskurse/InhaltAblauf/inhaltablauf-node.html.

97_{“(Spät-)Aussiedler in Deutschland,” Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge, accessed 24 February}

2018. bamf.de/SharedDocs/Anlagen/DE/Publikationen/Forschungsberichte/fb20-spaetaussiedler.html.

98_{The elderly (Spät)Aussiedler are proven to be less established in the German labor market and they on}

average take home lighter paychecks than native Germans and other (Spät)Aussiedler.

99_{Hamann and Karakayali, “Practicing Willkommenskultur: Migration and Solidarity in Germany,” 73.} 100_{Ruth Wodak, The Politics of Fear (Los Angeles: Sage, 2015), 70-71.}

101_{Christopher Hasselbach, “'Willkommenskultur' in Germany, 'non merci' in France,” Deutsche Welle,}

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fact, the idea behind a welcome culture was originally linked to attracting skilled labor at various times when Germany needed skilled migrants.102_{Some scholars argue that the term has}

undergone a paradigm shift in the past three decades and is no longer directly associated solely with labor migration needs.103

In Germany between 2005 and 2015, there was wide spread support for immigration, even across party lines. Although an anti-immigrant sentiment had swept through Europe at various times during the decade, it seemed that Germany was always the exception.104

A survey conducted in 2011 showed that 50% less Germans were concerned about immigration flows when compared to the Spanish, Italians and British and as late as early 2015 only 18% of Germans felt the country could not absorb more refugees with approximately half of those surveyed feeling immigration was important for the German labor market.105

Several factors promoted a climate of positive immigrant reception: sustained economic growth,106

an enduring public narrative centered around the economic viability of immigrants in maintaining Germany's competitive spot on the global market, popular consensus on immigration by political, economic and other elites and more inclusive immigration laws passed in 2005 and 2012.107

This attitude towards migration was different than previous considerations of migration as temporary because it included measures for the long-term structural and legal inclusion of immigrants, although it focused predominantly on economic factors.108

For instance, employers lobbied for more generous allowances for skilled migrants on the premise that labor shortages were expected in a range of occupational fields. 109

102_{Hamann and Karakayali, “Practicing Willkommenskultur: Migration and Solidarity in Germany,” 73.} 103_{Andreas Merx, Jakob Ruster and Yvonne Szukitsch, “Inklusiv, offen und gerecht? Deutschlands langer}

Weg zu einer Willkommenskultur,” Fachstelle Diversity Management, accessed 25 February 2018,

netzwerk-iq.de/fileadmin/Redaktion/Downloads/IQ_Publikationen/Thema_Vielfalt_gestalten/2014_Broschuere_Wi llkommenskultur.pdf.

104_{Nanette Funk, “A spectre in Germany: refugees, a ‘welcome culture’ and an ‘integration politics’”}

Journal of Global Ethics 12, no. 3 (2016): 290, doi: DOI: 10.1080/17449626.2016.1252785.

105_Ibid.

106_{Manifested by a strong labor market and low unemployment.} 107_Ibid.

108_{Merx, Ruster and Yvonne Szukitsch, “Inklusiv, offen und gerecht? Deutschlands langer Weg zu einer}

Willkommenskultur,” 5.

109_{Norman Ginsburg, “Constructions of the 'migration crisis' in Europe,” in European Social Problems,}

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These changes culminated with Germany's first Immigration Law in 2005. Although this shift did not mean a fully inclusive view of migration, it did break ties with the narrative of Germany as "kein Einwanderungsland," even recognizing Germany as an Einwanderungsland, legally. Germany’s role as an Einwanderungsland and Willkommenskultur are multi-faceted terms that cycle between humanitarian and economically-motivated definitions. In fact, in the summer of 2015, when Merkel made the decision to open Germany’s borders to asylum seekers, she initially enjoyed the support of major German companies. The support of CEOs like

Daimler-Benz’s Dieter Zetsche was the result of Germany’s labor shortage and future predictions

that an influx of migrant labor support would offset the detriment that Germany’s falling birthrates would have on pension security.110

The economic viability of accepting refugees was supported by similar estimates from the German Ministry of Finance and the EU.111

In many cases, welcome culture is tied to labor needs but there were times when

Germany’s welcome was more reminiscent of a humanitarian response than an economic need. Such was the case for the Vietnamese "boat people" spoken about in the previous sub-chapter.112 The trend of humanitarian efforts to welcome newcomers can also be seen in this most recent series of forced migration events. Some of the only statistics that exist on volunteering with refugees suggest that private German citizens are involved as volunteers.113

This is seen as an extension of Willkommenskultur, although limited data and lack of sizable datasets make it difficult to settle on this factually. The Social Sciences Institute of the Evangelical Church published a study showing that, in December 2015 almost 11% (10.9%) of all Germans 14 years of age and older volunteered to help refugees. 114

When repeated half a year later, the survey showed that these rates did not drop. To organizations focused on refugees, these figures likely come as no surprise, as many cite volunteers as invaluable assets to their work.115

110_{Matthew Qvortrup, Angela Merkel, Europe's Most Influential Leader (London: Duckworth Overlook,}

2017), 323-324.

111_Ibid.

112_{de Swaaf, “The “boat people” and their children.”}

113_{Hamann and Karakayali, Practicing Willkommenskultur: Migration and Solidarity in Germany.} 114_Ibid.

115_{Mike Mühlberger, “Germany: volunteering to help refugees,” Deutsche Welle, 26 September 2015,}

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2.3. The Refugee “Crisis”

“Ich liebe Den, der freien Geistes und freien Herzens ist: so ist sein Kopf nur das Eingeweide seines Herzens, sein Herz aber treibt ihn zum Untergang.” 116

- Friedrich Nietzsche

The summer of 2015, often referred to as the “long summer” of migration ended with the largest forced migration movements seen since the end of the Second World War. Due to various conflicts across the globe an estimated 30 people per minute were displaced.117

At the peak of these episodes of forced migration, border access was suspended for millions seeking asylum. As mentioned previously, Germany was the first country to suspend the Dublin Agreement and accept asylum seekers who had first arrived in other European countries. The results were

staggering, in the first 7 months of 2015 Germany received over 200,000 applications for asylum with 800,000 people arriving in August.118

A year later Germany became the second largest destination for refugees with the number of refugees increasing in 2016, largely due to asylum applications from 2015 being granted.119_{At the end of 2015, the refugee population in Germany} was 316,100 and in 2016 it stood at 669,500 with most refugees coming from Syria.120_Refugees and asylum seekers in Germany are distributed according to the "Königsteiner Schlüssel" or Königstein Key system. When asylum seekers arrive in Germany, they are distributed to the different Bundesländer using the EASY quota computer system.121

The EASY computer system, along with the Königstein Key system, allocates asylum seekers to states using two criteria, tax revenues (two-thirds of the calculation) and population (one third of the calculation).122

Area doesn't factor into calculations for the Königstein Key system, meaning that Bundesländer with smaller areas are unevenly affected. For example, Hamburg and Berlin receive 2.53% and 5.05% of all asylum seekers, respectively despite being

116_{Friedrich Nietzsche, Also sprach Zarathustra (Mineola: Dover Publications, 2004), 12.} 117_{“Global Trends, Forced Displacement in 2016,” UNHCR, accessed 7 March 2018.}

unhcr.org/statistics/unhcrstats/5943e8a34/global-trends-forced-displacement-2016.html.

118_{Heather Horn, “The Staggering Scale of Germany’s Refugee Project,” Atlantic, 12 September 2015,}

theatlantic.com/international/archive/2015/09/germany-merkel-refugee-asylum/405058.

119_Ibid.

120_{“Global Trends, Forced Displacement in 2016.”}

121_{“Erstverteilung der Asylsuchenden (EASY),” Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge, 1 January}

2017, bamf.de/DE/Fluechtlingsschutz/AblaufAsylv/Erstverteilung/erstverteilung-node.html.

122_{"So werden Flüchtlinge auf die Bundesländer verteilt," Spiegel Online, 3 August 2016,}

spiegel.de/politik/deutschland/koenigsteiner-schluessel-so-werden-fluechtlinge-auf-die-bundeslaender-verteilt-a-1080243.html.

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some the smallest states in the country.123

There is also no distribution center inside of individual states, so municipalities allocate asylum seekers and refugees according to their own, individual methods; in the case of Berlin, it has become a question of placing refugees wherever there is space, which does not guarantee proper resource access or safety.124

Due to pre-existing housing crises, refugees have been placed in unconventional locations, like the former airport Berlin-Tempelhof and gymnasiums. Berlin and Hamburg have the highest percentages of refugees being housed in unconventional spaces (like halls and tents), which offer little or no privacy at 44.7% and 45.8%, respectively.125

A countrywide study conducted by Brookings Institution found that the Königstein Key system put disproportionate weight on densely populated cities as well.126

For example, Berlin houses almost 65 times more refugees per square kilometer than that of the much larger (by area) Mecklenburg-Vorpommern. Cities like Berlin, Hamburg and Bremen are geographically limited, so the ability to offer refugees open, spacious housing is more difficult and the uniform

reimbursements provided by the federal government don't take into account variations in housing costs, cost of living and other costs specific to the size and scope of each city.127

These results are not surprising; the Key system was designed in the 1950s to allocate research grants and was never intended to handle more advanced factors like the population density and area.128

2.5. Berlin as an Arrival City

The frequent mentions of Berlin are no accident; it has historically been an Arrival City. In 2010, Canadian journalist and writer Doug Saunders published his often-cited book, Arrival City. In his work, he defines an Arrival City as a transitional urban space, typically flooded with an "ex-rural" population and at the "edge" or in the blind spot of the city center.129

The populations there hold aspirations of reaching the larger city center one day as they toil, struggle, fight and

123_{“So werden Flüchtlinge auf die Bundesländer verteilt."} 124_Ibid.

125_Ibid.

126_{Bruce Katz, Luise Noring, and Nantke Garrelts, “Cities and refugees: The German experience,”}

Brookings Institution, 18 September 2016, brookings.edu/research/cities-and-refugees-the-german-experience.

127_Ibid.

128_{Feargus O'Sullivan, “The Unequal Burden on Cities in Germany's Refugee Crisis,” Citylab, 21}

September 2016, citylab.com/equity/2016/09/cities-unequal-burden-in-germanys-refugee-crisis/500969.

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comingle in the sometimes hellish, sometimes culturally explosive hidden and socially impregnable interstices of the city.130_{According to Saunders, the Arrival City should act as a} foothold into a new life for migrants. More than just an analysis of the migration movements that created these Arrival Cities, Saunders’ book is a warning. According to Saunders, the actions of the state make the difference between Arrival Cities becoming economic and cultural

boomtowns or descending into catastrophe.131

In his book, 28 case studies are presented from cities around the world, examining how social climate, government engagement, local regulations and many more factors influenced the outcome of these vastly different Arrival Cities.

Saunders’ examination of Berlin as an Arrival City addresses the neighborhood,

Kreuzberg. One of the most diverse districts in Berlin, Kreuzberg is known today as an economic hub and successful multicultural neighborhood.132

It's also a well-known tourist destination but this light-hearted community wasn't always this way. Following the Second World War, the government controlled housing prices in Kreuzberg so investors didn't put additional funding into housing and the housing became very cheap and very low quality.133

This attracted labor migrants in the 1960s and these migrants, many of whom were Turkish came to settle in the area. At first glace, it looked like the perfect location, Kreuzberg lies in the center of the city and is close to resources, far from being hidden away to the shadowy corners of the main city. However, Kreuzberg originally showed excessive rates of alcoholism and violent crime, many Turks weren't learning German and the unemployment rate was twice that the German

population.134

When compared to the Turkish population in Turkey and in other European cities, Turks in Kreuzberg integrated worse in Germany and vulnerable groups, like women, feared much worse, often suffering domestic violence at rates unprecedented in other cities.135

130_{Ibid., 3.} 131_Ibid.

132_{Parita Shah, “This Hipster Neighborhood is a Food Paradise in Europe,” National Geographic, 8}

August 2017,nationalgeographic.com/travel/destinations/europe/germany/berlin/kreuzberg-turkish-community-best-restaurants/?beta=true.

133_{“Berlin Kreuzberg,” Berlin-Info, accessed 11 March 2018. berlin-info.de/en/districts/kreuzberg.} 134_{Saunders, “Arrival City: How the Largest Migration in History Is Reshaping Our World,” 244.} 135_{Ibid., 245.}

The Urban Refugee in Marzahn-Hellersdorf: Best Practices for Refugee Integration in Challenging Environments