Emerging 'New cities' in Africa and socio-spatial inequality : a case study of the eko Atlantic City project in Lagos, Nigeria.

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Emerging 'New cities' in Africa and socio-spatial inequality:

A case study of the Eko Atlantic City project in Lagos,

Nigeria

BY

Adebayo Akesanju Kester

THESIS

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the degree of Master in Urban and Regional Planning

at the University of Amsterdam, 2014

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Acknowledgment

I dedicate this work to Adeyanju, whose life has brought resolve into mine. My sincere gratitude also goes to my thesis supervisor, Anita Blessing, for her patience and consistent support throughout this process. I am particularly thankful for her words of encouragement and vote of confidence. I thank my lovely wife, Elizabeth, for her overwhelming support, love and sacrifice. Many thanks to Gloria and Seun, for taking the time to proof-read and edit this work. I also thank the Amsterdam Merit Scholarship committee at the University of Amsterdam for offering me the scholarship that has made this study possible.

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Acronyms

ABD – Accumulation by Dispossession BRT – Bus Rapid Transit

CBD – Central Business District EAC – Eko Atlantic City EAC – Eko Atlantic City

EIA – Environmental Impact Assessment IMF – International Monetary Fund

LAMATA – Lagos Metropolitan Area Transport Authority

LASEEDS – Lagos State Economic Empowerment Development Strategy LASG – Lagos State Government

LRT – Light Rail Transit NEP – New Economic Policy NUP – New Urban Policy

SAP – Structural Adjustment Program UDP – Urban Development Project

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Chapter 1 Overview

Int roduction

As equity and socio-economic/spatial polarization becomes more pertinent to the urban experience, it becomes more crucial for planners to; at worst discuss issues concerning this problem and at best help mitigate increasing its growth. This research topic is centered on new urban spaces being created or re-designated in major urban centers and their implications on socio-spatial inequality. The research focuses on the Eko Atlantic City project (EAC) in Lagos, Nigeria. A city currently characterized by intense urbanization and unparalleled infrastructural growth. EAC is a three-fold urban transformation project, purported to (1) address some of the physical and planning challenges being faced by Lagos city, (2) improve the global competitiveness of the city by boosting its local economy through attraction of foreign investment and (3) respond to the global climate crisis which is assumed to be the cause of the surging Atlantic ocean shoreline. The project is a collaboration between the state government and several private institutions; developers, investors and banks.

EAC presents an illustration of a combination of processes (urban development, economic growth and governance) that influences the ways in which the built environment is shaped. Urban development is a process that involves the social and physical improvement of an urban area. Economic growth can be referred to as the capacity of an economy to increase the production of goods and services over a period of time. Governance is the decision-making process that involves the division of power and responsibilities across various actors. The Eko Atlantic city proposes socio-economic development but the processes within it may generate externalities such as socio-spatial polarization – a social dilemma that can never be over-emphasized. The level of socio-spatial disparity is often reflected in the physical configuration of a city, which is also a representation of the city’s urban development policies. In spite of efforts to upgrade most major African cities, sub-standard living conditions remains one of the biggest challenges, with continued rise of shanty towns amidst pockets of middle to high income neighborhoods. The UNHABITAT (2010) describe this challenge as “complex processes of

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2 socio-spatial segregation that causes substantial intra-metropolitan differences and inequality in service provision”.

About 60% of urban populations in sub-Saharan Africa live in slum conditions (UNHABITAT, 2009). As such most African cities, particularly the larger ones are characterized by highly fragmented and spatially uneven physical environment. This condition is attributable to the concentration of development and investment in selected areas of the city and neglect of other parts. As a consequence, the quality life for those inhabiting in disadvantaged areas are so poor, producing effects such as high risk diseases, uncontrolled waste pollution due to unsanitary conditions and increased crime rate due to poverty. Despite these challenges, urban governments in Africa are lately pursuing monumental urban development projects that are purported to address some of the urban planning challenges. These efforts, appear on one hand to be an attempt at improving the quality of life and boost the financial position of the few elites and authorities involved, and on the other hand, to attract and sell real-estate to foreign investors and the emerging middle-class. In this regard, Swyngedouw, et al. (2002), argues that such urban development projects (UDP) creates an “elite playing field” where the agenda is to shape urban future according to the desire of the most powerful among the stakeholders, leading to different mechanisms of inclusion/exclusion. In the process of achieving this, different policy tools are used to further the interest of powerful stakeholders.

Provision of certain public infrastructures or urban regeneration initiatives requires enormous capital investment, particularly in low-income countries. Accordingly it becomes inevitable for state authorities to aggressively seek finance in the absence of adequate capital. It is in the process of seeking capital that several institutional arrangements (rules of contract or private property) are made by state authorities such that the risk increases, of defeating the purpose for which they are trying to achieve. One of such risks is the concentration of wealth and power in the hands of a few as a result of allocation of collectively held property for the purpose of profit maximization. A process described by David Harvey (2009)as accumulation by dispossession (ABD). Accumulation by dispossession involves a process in which there is a centralization of wealth and power in the hands of a few while dispossessing the public of their wealth (Harvey, 2009). Privatization or commodification of public goods, one of four key tools used in accumulation by dispossession is often used to transfer public property into private hands,

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3 where the transformed ‘good’ can then be resold or rented to the public. This action has been attributed to ideas promoted by highly capitalist societies and as Harvey contends, leads to income and social inequality.

“The inability to accumulate through continuous expanded reproduction has given rise to attempts to accumulate by dispossession”...…….conversion of various forms of property rights – common, collective, state, etc. – into exclusive private property rights (Harvey, 2009).

While ambitious and futuristic urban planning is nonetheless positive, policy makers, planners, and local governments must ensure it is achieved without compromising the proprietary or accessibility rights of the common public. This is more important when it involves the use or conversion of collectively owned property such as natural resources or land. Following this, Vanessa Watson contends that “the possibility exists that poorer urban dwellers in Africa’s larger cities will find themselves not only dispossessed of land but also of political rights” (Watson, 2013). Associated with process of accumulation by dispossession is the existence of an urban regime or growth coalition (see Stone, 1989; Logan & Molotch, 2007). These are a group of key stakeholders who are central in the organization and achievement of the projects that seek to improve the quality of urban life or make the city highly productive.

Aim and Relevance

This topic is of personal and professional significance, seeing that I was born and spent most of my life in Lagos, Nigeria. Consequently I feel more challenged as a planner to examine some of the planning problems facing the city with the hope of applying my expertise at some point in my career. This research opportunity offers a platform to explore a real-world scenario, interact with experts and collect valuable data that may be useful for this and further research. In addition to the aforementioned motive, this paper intends to further reinforce the social-justice policy agenda of organizations such as UNHABITAT as well as add to the momentum for inequality and inclusiveness in spatial planning processes. Furthermore this research is more pertinent considering the recent global economic relevance of Nigeria within the MINT (Mexico, Indonesia, Nigeria and Turkey) countries category (Forbes, 2014). Perhaps the Eko Atlantic project represents one way in which Nigeria is trying to keep up with this concocted reputation.

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4 In addition, since the case study shares some characteristic with the concept of “charter cities” – a public-private partnership and an extreme form of urban development initiative. It is noteworthy to examine the equity implications of the project under study considering speculations that such ‘new’ city formations allows a transformative strategy for the socio-economic and spatial growth of developing countries (Macdonald-Laurier Institute, 2012). While the idea of a Charter City is not an exact resemblance of EAC, it however shares similar characteristic with it, for instance with its three main premises (Caplan, 2010):

1. An uninhabited piece of city-sized land, provided voluntarily by a host government. 2. A charter that specifies the rules that will govern the new city.

3. The freedom for would-be Charter City residents, investors, and employers to move in or out. This extreme case of urban development makes it more important to investigate the validity of EAC as a variant of the private city concept albeit on a smaller-scale, especially with the presumption of it being potentially governed similar to the “Charter City” model (Society for International Development, 2010). Vanessa Watson (2013) in an article African Urban Fantasies: Dreams or Nightmares furthered the debate on socio-spatial inequality by illustrating an emerging pattern of new city development drawing on nine African cities. She suggested the need for academic research into these “new cities”, especially as new forms of global forces are shaping the future of urban centers in Africa.

Hence this research hopes to make a connection between this emerging trend in Africa and existing discourses on urban development projects (UDPs), particularly as it reflects a form of New Urban Policy. The objective of the research is to investigate the potential effects of this newly planned private city in Lagos, amidst efforts to deal with complex urban challenges in the metropolis. While investigating the case, attention will be given to its implications on socio-spatial inequality. Socio-socio-spatial inequality in this context will be analyzed in terms of disparity in the accessibility to key essential infrastructures such as housing, transportation and quality of life. Slight emphasis will also be paid on the distribution of state investment

This research also intends to look at how this project contributes to the urban development and spatial planning of the city. While this scenario is observed through a particular

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5 case study, passive comparisons will be made with other similar projects or variants to identify any particular relationship. The focus on urban development projects is relevant in this research as it encompasses crucial processes; financial, institutional, physical and social that affect the livelihood and opportunities of urban dwellers. This case exemplifies one of such, especially as it involves the transfer of a common-pool resource (land) into private hands. The end goal of this study is to assess the policies and processes behind this urban intervention, observe any mismatch between policy proposals and actual circumstances. And lastly offer recommendations on how socio-spatial considerations can be adapted to the present or future projects. The discussion generated from this thesis with the aid of established urban theories, is expected to enhance the discourse on contemporary planning practices in African cities, underline the developmental trends and suggest possible paths towards best practices.

Theo retica l Fra mew o rk and Hypothes is

This extended literature review on a case study (Eko Atlantic City) will primarily be set on the backdrop of Swyngedouw, et al’s. (2002) study of Urban Development Projects (UDP) and New Urban Policy (NUP). Although derived from a study of twelve European countries, the reserach analyzes the way in which globalization and liberalization influences the production of new forms and scales of governance and the relationship between large-scale UDPs and political, social, economic power relations in the city. Swyngedouw, et al. (2002) theorizes thus:

1. Large-scale UDPs have increasingly been used as a vehicle to establish exceptionality measures in planning and policy procedures. This is part of a neoliberal “New Urban Policy” approach and its selective “middle- and upperclass” democracy. It is associated with new forms of “governing” urban interventions, characterized by less democratic and more elite-driven priorities.

2. Local democratic participation mechanisms are not respected or are applied in a very formalist way, resulting in a new choreography of elite power.

3. The UDPs are poorly integrated at best into the wider urban process and planning system. As a consequence, their impact on a city as a whole and on the areas where the projects are located remains ambiguous.

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6 4. Most UDPs accentuate socioeconomic polarization through the working of real-estate

markets (price rises and displacement of social or low-income

5. The UDPs reflect and embody a series of processes that are associated with changing spatial scales of governance; these changes, in turn, reflect a shifting geometry of power in the governing of urbanization.

The indicators presented by Swyngedouw, et al. (2002) of the outcomes of UDPs will be assessed against EAC to identify any similarities in motive and consequences. In addition to this framework other relevant ideas such as, growth coalition, urban regime and accumulation by dispossession will however be incorporated into the discussion in order to generate a substantial argument. The premise will be to disprove or substantiate the hypothesis that “urban development projects like the EAC exacerbates socio-spatial inequality” through its inherent processes.

In terms of urban development projects, business elites, politicians and other stakeholders all acting in their own interest, are encouraged to favor new development projects that are supportive of the needs of business and economic development, as opposed to the overall wellbeing of the local inhabitants. This practice is consistent with the urban regime theory (Stone, 1989; Stoker & Mossberger, 1994) which presumes the effectiveness of public service delivery as dependent on the cooperation between non-governmental actors and state capacity. Similarly Logan and Molotch (1987; 2007) argue that the “growth machine”- a combination of entrepreneurs and urban politicians favor increased economic development at the expense of neighborhood residents and other vulnerable stakeholders, resulting in physical and social externalities. In the case of Eko Atlantic City, one prominent feature is the manner in which the primary resource being used (land) is materialized. This method raises questions of proprietary rights and discretionary distribution of common wealth.

Here, accumulation by dispossession (ABD) provides a lens from which to view the acquisition process of the land being used to build the Eko Atlantic City. Within ABD commonly used tools include: privatization, financialization, manipulation of crises and state redistribution. In this case, the conversion of property rights – privatization of collectively owned seabed – into prime real estate for investors and the extremely wealthy appears like an exemplary element of

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7 accumulation by dispossession. A critical view to the project proposition is the question “for whom” development is really sought? Does the representation in the decision-making process reflect a general public or the privileged few? Is the new development planned in the context of an overall advantage?

Prob lem State ment

While urban development policies and strategies are accompanied by economic and infrastructural growth, there seems to be a lacking of adequate measures that facilitate spatial balance such that urban opportunities are available to majority of urban dwellers. In light of this, Watson (2013) argues that the spatial separation of rich and poor inherent in new re-development projects increases the likelihood of urban spatial and social inequalities at an unprecedented scale. Increasing competition for global city status coupled with intense urbanization and rapid economic growth seems plausible for the justification for large-scale urban projects, nevertheless it is worth debating whether the measures taken by city authorities properly address concerns about socio-spatial inequality. More so, with the rhetoric of how such projects is expected to increase the economic viability and subsequently livability of the city, through a multiplier effect. It is from this juncture this research proceeds, to explore the socio-spatial considerations and accessibility to public goods in the developmental proposition of the Eko Atlantic City (EAC).

A UNHABITAT (2013, p. 39) report claims that speculative real estate development in many large urban centers excludes not just the poor but the middle-class too, creating an assortment of privileged and underprivileged areas across the city. Inequality exists in different variations in the society; however the focus of this research will be on socio-spatial inequality, a concept associated with social justice but informed by physical spaces. While the definition of socio-spatial inequality has been scarcely grounded academically, the connotation surrounding it includes but is not limited to (in)accessibility to public infrastructure or goods, spatial disparity, exclusivity, annexation and social capital.

“Spatial divisions exacerbate inequality…..divisions between rich and poor neighborhoods can generate further exclusion and marginalization…..increasing the likelihood of crime and violence “ (UNHABITAT, 2013).

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2 Socio-spatial inequality contributes to the ‘cycle of poverty’ and continued decline in quality of life and it does so by restricting the distribution of public goods and services that are supposed to ensure the overall development of city inhabitants. It may also undermine the health, productivity and overall growth of a city since the externalities (pollution, congestion, crime) generated by the less-provided-for affects the general population.

Research questions and Conceptual framework

Research question(s):

 To what extent does the EAC as an urban development project reflect the New Urban Policy?

 How does the EAC reinforce socio-spatial inequality within the city?  How will the EAC be integrated into the wider planning system?

 To what extent are local stakeholders included in the decision-making process?

Schematic framework

Res ea rch D esi gn and M ethods

i. Basic design: In order to conduct this investigation, I have adopted the representative or typical case study design which enables a researcher to observe a case because it exemplifies a broader phenomenon (Yin, 2009; Bryman, 2012). Although case studies can be applied to either quantitative or qualitative research, it tends to favour qualitative methods because it is more useful in the generation of detailed examination of a case (Bryman, 2012, p. 68). In the context of what I am trying to uncover, a case study will be the most appropriate as it provides a comprehensive study of the project in reference to the research problem. The

Inclusiveness/Exclusiveness Socio-Spatial inequality Public goods Growth Equitable City Urban Development Project (EAC) PPP

New Urban Policy

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3 project represents a critical case of the phenomena being probed and therefore requires a microscopic view in order to validate its relevance with the theories being used.

ii. Case study type: The relevant case study design will be the embedded multiple-unit of analysis (Yin, 2009). This is because the research will be looking at the concept of urban development strategies – which is the context – in relation to the project and the dynamics of the city itself (case). The rationale for this case study is it’s representativeness of whether urban development projects of this nature in Africa mitigate urban challenges or create further socio-spatial inequality. The case study allows for an inquiry into such potential scenario.

iii. Unit of analysis: The main units of analysis are the project itself; the proposal, proposed benefits, institutional and financial arrangements. Another unit of analysis is the social and spatial conditions of the city, as well as the distribution of infrastructure and investment. iv. Crucial variables: The important variables that will be analyzed include housing, spatial

quality, and transportation. These three key themes have been selected because they are very relevant to urban planning and the built environment, they also play a big role in the quality of life of residents.

v. Sources of information: The sources of information and data for the research have been retrieved from government policy documents, reports, expert opinions, maps and scholarly articles. The information gathered have been analyzed, reviewed and interpreted in order to extract the relevant data necessary for generating a clear and consistent argument. Quantitative data has been obtained through government websites, policy documents and other relevant sources while qualitative data was obtained by online email interview.

vi. Data measurement and analysis: The online interview was administered using questionnaires sent by email. Potential respondents were first approached through an introductory email requesting their participation in the study. This was then followed up with an email (Bryman, et al., 2012) with an attached questionnaire, to those who agreed to participate. A total of ten direct and open-ended questions were asked. This enables the flexibility of responses, allowing for the interviewer to explore the world views and extended opinion of each respondent (Bryman, et al., 2012). The qualitative data was interpreted using qualitative content analysis, which is more suited for unstructured information, such as the semi- and unstructured interviews or case studies (Bryman, et al., 2012) .

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4 vii. Limitations: Despite the obligation to achieve a coherent and valid argument, I am however constrained by the inability to directly obtain information through physical interviews which might be vital towards the outcome of the research. As such I will be relying on email interview which is unconventional to social science research. Online email interview has been used only as a last resort due to mobility constraints. Although online email interview is new in social science research, it provides opportunity for extending sources of information irrespective of associated constraints such as reduced mobility, time conflict, distance (Bryman, et al., 2012). A further limitation to this study is the inherent subjectivity associated with qualitative data. To reduce this potential I have attempted, as much as possible to interpret the information obtained from the interview with minimal subjectivity.

Structu re o f thesi s

The study begins (Chapter 2) with a review of relevant literature, where I analyze previous discussions on urban transformations and the processes that lead to it. I start with a historical perspective of how and why urban transformations occur, this is then followed by a discussion on actors and processes that produce urban spaces. This section also includes a brief review of planning and urban evolution in Nigeria as well as a review of urban policies relevant for this research. This chapter goes on to analyze early policy instruments that have been applied to help revive cities and the outcomes. I also look at how these policies have been transferred from the developed nations to the developing nations. To conclude this chapter, I describe modernist planning and its influence in the EAC seeing the noticeable connection between both.

In chapter three, I give a detailed description of the case study as well the city profile. I discuss what the project entails, the actors involved and the general perception of the city. Furthermore, I present a compilation of projects similar to EAC with the intention of

emphasizing a possible trend in the proposal of new African cities. This chapter concludes with debate on the land acquisition process involved in the case study, drawing on David Harvey’s proposition on accumulation by dispossession. Chapter four is dedicated to the discussion on inequality. I begin with early theories on inequalities followed by a narrative on the urban divide both in the global and African context. A subsection in this chapter also looks at the

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5 to housing and transportation. I end this chapter with an account of the socio-spatial reality in Lagos, illustrating existing dynamics of inequality.

Chapter five provides a summary of quantitative findings retrieved from documents, government website, and other literatures. This chapter also offers qualitative findings obtained from experts through online email interviewing. In chapter six, I revisit the idea of NUP, connecting it with ideas of the ‘just city’ and how this might shape the future of African cities. This is then followed by a theoretical justification of EAC using the theoretical framework from Swyngedouw et.al (2002). I then present a summary on the findings and general discussion on the case study. In this subsection, I attempt to answer the research questions posed as well as justify the hypothesis. The last part of chapter six includes conclusions and recommendations for future research.

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Chapter 2 Review of the Literature

Introduction

I begin this chapter by acknowledging the need to consistently improve the built environment particularly as it relates to the quality of life of urban dwellers. This implies the deployment and use of innovative social, political and economic mechanisms that are critical to the continual development of physical spaces in societies. Significant measures should be taken especially as endogenous forces influence economic growth and subsequently population and urban growth. Endogenous forces such as industrialization and demographic change were responsible for the urban transition in Europe (Beall & Fox, 2009).

U rban T ran s fo rmation s

From 19th century industrial Manchester to modern day Bangalore, similar challenges such as pollution, over-crowding, and squalor have prompted the need to either improve the quality of spaces or redesignate new – often well organized – spaces as better alternatives. H.B Rodgers (1962), in his account of the suburban growth of Victorian Manchester argues that the main utility derived from being successful in the city was the ability to escape the dreadfulness in the city inevitably created by industrial growth. The “escape” according to Rodgers (1962, p. 8) is analogous to the ever-increasing demand for secluded and more efficient spaces; spaces where services are not constrained by inefficiency, where serenity is highly desired and where simultaneously, capital accumulation and high levels of production is prevalent. Similarly, in mid-nineteenth century New York City, Robert Moses’ vision for a more fluid, less congested and more habitable living environment led to one of the city’s most significant transition era (see Caro, 1975 for full account of Robert Moses’ accomplishments). Although the implemented programs ended up becoming more destructive than constructive, the idea may have been conceived out of the necessity to address the blight conditions of the city.

Baron Haussmann’s Paris is a similar example of attempts in transforming the city, in a way that suited the ideals of the then emperor of France, Napoleon III. The transformations that occurred in both cases although with different agendas – economic in New York and Symbolic in Paris – are still highly visible today. It is conceivable that such motivations are what have driven cities to become transformed or expanded over the years, producing outcomes such as suburbanization, urban renewal and gentrification. For other cities, transformations have

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2 occurred as a response to demographic change, climate adaptation or technology. Either way, the patterns of evolution may lead one to accept change as being a crucial component for the survival and growth of spaces or cities.

On how and why cities transform, several processes as well as rational actors are combined in an array of arguments for and against ideologies perceived to be either beneficial or deleterious to the city. These rational actors: policy makers, planners, architects, bankers and bureaucrats, I will consider as custodians of the city and, while they may contrast in their principles, they are interdependent and hold the key to the wellbeing of a city. The rationalities argued by these actors include but are not restricted to economic growth, spatial or environmental quality, competition, capital accumulation, urbanization, political power and perhaps classism. In the end, the direction of urban development is often a result of the most compatible ideas from participating actors. This leads us to the discussion on actors, who and what their interests are and how they achieve their goals.

Following the works of Clarence Stone (1989) and Logan & Molotch (1987; 2007), extensive analysis has gone into to the political economy of cities, producing concepts such as urban regime theory and growth machine. Mossberger and Stoker (2001) describe the urban regime theory as a dominant paradigm in the area of urban policy, used to explain the public-private sector relationships in American cities. However, the concept has been successfully adapted at various levels of governance in the US and UK (Mossberger & Stoker, 2001). While Stone (1989) demonstrates the existence of different types of regimes, Logan & Molotch (1987; 2007) go further to define the relationship between regimes according to dominance. This growth machine plays a central role in the direction in which the development of a city goes. They determine the viability of certain municipal investments, influence the distribution of local services and often play the leading role in the demand and supply of real estate.

As illustrated by Stone (1989) in his study of Atlanta, the growth regime primarily included the business elite, banks, utility companies, major departmental stores and strong political groups who all aspired to some mutual gain from a collective plan. It is in the workings and coalition building of such arrangements that the developmental path of a city emerges, usually inspired by material interest from each actor, and of course with the collaboration of relevant government authorities. Developments that usually resulted from collaboration between

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3 growth regimes could be shopping malls, stadiums, concert venues, water front developments, Green or Brownfield revitalization projects or even completely new private cities as are being proposed by advocates of the Charter City idea.

The ability of urban governments to adequately provide ‘public goods’ in the form of social, transportation, physical infrastructures and housing is obviously reliant on its fiscal capacity. However, most urban governments are increasingly unable to undertake this responsibility due to various challenges from insufficient revenue to political or economic instability. Harvey (1989) demonstrated this ineptitude of governments in highly capitalistic societies, through their shift from traditional managerialism towards entrepreneurialism, engaging more in governance than in government. This trend, associated with the change in international division of labour and shift from industrial to service economy which occurred in the early 70’s to late 80’s, resulted in the less-interventionist role played by nation states.

During this period, reforms that championed privatization, deregulation, corporate social responsibility, and contributions from private institutions were sought as alternatives to stabilize the economy. Although this condition holds truer in the global North considering the transition from the Keynesian economic model to other welfare redistributive economic systems, it was nevertheless apparent in the global South too. The global South underwent enormous decline in infrastructure provision during the era of Structural Adjustment Programs (SAP) induced by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank in reaction to debt servicing issues. Notwithstanding these circumstances, demand by populations in metropolitan areas for services such as affordable housing, quality public spaces, transportation and recreational facilities continued to grow. Demand for public goods has increased more so because of globalization, rapid urbanization, changing lifestyles, emerging economies, and environmental concerns. It is at this nexus that it becomes imperative for governments – city authorities in this case – to apply innovative means of retaining the viability of cities especially for cities in the global South.

Planning In Nig e ria

Planning in most colonial African cities originated from either the UK Town or Country Planning Act of 1936 (for Nigeria, see The Nigerian Institute of Planning, 2012; Ilesanmi, 2010) or the associated planning ordinance of the colonizing country. These plans were often applied in

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4 the colony under an assumption of the same level of the compliance and order as it was in the colonizing country but without the same socio-economic components. In Nigeria, prior to a comprehensive Planning act in 1946, the less structured township act of 1917 introduced the most rudimentary spatial orderliness, however its primary function was to establish segregation between European and native settlements (Aluko, 2011; The Nigerian Institute of Planning, 2012). Much after the promulgation of the 1946 Planning act, most parts of the country remained unplanned and without access to infrastructure, this was because of the initial restriction of the law to expatriate and European reserved areas (The Nigerian Institute of Planning, 2012; Oyesiku, 2007).

Mabogunje (1990), understanding this dialectic argued against the raison d’être of urban planning and policy in African cities as applied in capitalist societies where it was a product of state intervention in mitigating class struggles over spatial configuration and capital accumulation (Mabogunje, 1990, pg 123; Cooke, 1983). Upon independence in 1960, the focus of the city plans were to accelerate economic growth in the most viable cities (The Nigerian Institute of Planning, 2012), limiting development to certain parts of the country (State of Planning). Other central motivations for planning in African cities included racial segregation, resource extraction and sanitary improvement for resident colonials (Rakodi, 1986; Mabogunje, 1990).

From post-colonial periods until recent times, the inherited urban planning practices and political economy strategies have remained prevalent. For instance in Lagos, despite efforts dating back to 1964, to manage the city’s complexities, “it became a largely spontaneous evolution in which an un-coordinated and incremental assemblage of structures gradually spread across all available space (Ilesanmi, 2010, p. 247). In Nigeria, efforts by regional governments to extend physical planning to most parts of the rapidly urbanizing areas were stifled by inability to secure adequate capital needed to upgrade cities. The lack of a physical planning administration at the national level made it difficult to initiate planning proposals that cut across regions (The Nigerian Institute of Planning, 2012, p. 8). The situation worsened from 1966, six years after independence from British rule. The persistence of multiple coups by the military and a civil war between 1967 and 1970 meant that urban planning became less of a priority to the national and regional governments. The oil boom in the 1960’s and subsequent economic growth enabled the

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5 implementation of strategic urban planning projects in several regions in the country however, they did not provide for the unprecedented influx of rural dwellers searching for employment into urban centers (The Nigerian Institute of Planning, 2012).

New U rban Po licy and Re viving the Cit y

Much like African cities, cities in western societies, historically, were not insulated from the inevitable challenges faced by inhabitants of cities: overcrowding, pollution, reduced mobility, unemployment and lack of physical infrastructure had always been evident in the most advanced societies. As such, several reforms and ideas were implemented through urban planning to improve the built environment as well as to strengthen local economies. Such reforms included the slum clearance and Garden city ideas in 19th century England, the City Beautiful and Urban Renewal programs in early and mid-20th century US. In addition, there were the post-World War II restructuring programs and city marketing initiatives (large-scale urban development projects) induced by neo-liberalism from the late 1970’s. More recently, concepts such as eco-cities, smart cities and charter cities are being advanced as possible urban development schemes for future cities. Given that the central aim of this study is the analysis of an urban development project (EAC) that draws inspiration from a hybrid (Neo-liberal City and Charter City) of some of the above mentioned paradigms, it seems crucial to identify and explain the associated paradigms.

But before I go into the explanation, it is important to illustrate how the “New Urban Policy” helps to produce the kinds of transformations sought by city managers. Swyngedouw et.al (2002) understand NUP as useful for repositioning the city on the competitive landscape, disconnecting from traditional political and organizational forms and forming new political and economic regions that operate beyond the local and as far as the global scale. Elsewhere, Moulaert, et al., (2001, p. 100) describe NUP is “an ideological and class-based reaction against the predominance of redistributive economics”. The new urban policy is expected to usher in a new era of prosperity, a new and resilient urbanity effective enough to eliminate poverty from communities irrespective of race or class (Swyngedouw, et al., 2002). This new urbanity according to Swyngedouw at. al (2002), would be achieved through recreating the urban space, relying on large-scale and symbolic projects, mainly for the purpose of attracting the outsider, the investor, developer or the tourist. The millennium dome, also known as the O2 center in the

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6 UK and Guggenheim museum in Bilbao seem like good examples of such projects, both being built between 1997 and 2000.

In contrast to the forecasted claims of prosperity and vitality, the outcomes of the NUP have been observed to be elite driven, unevenly beneficial and consequently engender social and spatial inequalities, particularly in Europe (Swyngedouw, et al., 2002; Moulaert, et al., 2001, p. 99). In Harvey’s (1989) opinion this is manifested in a shift from managerialism to entrepreneurialism. Whereas the need for an economic recovery may have spurred the idea of neo-liberal cities in capitalist countries, the anticipated growth from entrepreneurialism measured against eventual physical and socio-economic decline can be argued to be at equilibrium (Harvey, 1989). In a zero-sum game, this means gains accrued to some individuals will result in loss for some. Mega-projects/events, place-making, cultural and global cities are among the tools used to promote neo-liberal cities through public-private partnerships. Harvey (1989, p. 11) illustrates that urban entrepreneurialism has opened up the urban spaces of advanced capitalist cities to several kinds of development, even when the net effect has been the serial reproduction of science parks, gentrification, world trade centers, cultural/entertainment centers, and shopping malls. While the benefits of neo-liberal approaches include improved local-business climate, recreational infrastructures and specific employments, new forms of socio-spatial conditions are emerging in cities (Harvey, 1989; Hill & Feagin, 2006).

The Neo- Libe ra l City

A significant reaction to the global economic crisis of the late 1970’s, as well as to failures of the developmentalism era was the introduction of free market liberalism also known as neo-liberalism or the New Economic Policy (NEP). Free market liberalism meant the state adopted a minimalist intervention approach towards economic and social affairs, conceding to its inability to foster the needed societal development (Beall & Fox, 2009, p. 14). As an extension of this economic shift, the neo-liberal city was one which promoted new property rights, mobilized strategies for internationalization, territorial competitiveness, established public-private partnerships and “networked” forms of governance (Brenner & Theodore, 2002; Beall & Fox, 2009). With regards to the new forms of governance, Hackworth (2007) contends that municipal authorities act within a governance system as a market facilitator rather than regulate market deficiencies. Webster (2001, p. 153) brings to our attention an earlier account of urban

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7 governance radically proposed in Howard’s garden-city, spurred by the failure of the state to create efficient and habitable cities.

The garden city idea refused to take-off perhaps because the type of governance being proposed was still premature during that period. Harvey (1989) describes what can be argued to be a neo-liberal city as one in which the state relinquishes its service provision role and assumes that of a collaborator in an entrepreneurial activity. Thus objectifying the city and commodifying the spaces within it through a series of social, political and economic processes, much like how Logan and Molotch (1987; 2007) depict the commodification of places through the activities of the market. This viewpoint sees urban governments taking a more proactive stance on economic growth through strategic improvements in the built environment, which of course relies on the monetary capacity of the private sector. Harvey (1989), using examples from Baltimore, Glasgow, Liverpool and New York, suggested such forms of urban development were necessary to increase the inter-urban competitiveness and rejuvenate cities in industrialized economies amid rapid economic decline and instability but warned of imminent social consequences.

Theoretical Explanation of a Neo-Liberal City

The neo-liberal city can be partly explained by the theoretical conclusions adapted from a study by Swyngedouw.et.al (2002). The study’s perspective although solely on Europe’s economic geography posits the manifestation of a New Urban Policy (NUP), one which targets place-specific interventions as a rubric for reinforcing the competitive position of metropolitan economies in response to rapid globalization and liberalization. Swyngedouw.et.al (2002) argues that Urban Development Projects (UDPs) – an aggregation of place-specific interventions – have critical implications far beyond what its advocates propose. These UDPs are the resultant effect of new forms of governance through which political, social and economic power relations within the city are shifted (Swyngedouw, et al., 2002) to produce commodifiable spaces (Logan & Molotch, 1987; 2007). Friedmann (2007, p. 9) points to the significance of this type of governance in order to coordinate urban policies but also highlights the non-involvement of civil society and social movements. For Hackworth, (2007), the neoliberal city’s over reliance on real estate investment has advanced uneven development in the city such that there are occurrences of consolidation of finance (public and private) for spatially selective investment, deregulated land

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8 use statutes, disinvestment in public services that have low profit return and most importantly, increase in downtown commercial mega projects.

Further to the notion of manufactured spaces, Harvey (1989, p. 6) suggests that the power to organize spaces derive from a complex set of forces driven by diverse social agents. Soja (1980, p. 210) similarly agrees thus; “space itself may be primordially given, but the organization, use, and meaning of space is a product of social translation, transformation and experience”. Following this narrative, Hackworth (2007) sees the transformed physical landscape of cities as symbols of a new form of urban governance. Neoliberal programs have been internalized into urban policy regimes in attempts to rejuvenate local economies, thereby resulting in applications of policies that mobilize city space as medium for market-oriented growth and elite consumption activities (Brenner & Theodore, 2002, p. 368). Overall one cannot help but notice the inevitability of space being manipulated by human actors, however by whom and for whom this space benefits is the crux of most debates surrounding spatial configuration. Charter City

The ‘Charter City’ is a controversial(Caplan, 2010) economic development idea yet to gain prominence but has been promoted as a viable remedy to social, economic, political and infrastructural deficiencies of highly urbanized cities, particularly in the developing world. Charter cities are annexed regions within existing metropolitan cities that enjoy autonomous governing systems different from that of the state, provincial or national laws (Macdonald-Laurier Institute, 2012). While scholars like Paul Romer, Ronald Fuller and Bryan Caplan are optimistic about the Charter City model citing its success in Hong Kong, others have challenged its panacean claims (Cheong & Goh, 2013; Macdonald-Laurier Institute, 2012; Caplan, 2010). These opposing views are incidentally held by political economists and human geographers respectively. While the former views the city in terms of capital accumulation, market economies and social classes, the later considers it as one that enables human flourishing by acknowledging the priorities of civil society (Friedmann, 2012). The Charter City idea is an attempt at replicating the developmental pattern of Hong Kong (Cheong & Goh, 2013)and is believed, at least by its proponents,that it will deliver economic gains to participating inhabitants.

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9 Charter cities are built on the premise of delivering highly productive economic zones, which are completely administered and regulated internally, offering employment, housing and other land-uses for only those who opt-in for it. According to the McDonald-Laurier Institute (2012), an effective Charter City will be governed by a coalition of interests, independent and not necessarily with ties to the host state. These new institutions and structures, more connected with foreign governments than with the local, are likely to be more concerned with monetary gains than the social and cultural practices inhabitants bring with them. The notion of a privatized city anchored principally on profit captures similar principles found in the NUP, except in the case of a Charter City, the idea is not to rejuvenate the local economy or improve the urban fabric but create a new lucrative environment. This perception is echoed by a charter city advocate who proposed thus:

“for firms and sovereign wealth funds capable of investing in large-scale urban infrastructure projects, the rapid growth of cities can offer enormous opportunities for high-return investment; these investments can, in turn, offer billions of people in the developing world the chance to work their way out of poverty” (Macdonald-Laurier Institute, 2012, p. 4).

From such a statement, one can postulate who the city really profits.

Returning to the idea of private cities, Webster (2001) reminds us that the concept of annexed districts or cities as prominent in the Charter City model can be traced back to Ebenezer Howard’s “garden city” idea – a plan purported to remedy the decay and poor living conditions of early 20th century London. Howard’s market-oriented “garden city” plan was centered on the premise of private and secluded living which appeared to be a viable alternative for those who can afford to be away from the congested, highly polluted, and inefficient parts of London at the time. Projected to be privately governed, this innovative plan could easily serve as a prospectus for would-be investors (Webster, 2001).

Elsewhere, Charter Cities have been suggested as a means of stemming mass migration from developing countries into developed countries by creating in the former, pockets of high-quality first world governance that is removed from traditional state laws (Caplan, 2010). This is evocative of the new forms of governance observed in NUP, where urban and economic

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10 development of a city or region is determined by special coalitions who are likely looking out for their own interest. Hence, the origin and evolution of private cities or enclave districts have been historically present in the urban planning discourse. Nevertheless, it is important to emphasize the importance of the Charter City idea to this discussion mainly for the urban governance characteristic it beholds.

U rban Dev e lop ment Project s

In an analysis of UDPs in twelve European countries Swyngedouw.et.al (2002) in summary claims thus:

1. Large-scale UDPs are part of a neoliberal “New Urban Policy” which is associated with new forms of “governing” urban interventions, characterized by less democratic and more elite-driven priorities.

2. Democratic participation are rarely supported, resulting in asymmetrical power relations. 3. The UDPs are poorly integrated into the wider urban process and planning system thus

making overall benefits are vague.

4. Most UDPs accentuate socioeconomic polarization through the working of real-estate markets

5. UDPs reflect and embody a series of processes that are associated with changing spatial scales of governance.

The theoretical arguments made by Swyngedouw et.al (2002) hold truer in the European context however, a case could be made for the existence of a similar policy instrument in Lagos where the social, political and economic context are different. Such generalization, cautiously applied, could be made possible using Brenner & Theodore’s (2002) overview of neoliberal mechanisms that have been adopted by some North American and western European cities for over two decades. Table 2.1 displays features of localized neoliberalization which are also visible in Lagos. As a precaution though, Brenner & Theodore suggests, to fully understand patterns of neoliberalism in any locality, contextual factors needs to be taken into account.

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11

Table 2.1 Adapted from Theodore & Brenner’s overview of destructive and creative moments

of neoliberal localization Mechanisms of

Neoliberal localization Moment of Destruction Moment of Creation

Restructuring urban housing markets

• Razing public housing and other forms of low rent

accommodation

• Elimination of rent controls and project based construction subsidies

• Creation of new

opportunities for speculative investment in central-city real estate markets

Restructuring strategies of territorial

development

• Increasing exposure of local and regional economies to global competitive forces

• Creation of new development areas,

technopoles, and other new industrial spaces at

subnational scales Transformation of the

built environment and urban form

• Elimination and/or intensified surveillance of urban public spaces

• Construction of large-scale megaprojects intended to attract corporate investment and reconfigure local land-use patterns

• Creation of gated

communities, urban enclaves and other “purified” spaces of social reproduction Interlocal policy

transfer

• Erosion of contextually sensitive approaches to local policymaking • Diffusion of generic prototypical approaches to “modernizing” reform among policymakers in search for quick fixes for local social problems • Imposition of

de-contextualized “best practice” models upon local policy environment

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12 The NUP acknowledged by Swyngedouw et.al (2002) fits with that illustrated by Friedmann (2007) since both outcomes usually involve economic stability and “urban fortunes”. Friedmann suggested that for policies in the 21st century to gain widespread legitimacy, three key imperatives needed to be subscribed to: ecological sustainability, social cohesion and democratic governance. Social cohesion and democratic governance are relevant for this discussion especially as they both coincide with the conclusions reached by Swyngedouw.et al (2002). This further strengthens the need to scrutinize UDPs, particularly in the debate whether they contribute to processes of social exclusion and polarization, or foster social integration (Swyngedouw.et al, 2002). Harvey (1989) thus cites some demerits of entrepreneurialism as experienced in cities like New York, Baltimore, Houston and Denver: incentives for corporations at the expense of the working class and the poor creates mismatched employment opportunities and increased income polarization. Sadly, Fainstein (2009, p. 3; Klein, 2007) agree this is the case in most parts of the world, the market is perceived as a key determinant and growth rather than equity becomes a measure of achievement and limitation on government.

For Fainstein (2009) and Soja (2009), this is expressed in the form of their advocacy for spatial justice in planning, for instance on mega-projects and equality; “Mega-projects should be subject to heightened scrutiny…..” (Fainstein, 2009). Swyngedouw.et.al (2002, p. 545) observed that the repositioning of cities on the competitive landscape by master planners meant a re-creation of urban space primarily for the outsiders; investors, developers and tourists. Following this perspective, it seems more reasonable that situating the political economy of a city within the confines of competition need not mean that development should be achieved at the expense of social and spatial disequilibrium.

New U rban Po licy in G loba l South?

Research has shown evidences of the transposition of urban planning theories and practices from the global North to the South, therefore it is not difficult to identify in cit ies from the South context-specific strategies derived from the North. Steven Ward (2012, p. 483) explains such planning transposition using a ‘typology of diffusion’, which he claims occurs either through borrowing or imposition. For instance, with gated communities, suburbanization and the mall-retail culture, there seems to be a process of ‘Westernization’ or ‘Americanization’ observed in Asia (Shatkin, 2008). Such manifestations appear more like ‘selective borrowing’

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13 according to Ward (2012, p. 483). Furthermore, in the global south, the adoption of neoliberal policies, for the most part induced by international financial institutions enabled widespread foreign direct investment which bolstered the economies of some cities but in the same process, gave rise to increasing socio-spatial conditions (Brenner & Keil, 2006, p. 191)

Traits that can be seen as derivatives of NUP in the form of mega-projects have been documented in cities from developing countries such as the Olympics in Beijing, Rio and the Shanghai World Expo (Gaffney, 2010; BROUDEHOUX, 2007), nevertheless they are nothing close to those executed in Europe or the US and maybe UAE – an exception due to valuable oil resource. However, such mega-projects are rare on the African continent until the recent 2012 World-cup in South Africa. Nonetheless, establishing the existence of a derivative of NUP in Africa constitutes a challenge. Recently, UDPs in several African cities have been proposed, most of which bear close resemblance in terms of costs and outcomes with those in Europe or the US. Vanessa Watson describes the emergence of novel forms of urban development projects, which promise to modernize African cities and transform them into havens for international investors (Watson, 2013). Could this be a grand push towards the adoption of mega-project led urban regeneration in African cities? Does this trend indicate the introduction of new modes of urban governance dominant in industrialized societies?

Recent academic characterization of some sub-Saharan African cities as the “last development frontier” for international property development (Bhan, 2013) suggests the affirmative. Thus labeled, these African cities are regions seen as tabulae rasae’ or places where the lines of proprietorship are blurred, where rules are yet to be made and thus afford the opportunity to create spaces afresh (Bhan, 2013). For instance, in Kilamba city, Angola, the government appropriated occupied land for Chinese developers to build what is now considered one of Africa’s “ghost towns” (Cain, 2014). It is claimed that the Angolan government invoked its authority over ownership and management of all land as a justification for dispossession. In the same vein, Abengowe (2011, p. 187) wondered how a tabulae rasae condition could be achieved in Lagos compared to Dubai where the geographic condition exists for such accomplishment. A journalistic observation is seen in Jane Lumumba’s (a UNHABITAT consultant) article, where she questions the wave of “New Cities” emerging in Africa (The

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14 Outpost, 2013; Rockefeller Foundation, 2013). While majority of these projects currently exist on paper, they have generated controversies, raised questions and doubts about their implications.

In contrast to the waterfront developments, museums and flagship projects associated with the NUP in the global north, those in the south are more related to prime real estate and city-wide interventions that appear to be distant from the realities of majority of the inhabitants. In a report on the future of countries in the Greater Horn of East Africa (GHEA), an analysis of several proposed satellite cities in the region. It was suggested that these satellite cities may prove to be valuable in dealing with the regions urbanization challenges (Society for International Development, 2010). “Satellite cities are a new development, particularly in their being promoted by businesses (mostly) as the future of well-organized urban spaces” (Society for International Development, 2010). As claimed by one of the developers, the satellite city model involves acquiring a large parcel of land outside a highly urbanized city, furnished with adequate infrastructure such that it attracts people (Society for International Development, 2010). Visually these plans literally fit what Watson (2013) describes as ‘urban fantasies’, as they emit visions of secluded luxury living, draped in modernist architecture with infrastructural provision that matches that of cities in developed countries. Elsewhere, there is rising interest by investors on the continent, “they are quickly coming to the realization that cities are going to be the main drivers of growth in Africa” (Ford, 2012) . Some observers have noted, these cities may herald the “new Africa”, the creation of a futuristic city that may first appear on the continent instead of the west (MSN Innovation, 2013).

Urban planning in the global south has historically trailed the trends and practices established in the developed countries. As such physically planning in the global south is replete with ideas typically from nations with prominent planning practices, although these practices can sometimes be a hybrid of ideas from different sources. The EAC is an example of such. Common challenges associated with urban planning in the global south include, high informal sector, perceived under-civilization, lack of legibility, economic stagnation, slum dwellings and more. To overcome these issues some cities may uncritically adopt modernist and neo-liberal approaches anticipating that it would transform and develop their cities. Based on Ward’s (2012, p. 482) categorization of planning diffusion, EAC resembles a ‘negotiated imposition’ of planning. In which local influence is low and external role is high, and planning is based on

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15 external traditions with less consideration of local impact. Similarly, Gaffney (2010) and Broudehoux’s (2007) illustrations of mega-events in Rio de Janeiro and Beijing respectively, reflects the often ignored consequences of neo-liberal city planning where contemporary governance focuses more on international prominence instead of addressing local needs. This is perhaps measurable and fits with NUP

EAC and the In fluenc e of M ode rni st Pla nning

I have prematurely introduced the case study (EAC) in this part to discuss its visual similarity with modernist planning ideas. A full description of the case study will be given in a later section of this investigation.

A predominant feature in the EAC project is its modernist planning backdrop, with its high-rise glass buildings, wide roads, limited pedestrian paths and massive monuments in public spaces. While most major African cities still maintain their modernist structures and layout, many of the land-uses have gradually adapted to contemporary uses and may be considered inefficient by those who view the city as a commodity. The transformation is typically as a result of what most inhabitants in African cities consider as pertinent to their survival, where the need to earn a living trumps aesthetics and orderliness. Modernist planning principles emphasized a different type of cityscape, one in which buildings are designed efficiently to maximize land-use, roads are overwhelmingly appropriated for automobile use, activities are sparsely located and confined while street level activity is hidden or eliminated.

Robert Fishman (2012, p. 28) interprets the ideas of the most prolific modernist planners of the twentieth century, claiming that “they rejected the possibility of gradual improvement…and did not seek the amelioration of the old cities, but a wholly transformed environment”. As seen in most North American cities, modernist planning was adopted by city planners who imagined the future of cities to be a complete departure from pre-industrial era where city streets were viewed as disorderly, unsanitary and lacking appropriate distinction between public and private realms. This view is not any different from those held by the proponents of EAC and similar UDPs. Modernist planning according to Holston (1989, p. 101), views the street as a cesspool of disease and an impediment to progress since it failed to accommodate the needs of the machine age. Yet, the reality of today’s African city is one that

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16 cannot abide by such notions as the cultural and social dynamics requires a context-specific approach. Watson (2007, p. 216) while analyzing the shortcomings of urban modernism, agrees that it fuels further social and spatial marginalization as it is never consistent with the way of life of majority of inhabitants in growing and largely poor cities.

While modernist approaches in some cases derive from public health concerns, technological innovations, improved living conditions as well as genuine intention of egalitarianism and nationalism, its focus on architectural and social organization attempts to distort the natural dynamic use of spaces (Holston, 1989). This makes it more of an imposition of a supposed desirable physical environment. The spatial and structural plans of EAC illustrate a built environment envisaged to bring order, create a visual appeal as well as foster land-uses and activities that are not characteristic of major social and cultural values. Observed from the proposal documents alone, EAC resemble attempts at re-inventing the wheel of modernist practices even when some cities are abandoning such practices and opting for a more human-scale developments. From the design, the emphasis on automobile through the creation of extensive motorways suggests a commitment to the continued domination of the car even when the district does not particularly connect to other parts of the city. In addition, it seems the designers of the new city could not resist the allure of the symbolic glass skyscrapers, perhaps in desire of an iconic skyline.

In addition to order and legibility, modernist planning facilitates the easy administration of cities by the state, for instance tax collection, infrastructure provision, identification and control; however in this context the private sector seems to be assuming that role. This makes it easier for the developers to enforce their own rules of engagement which might differ from the state allows. In this sense, James Scott (1998) compares the modern city to a beehive constructed by a beekeeper; highly orderly and legible for honey extraction. Scott argues that high-modernist ideology is one of four elements necessary for what he describes as fiascos in global south countries, demonstrating the failure of the many social engineering schemes employed in places like China, Russia, Tanzania, Mozambique and Ethiopia (see Scott, 1998). Scott describes the vision of proponents of high modernism as seeing rational order only in visual aesthetics, for them an efficiently organized city was one that looked regimented and orderly from a geometrical sense but rarely takes into account the essential demands of inhabitants.

Emerging 'New cities' in Africa and socio-spatial inequality : a case study of the eko Atlantic City project in Lagos, Nigeria.