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Marjet Groen (11017805) marjetgroen@gmail.com Supervisor: M.A. (Andres) Verzijl MSc

m.a.verzijl@uva.nl Second reader: Josh Maiyo Bachelor Sociale Geografie en Planologie

(Politieke en economische geografie) 17th of June 2018

BACHELOR THESIS

WATER CONCERNS IN THE

BANGLADESH SUNDARBANS

Threats in the Bangladesh Sundarbans and

the role of Dutch water expertise

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Water concerns in the Bangladesh Sundarbans

Threats in the Bangladesh Sundarbans and the role of Dutch water expertise

17th of June 2018

Marjet Groen (11017805)

marjetgroen@gmail.com

Supervisor: M.A. (Andres) Verzijl MSc

m.a.verzijl@uva.nl

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Preface

You are currently reading my Bachelor thesis ‘Water concerns in the Bangladesh Sundarbans: Threats in the Bangladesh Sundarbans and the role of Dutch water expertise’. This research has focused on the framing of threats in the Sundarbans by different groups and the role of ‘the Dutch’ in the delta of Bangladesh. I have done this research by doing a desk survey, using netnography and conducting interviews with a number of key actors.

This Bachelor thesis has been written for my graduation of the Bachelor ‘Sociale Geografie en Planologie’ at the University of Amsterdam. During my bachelor I have specialized in social

geography, especially in economic and political geography. During the first year of my Bachelor I became acquainted with the problematic situation in Bangladesh, including the Sundarbans mangrove forest in the southwest of Bangladesh, while writing a paper about climate refugees in the coastal areas of Bangladesh. Since then I wanted to find out more about this problem and what could be done about it. Since the Dutch have a long history in water management in deltas, this appeared to me to be the right angle for investigating the Bangladesh Sundarbans.

In writing this thesis, I have had the help of a number of people that I would like to thank. First of all, I would like to thank my supervisor Andres Verzijl for guiding me through the process of creating the research design, the actual execution of the research and for answering my questions and helping me get in touch with Remi Kempers. Second of all, I would like to thank Shahnoor Hasan for helping me establish some contacts in Bangladesh that were necessary for this research as well and for answering my questions. Furthermore, I would like thank my interviewees, interviewee X, Remi Kempers, Anne Loes Nillesen and Catharien Terwisscha van Scheltinga who taught me a lot about Dutch water expertise and their involvement in projects in Bangladesh, and were so kind to take the time to answer my questions. Lastly I would like to thank my sister and my parents for helping me with more general questions about writing this Bachelor thesis.

Marjet Groen

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Abstract

The Sundarbans in Bangladesh is threatened by a number of forces. The multiple groups that are involved in this forest frame the threats to which the Sundarbans are exposed in a different way. To preserve the biodiversity and ecosystem functions of the Sundarbans, that are crucial for the

livelihoods of local residents and of global importance, it is necessary to take actions. Historically the Dutch have fulfilled a large role in assisting in the field of water management in Bangladesh. There has been cooperation between the Netherlands and Bangladesh for over 50 years.

The aim of this research is to see how Dutch water expertise and policy could contribute to tackling the threats to which the Sundarbans are exposed. The following central question has been formulated: How could Dutch water expertise contribute to the conservation of the Bangladesh

Sundarbans? I will first focus on the framing of threats in the Sundarbans, then on the role of the Dutch in the delta of Bangladesh and lastly on how Dutch water expertise could be of use to conserve the Sundarbans.

In order to answer this question effectively, interviews have been held with key actors in the Dutch water sector that are or have been active in projects in Bangladesh. Furthermore literature research, e-mail correspondence, event analysis of public meetings about Dutch water expertise and a netnography method have been used to answer the question. The interviews showed that a large part of the projects that have been implemented by the Dutch or with Dutch funding have used methods, such as delta ateliers, negotiated approach or stakeholder workshops, to involve local groups in the decision making and formulation of water related projects. These approaches strengthen local knowledge and negotiating capacities. The Dutch have also contributed an adaptive delta/water management approach that takes future uncertainties into account and creates flexible policies to adapt to these uncertainties. The development of delta scenarios is one of the ways to be prepared for future uncertainties. As Fankhauser (2017) stated: foresight is one of the aspects that is required to adapt successfully. Therefore the use of delta scenarios could increase the adaptivity of the Bangladesh delta.

Furthermore, integrality is an important concept in the Dutch delta approach, but this concept creates challenges because Bangladesh is unfamiliar with this concept. The Dutch governmental structure is organized in an integral way in which the cooperation between different ministries, and public and private organizations is common. This is unusual in Bangladesh. Lastly, an inclusive or integrated (system) approach has been exported to Bangladesh. Such an approach involves multiple stakeholders in the formulation of projects takes into account how processes are interconnected and systems work. This could improve policy for the Sundarbans as well.

Based on these findings, it is recommended to improve local involvement and apply

approaches like the negotiated approach in even more projects, especially in the Sundarbans. Multiple stakeholders should be involved in decision making in order to take different frames of the Sundarbans into account. Another recommendation is to apply adaptive delta management to the Sundarbans and increase the integrality of policy making in Bangladesh. Dutch influences could reduce threats and predict future threats in the Sundarbans, but it is important to keep in mind that the Dutch do not fully understand the complexities of the Sundarbans and that it can be hard to reach the local population. Also, not all Dutch initiatives and approaches can be successfully exported to Bangladesh because the context in which these initiatives and approaches will be implement in is different. Recognizing these differences and adapting Dutch methods to this context is therefore important.

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Table of contents

Preface ... iii

Abstract ... v

Table of contents ... vi

List of figures ... viii

List of abbreviations ... viii

Chapter 1: Introduction ... 1

1.1 Subject ... 1

1.2 Literature gap ... 1

1.3 Relevance of the research ... 1

1.4 Problem statement ... 2

1.5 Positioning of the research ... 2

1.6 Structure of the thesis ... 3

Chapter 2: Conceptual framework... 4

2.1 Framing ... 4

2.2 Adaptation and resilience ... 4

2.3 Policy mobility and knowledge transfer ... 5

2.4 Relations between the concepts ... 5

Chapter 3: Research design ... 7

3.1 Research question & sub-questions ... 7

3.2 Methods ... 7

3.2.1 Methods of data collection ... 7

3.2.2 Methods of data analysis ... 9

3.3 Operationalisation ... 10

3.4 Unit of Analysis... 10

Chapter 4: Results ... 11

4.1 Framing of threats ... 11

4.1.1 Environmental scientists ... 11

4.1.2 Local population and activists ... 13

4.1.3 The Government of Bangladesh ... 17

4.1.4 Non-governmental organizations ... 19

4.1.5 Dutch organizations involved in Bangladesh ... 20

4.2 Adaptation and resilience in the Sundarbans ... 21

4.3 Dutch water knowledge in Bangladesh ... 22

4.3.1 Dutch water expertise and Dutch Delta Approach ... 22

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vii Conclusion ... 33 Discussion ... 35 Epilogue ... 36 Bibliography ... 37 Appendices ... 44

Appendix 1: Interview guide and analysis ... 44

A. Interview guide ... 44

B. Example analysis in ATLAS.ti ... 45

Appendix 2: Meetings on Dutch water expertise ... 46

A. Report Room for Discussion: Water & the Netherlands on a global stage ... 46

B. Report book presentation Too Big: Rebuild by Design: A Transformative Approach to Climate Change ... 48

Appendix 3: Transcripts and e-mail correspondence ... 50

A. Transcript interview 1 ... 50

B. Transcript interview 2 ... 55

C. Transcript interview 3 ... 70

D. Transcript interview 4 ... 78

E. E-mail Md. Reaz Uddin Khan ... 88

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List of figures

Figure 1………...6 Figure 2………...………10 Figure 3………...…12 Figure 4………...13 Figure 5………...15 Figure 6………...16 Figure 7………...16 Figure 8..……….45 Figure 9..……….46 Figure 10……….48

List of abbreviations

ADB Asian Development Bank

ADB-KJDRP Asian Development Bank – Khulna Jessore Drainage Rehabilitation Project APFWLD Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development

BanDuDeltAS Bangladesh Dutch Delta Advisory Services BDP2100 Bangladesh Delta Plan 2100

CEGIS Centre for Environmental and Geographic Services

CO₂ Carbon dioxide

DoE Department of Environment EIA Environmental Impact Assessment

EKN Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands FD Forest Department

GDP Gross Domestic Product

GED Bangladesh Planning Commission General Economics Division IUCN International Union for Conservation of Nature

MDG Millennium Development Goals MoU Memorandum of Understanding NGO Non-governmental organization

NWO Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research

OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development SBCP Sundarbans Biodiversity Conservation Project

SDG Sustainable Development Goals SFP Social Forestry Program

SLR Sea Level Rise

SRF Sundarban Reserve Forest

SWIBANGLA Saltwater Intrusion Impacts in Bangladesh Project UDW Urbanizing Deltas of the World

UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation

US United States of America

WUR Wageningen University and Research WWF World Wide Fund for Nature

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Chapter 1: Introduction

During this research I learned that ‘sundar’ means ‘beautiful’ and that ‘ban’ means ‘forest’ in Bengali. The focus of this research lies on this ‘beautiful forest’: the Sundarbans in Bangladesh. Unfortunately this mangrove forest is threatened by a number of factors, which are perceived differently by groups that are involved in the Sundarbans.

1.1 Subject

The Sundarbans are the largest mangrove forest in the world and threatened by climate change and human interventions (Loucks et al., 2010; Anwar & Takewaka, 2014). Rising sea levels will likely result in saltwater intrusion, salinization and the inundation of a large part of the mangrove forest. Given ecosystem services and the high biodiversity of the Sundarbans, it is important to counteract these threats and conserve this forest.

Although the threats are widely described by environmental scientists, not all actors that are involved in the Sundarbans perceive the threats to which the Sundarbans are exposed in the same way. According to environmental scientist Adams (2009, p. 248) forests are “…understood in different ways by different actors” and are “…complex and contested spaces, not fixed entities whose nature can be stated in an absolute way. The way forests are understood, and the way they are valued, is inextricably linked to the ideas of the diverse actors who view or lay claim to them.” It is therefore important to keep these different views in mind when working on solutions. Environmental scientists also frame the threats in the forest in different ways.

Other parts of Bangladesh experience water related issues as well, e.g. inundation and saltwater intrusion (Goudie, 2013). This will lead to a reduction of the available amount of drinking water and the ability for agriculture in the delta. The Dutch have been involved in a number of projects to counteract these negative developments. Therefore it is interesting to see the collaboration and policy mobilities between both countries concerning water related issues, especially because they share several characteristics such as a dense population and a low altitude. The Netherlands have a long history of collaboration with Bangladesh and are recognized worldwide for their expertise in water management and delta approaches (Vinke-De Kruijf, 2009).

The focus of this thesis are the threats to which the Sundarbans are exposed as perceived by different groups involved in the Sundarbans, including the Dutch, and the initiatives that the Dutch have taken elsewhere in the delta of Bangladesh. Eventually an analysis will be made of how this Dutch water expertise could contribute to the conservation of the Sundarbans. However, it is important to remain critical and clarify how Dutch water expertise has not been useful in Bangladesh.

1.2 Literature gap

Many existing literature is focused on the consequences of climate change and socio-environmental processes on the Sundarbans. The threats for the Sundarbans that are described in these studies are all scientifically proven, but do not reflect the threats as other, (non-)scientific groups experience them, e.g. the local population and non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Therefore a gap exists in the literature about how threats are framed by different actors involved in the Sundarbans. This thesis focuses on how these groups frame the Sundarbans and threats in this mangrove forest. Besides, the second part of this thesis focuses on the role of Dutch water expertise in the Bangladesh delta.

1.3 Relevance of the research

One of the aims of this research to create insight in how threats are perceived differentially in the Sundarbans. It is important to take to take different points of view into consideration in order to make an inclusive policy to conserve the Sundarbans. More insight in the threats that affect the Sundarbans will hopefully lead to more awareness for the complex and problematic situation that will probably worsen in the future as a result of climate change and population growth (Ahmed et al., 2006). The second aim is to create an understanding of how Dutch water expertise is applied in Bangladesh to tackle water related problems. By focusing on projects that are initiated or funded by

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the Dutch recommendations for improvement of the export of Dutch water policy in the future could be made. Besides, by investigating initiatives that have already been taken in Bangladesh by the Dutch water sector a better understanding of how the Netherlands export their water expertise is created. By taking the different frames of the Sundarbans into account more inclusive projects could be initiated.

1.4 Problem statement

The Sundarbans are a rich and biodiverse ecosystem with important ecosystem services.1 One of the

regulatory ecosystem services of the Sundarbans is protecting the hinterland against tropical cyclones. Besides, the mangroves are a nursery ground for many fish species, which is a supporting service, and local villagers are dependent on the resources from the Sundarbans for their livelihoods (Uddin et al., 2013; GED, 2017). Moreover, the Sundarbans are the territory of the endangered Bengal tiger (Loucks et al., 2010). Nevertheless, this mangrove forest is threatened by the effects of climate change and socio-environmental processes. Sea level rise (SLR) is likely to cause inundation and saltwater intrusion in large parts of the Sundarbans, which has negative consequences (Goudie, 2013; GED, 2017). The Farakka barrage, a dam built in the Ganges in India, has reduced the river discharge of the Ganges-Gorai River that is important source of fresh water for the Sundarbans. This has led to salinization in the Sundarbans (Agrawala, 2003). The increased salinity in the Sundarbans hits animal species, plant species and the local population, such as fishermen and small farmers. The plans for a coal power plant at Rampal threaten the Sundarbans as well. Ashes that will be released from this coal power plant will pollute ground and surface water. Besides, building a coal power plant increases the risk for catastrophes that could release toxic heavy metals into the waterways of the Sundarbans (Lemly, 2018). Other critical threats are shrimp farming, poaching of wildlife and oil pollution caused by barges. These processes already affect the Sundarban ecosystem in a negative way (Agrawala, 2003).

It is likely that the problems in Bangladesh and the Sundarbans will increase in the future because climate change is increasing. Therefore, the severeness of climate change related problems will increase. Also the problems that are caused by human interventions in Bangladesh are likely to increase as a result of population growth in Bangladesh and in the area around Khulna especially (Ahmed et al., 2006). It is urgent to take actions to enhance the resilience and adaptivity of the Sundarbans by taking measures to conserve this forest. The research question of this thesis is therefore: How could Dutch water expertise contribute to the conservation of the Bangladesh

Sundarbans?

1.5 Positioning of the research

This research is embedded in a number of important scientific debates, such as the climate change debate and what should be done to reduce/cope with the impacts of it. This is connected with the concepts adaptation and mitigation that are two distinct ways to deal with climate change

(Buckingham & Turner, 2008). The Paris Climate Agreement (2015) is an important document that is related to this debate. The goal of the Paris Climate Agreement is to keep the global average

temperature below 2°C above industrial levels and try to limit temperature rise to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels in order to reduce the impacts of climate change (UN, 2015). This agreement is of importance for the conservation of the Sundarbans because a limitation of global temperature rise affects SLR and thus the Sundarbans. By aiming for a concrete goal CO₂ emission reduction might become easier.

Furthermore this research is embedded in the debate about development cooperation. One’s position in this debate determines how for example Dutch projects in Bangladesh are implemented and to which degree the local population or authorities are involved and have an influence on this project.

1 Ecosystem services are the services that are provided by a certain ecosystem and can be categorized in

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Also the positioning of Bangladesh as a developing or middle income country determines one’s stand in this debate.

1.6 Structure of the thesis

This thesis will be structured as follows: in Chapter 2 the conceptual framework will be presented and each concept and its relation(s) with the other concepts will be explained in more detail. The research design will be discussed in Chapter 3. First the research and sub-questions will be explained, followed by the methods of data collection, methods of data analysis, operationalisation of the research and sub-questions, and an explanation of the unit of analysis. In Chapter 4 both sub-questions will be answered by discussing the results the data collection. This chapter is followed by a conclusion where the research questions will be answered and a discussion. Lastly, the epilogue will reflect on the process of writing this thesis.

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Chapter 2: Conceptual framework

2.1 Framing

‘Framing threats’ refers to the threats that are perceived by different groups, in this case concerning the Sundarbans. Frames can help organizing events and things that people see in their everyday lives (Goffman, 1997, In: Borah, 2011). The main advantage of the framing theory is that it allows the researcher to view an issues from different perspectives and observe a variety of different values (Chong & Druckman, 2007a). This means that different point of views are considered when an issue is investigated. Involved groups each develop particular frames of threats, which are influenced by individual characteristics and predispositions, such as values, and sets of beliefs that are stored in their memories (Pan & Kosicki, 2005. In: Borah, 2011). Sometimes the frames of these groups compete against each other, but frames of one group also affect the frames of other groups. Ahlers et al. (2015, p. 198) therefore describe framing as “…a discursive strategy of getting a particular message across by linking or assigning a particular trait or perspective to a concept so as to persuade the other.” For example, frames of local groups can be influenced by the frames that are presented in the media by elite groups (Chong & Druckman, 2007b). These frames in the media are described as “persistent patterns of cognition, interpretation and presentation of selection, emphasis, and exclusion” (Goffman, 1997. In: Borah, 2011, p. 248). However, the production of frames is not always driven by elites. Through public participation in deliberation individuals can produce their own frames (Pan & Kosicki, 2001. In: Borah, 2011). Whether these frames are weak or strong is determined by the credibility of the sources on which they are based. Frames based on longstanding cultural values are often strong because people prefer frames that are close to their values (Chong & Druckman, 2007a). The amount of repetition and the strength of these frames determine how much they influence the frames of other individuals (Chong & Druckman, 2007b). Furthermore framing is influenced by the ability of people to obtain information about the issue at stake and their engagement with the issue (Chong &

Druckman, 2007a). Chong & Druckman (2007b) describe that there is a difference between frames in the media (frames in communication) and individual frames (frames in thought). This research will focus on the latter one, that focuses on the cognitive understanding of individuals and what these individuals see as the most striking aspect of a certain issue (Chong & Druckman, 2007b).

In the case of the Sundarbans, each involved group will have a particular framing of the threats concerning the Sundarbans. According to Gerard van den Top, ‘dijkgraaf’ of Amsterdam, one must always investigate who the stakeholders are in order to develop an inclusive approach to the problem. Such an approach takes different framings into account. He calls this ‘thinking in complexity’. This research considers the frames of environmental scientists, the local population and activists, NGOs, the Government of Bangladesh and Dutch organizations.

2.2 Adaptation and resilience

Adaptation can be described as a general way of dealing with environmental changes as a result of climate change (Buckingham & Turner, 2008). Adaptation focuses on taking measures to deal with the changed circumstances, for example building embankments to protect land from flooding, changing behaviour of local residents and altering policy (Buckingham & Turner, 2008). The opposite of adaptation is mitigation, which entails taking initiatives to tackle the source of climate change by reducing CO₂ emissions. Taking measures to adapt to the changed circumstances is part of the global response to climate change but there are limits to adaptation to climate change (Fankhauser, 2017). In order to adapt successfully, knowledge, planning, coordination and foresight are required. However, due to a lack of knowledge, market failures and behavioural barriers successful adaptation can be hindered (Fankhauser, 2017). This can lead to insufficient or mal-adaptation. Low-income groups will be hit the hardest by the impacts of climate change because their adaptation strategies are often fragile and not resistant to large changes (Fankhauser, 2017). They also often lack the capacity for effective adaptation measures (Burton, 2009. In: Fankhauser, 2017). Despite the fact that adaptation measures are often taken autonomously by economic actors, public policy is very important to facilitate this and

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to overcome market failures. Furthermore the government can provide public goods for adaptation, such as storm barriers and cyclone shelters, and can assist the adaptation of the most vulnerable groups (Fankhauser, 2017). Sometimes adaptation is described as ‘climate-resilient development’

(Fankhauser, 2017). Resilience measures the ability of an ecosystem to recover after

stress/disturbance, e.g. caused by climate change, without shifting to an alternative state (Goudie, 2013). According to Dale et al. (2001. In: Buma & Wessman, 2012) disturbance of forest ecosystems is likely to increase, which could lead to shifts and elimination of certain species and types of forests. The resilience of mangrove ecosystems could be exceeded in the future due to SLR and socio-environmental processes (Buckingham & Turner, 2008). Once the resilience of an ecosystem is exceeded, the ecosystem will enter a new, alternative phase and can never go back to its original phase (Gunderson, 2000. In: White & Stromberg, 2011). However, disturbances also offer opportunities for new adaptation measures (Buma & Wessman, 2012). It is important to see how the mangrove

ecosystem in the Sundarbans copes with current changes in its ecosystem to prevent exceeding the resilience and shifting to a new state.

2.3 Policy mobility and knowledge transfer

Policy mobility and knowledge transfer refers to the export and import of policies and knowledge from one place to another. This can be done by sharing knowledge, training, education and learning from each other (Temenos & McCann, 2012). Dolowitz and Marsh (1996. In: Prince, 2012, p. 189) describe this as “the process whereby policies developed in one place are used in the development of policies in another place”. This process increasingly influences the policy-making of national governments (Prince, 2012). Transferring knowledge about developing, managing and conserving water resources is an important aspect for the development of countries, according to Grigg (1981). Global policy networks and power relations are of great importance for the transfer of such

knowledge, mobility of policies and the local application of global policies. These networks consist of political advisors, policy-makers, supra-national actors, foreign governments and relevant experts and are transboundary, shape the decisions of policy-makers and create communities that are situated in national and international political contexts (Prince, 2012).

Policy diffusion suggests homogenisation of policies, which is not the case because policies are constructed out of multiple policies, which is called ‘assemblage’ by Prince (2017). Therefore policies are never simply copied and applied to another case, but always constructed in new ways. Imported policies first have to be adjusted to the context they will be implemented in because they have been developed in another local context (Prince, 2017). Therefore “…successful transfer and eventual implementation of a policy is heavily dependent on the relationship between the context from which it came and that to which it is transferred” (Bressers et al., 2013, p. 36). Bresser et al. (2013) argue that policy transfers are interventions into these contexts, but that contextual factors set the conditions for policy and knowledge transfers. In the case of Bangladesh Dutch policies have to be adapted in order to implement them successfully. According to Dirk Sijmons, a Dutch landscape architect (see Appendix 2B), you cannot “…just call in the Dutch and we solve your problem. That’s not how it works.” Instead of copying Dutch policy, it should be used as an inspiration (Nillesen, 2017).

2.4 Relations between the concepts

Figure 1 shows the relations between the concepts discussed above. The figure shows that ‘Framing’ determines how ‘Threats in the Sundarbans’ are perceived. The way in which the involved actors perceive these threats determines the way and whether adaptation measures will be taken by the actors. Therefore the framing of the threats in the Sundarbans influences ‘Adaptation and resilience’. When appropriate adaptation measures are implemented, an ecosystem will be more able to ‘bounce back’ after stress/disturbance. Also ‘Policy mobility and knowledge transfer’ influences ‘Adaptation and resilience’ because these transfers affect policy in the Sundarbans and therefore which adaptation measures are taken. Sayer et al. (2013) emphasize that resilience can be increased by drawing lessons

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from elsewhere, e.g. Dutch lessons in water or delta management. By involving stakeholders and sharing experiences from other sites the resilience can be enhanced, because lessons can be learned from these sites (Sayer et al., 2013). Therefore ‘Policy mobility and knowledge transfer’ influences ‘resilience’. Lastly, ‘Policy mobility and knowledge transfer’ is based on a certain framing of the threats in the Sundarbans. Therefore these concepts are linked as well.

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Chapter 3: Research design

3.1 Research question & sub-questions

The research question of this thesis is the following:

- How could Dutch water expertise contribute to the conservation of the Bangladesh Sundarbans?

To answer the research question two sub-questions have been formulated. The first sub-question is the following:

- How do different groups frame the threats to which the Sundarbans are exposed?

This question explores how the Sundarbans are valued by different groups involved in the Sundarbans, such as local residents and activists, NGOs, the Government of Bangladesh and Dutch organizations. Furthermore, this question explores how threats in the Sundarbans are framed and perceived

differently by these groups. As explained in the conceptual framework, frames are influenced by shared assumptions and social interactions, and therefore differ between the groups involved. Frames are also influenced by the media and other news sources, e.g. scientific articles. Therefore, to influence frames, physical or direct social interaction is not always necessary. Lastly, this question looks into which actions have been taken by each group to counteract the threats they perceive. This sub-question has been investigated using netnography, a method that will be discussed in the paragraph about methods of data collection. Also literature, websites of e.g. NGOs and interviews with key actors in the Dutch water field that are involved in Bangladesh have been used as sources to answer this question.

The second sub-question that has been formulated is the following:

- How, and through what initiatives, is Dutch water expertise applied to the delta of Bangladesh?

This question investigates what Dutch water expertise and what the Dutch delta approach is in general. Moreover, this question investigates what kind of Dutch water expertise and policies are ‘exported’ to Bangladesh. This question also focuses on the initiatives that have already been taken elsewhere in Bangladesh by or with involvement of the Government of the Netherland or Dutch organizations and which Dutch water knowledge has been applied in these projects.

After focusing on which Dutch water knowledge has been applied in projects with Dutch involvement elsewhere in Bangladesh the focus will shift again to the Sundarbans and how this forest could be conserved by the application of Dutch water expertise.

3.2 Methods

3.2.1 Methods of data collection

This research is based on qualitative data collection. Qualitative research provides rich, deep and context-specific data (Bryman, 2012). Besides, qualitative research, in contrast to quantitative

research, allows to focus on access to words, thoughts and feelings (Lee & Lings, 2008). This makes it a suitable method for the collection of data about the case study in which key actors will be

interviewed. Furthermore quantification of this research would lead to would be at the expense of the expertise that a small number of key persons could provide in the research. In addition, quantitative research would impose a worldview upon reality and therefore reduce the nuances and details of the case (Lee & Lings, 2008).

To obtain a profound basic understanding I executed a desk research. Academic articles from journals and books, government documents from the Government of the Netherlands and the

Government of Bangladesh, policy reports, newspaper articles and PhD dissertations have been studied to find out how different groups, including scientists, frame threats in the Sundarbans, how

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they value this forest and what actions they take to counteract these threats.

Second of all, semi-structured interviews have been conducted with actors from Dutch organizations involved in water management related projects in Bangladesh, such as the Bangladesh Delta Plan (BDP2100). To select these actors websites and articles have been used to find out which actors could be of relevance for this research. This type of sampling (generic purposive sampling) does not lead to a representative sample of a certain population, but generalizing my results for a certain population is not the aim of this research. Generic purposive sampling is a purposive sampling

approach: a non-probability form of sampling (Bryman, 2012). The people that have been interviewed are an employee of a Dutch water consultancy firm, who wants to stay anonymous, Remi Kempers, Anne Loes Nillesen and Catharien Terwisscha van Scheltinga. I have chosen to interview somebody from a Dutch water consultancy firm who has been involved in the development of the investment plan for the BDP2100 to gain more insight in how this plan was developed and how Dutch knowledge contributed to it. Information about the funding of the BDP2100 and how local parties were involved was also obtained from this interview. Furthermore, an interview has been held with Remi Kempers, who works at the Dutch NGO Both Ends, to obtain a view on Dutch actions in the delta of Bangladesh from an actor that has not been involved in the BDP2100. This actor also provided information about other projects with Dutch involvement in Bangladesh. The next two actors, Anne Loes Nillesen and Catharien Terwisscha van Scheltinga have both been involved in the BanDuDeltAS consortium of the BDP2100 and have provided information about the BDP2100 and the Dutch involvement in this delta plan. Nillesen is the founder of the Defacto, a Dutch architecture and urbanism design studio, and has had a role in the development of the urban design vision and delta ateliers in the BDP2100.

Terwisscha van Scheltinga has been involved in the prepatory team that researched whether

Bangladesh needed a delta plan and if so, what such a plan should look like. Moreover, she had a role as climate change, watermanagement and agricultural specialist in the BanDuDeltAS consortium. All the interviewees have visited Bangladesh themselves which allowed them to transfer knowledge of issues they have learned in Bangladesh. Semi-structured interviews have been conducted because this gives structure to the interview, but leaves room to deeper into interesting subjects that come up during the interview as a result of the less explicit form of the interview (Bryman, 2012). Furthermore, open questions have been asked in these interviews to allow the interviewees to answer in their own terms. This prevents suggesting answers and allows interviewees to explain their answers (Bryman, 2012). An interview guide for these semi-structures interviews can be found in Appendix 1A. Furthermore, email correspondence with key actors involved in the water sector in

Bangladesh, e.g. personnel from the BDP2100 and the Dutch Embassy in Dhaka, has been used to ask some questions and gather data as well. Useful answers and documents have been received out of these email correspondences.

Moreover, two meetings on Dutch water expertise in general have been attended. Several speakers at these meeting expressed their opinion about Dutch water knowledge and the export of this knowledge to foreign countries. During these meetings observations have been made on which two reports have been written (see Appendix 2).

Lastly, netnography has been used as a research method. Netnography can be described as an adapted version of ethnography, which studies cultures by participant observation (Kozinets, 2011). Instead of participant observation, netnography observes these cultures online, for example on Twitter, Facebook, blogs and sites. In contrast with traditional ethnography, netnography is not bound to a place, but connects actors that have something to say about the Sundarbans in this case (Bryman, 2012). Another difference between ethnography and netnography lies in the object of study:

ethnography studies real life communities, whereas netnography focuses on online communities, for example by observing communication on fora and social media and interviewing by using these media (Bryman, 2012). Kozinets describes that “online communities form or manifest cultures, the learned beliefs, values and customs that serve to order, guide and direct the behaviour of a particular society or group” which made it possible to conduct online research on how groups perceive the threats in the Sundarbans (Kozinets, 2010. In: Bowler, 2010, p. 1270). In this case the focus will be on how actors

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express the value and threats in the Sundarbans on social media and/or blogs. Netnography has several advantages: it allows researchers to observe and interact with people who live far away or spread over large areas and the interviewer does not have to invade in the homes or workspaces of the interviewees (Bryman, 2012). Nevertheless, netnography also entails a number of disadvantages, e.g. that people without Internet access are left out (Bryman, 2012). It is likely that the majority of people near the Sundarbans do not have Internet access. It is also possible that local residents don’t express their concerns because they are afraid their critique will have consequences. Lastly, some of the blogs that are written in Bengali have not been found by using English search terms and are therefore left out.

3.2.2 Methods of data analysis

First of all, the literature that has been obtained by desk research/literature survey has been analysed by focusing how the threats to the Sundarbans were described in these texts, how the value of the forest was described and what measures were mentioned to counteract the threats. Afterwards, a list has been made of these three categories for each group (environmental scientists, local population and activists, the Government of Bangladesh, NGOs and Dutch organizations). The groups on this list have been compared to show similarities and differences in their framing of the Sundarbans. The semi-structured interviews have been transcribed and have been analysed by using a thematic analysis. Thematic analysis entails that data will be examined to extract core themes, which can be done by using coding: dividing the transcripts into sections and labelling them (Bryman, 2012). Therefore the transcripts will be analysed by using the coding function in ATLAS.ti: a software for analysing qualitative data. An example of the coding of one of the interviews has been included in Appendix 1B. The following codes have been used in ATLAS.ti:

- Adapt to context - Adaptation

- Adaptive water management - Background water knowledge - Bangladesh Delta Plan 2100

- Bilateral cooperation the Netherlands-Bangladesh - Bottlenecks cooperation the Netherlands-Bangladesh - Cause Dutch involvement

- Climate change

- Counterargument for applying Dutch water knowledge - Delta ateliers

- Differences between the Netherlands-Bangladesh - Dutch water knowledge

- Forest management - Framing threats - Funding/financing - Integrality - Local livelihoods - Local involvement

- Non-water related Dutch knowledge - Project in Bangladesh

- Recommendations for future

- Similarities between the Netherlands-Bangladesh - The Sundarbans

The two meetings that focused on Dutch water expertise have been analysed by paying attention to a number of points during these meetings. I focused on how Dutch water knowledge was presented during these meetings, whether the speakers/interviewees at these meetings were mainly positive about the export of Dutch water knowledge and whether they were critical on the export of this Dutch knowledge. Furthermore I focused on who spoke at these meetings, the atmosphere and whether critical questions were asked during these meetings by the audience. Afterwards, I processed this

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Lastly, the netnography has been analysed in a similar way as the desk research/literature survey. I focused on how threats to the Sundarbans were described, how the value of this forest was emphasized and what measures were mentioned to counteract threats. The results of the netnography have been included in the list to compare the frames of the involved groups as well.

3.3 Operationalisation

The most important concepts in this thesis are ‘framing’, ‘adaptation’, ‘resilience’ and ‘policy/ knowledge mobility/transfer’. The first concept, ‘framing’, has been measured by using netnography and the desk research/literature survey and how threats are described. The second concept,

‘adaptation’, has been measured by looking at what actions have been taken by Dutch organizations and other involved groups in the Sundarbans to counteract the threats they perceive. The third concept, ‘resilience’, has been measured by looking how these initiatives enhance the way that Bangladesh and more specifically the Sundarbans can recover after stress. The fourth concept, ‘policy mobility and knowledge transfer’, has been measured by focusing on what Dutch knowledge and expertise has been exported to Bangladesh and how.

3.4 Unit of Analysis

The unit of analysis is the Sundarban mangrove forest, which is located on the coast of India and Bangladesh (see Figure 2) and is the largest mangrove forest in the world (Uddin et al., 2013). This thesis focuses on the part in Bangladesh. Nevertheless, it is important to understand that both parts of this mangrove forest are interconnected even though the forest is spread over two countries.

Figure 2 The location of the Sundarban mangrove forest in India and Bangladesh. (Source: Choudhury, n.d.).

This case has been chosen because of the similarity between Bangladesh and the Netherlands. This was mentioned by Terwisscha van Scheltinga, one of the scientists from the WUR who has been involved in the BDP2100 (see Appendix 3D). She mentioned that both the Netherlands and Bangladesh are countries at the end of large basins and therefore have to deal with unpredictable situations that could cause flooding. Due to climate change both countries have to deal with the negative effects of SLR which makes it interesting to see how Dutch water expertise can contribute to reducing these threats in Bangladesh. However, there are also large differences between the

Netherlands and Bangladesh: e.g. the Netherlands have a different climate and no mangrove forests. Besides the Sundarbans, also the Ganges-Gorai basin upstream from the Sundarbans and the area around it are part of the case as the population that is dependent on the mangrove forest for their livelihoods lives just outside the forest (GED, 2017).

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Chapter 4: Results

4.1 Framing of threats

Multiple groups are involved in the case of the Sundarbans in Bangladesh and have different framings of the Sundarbans. The importance of recognizing the complexity and the different actors involved in each case was emphasized during the book presentation of Too Big: Rebuild by Design, A

transformative approach to Climate Change. This book has been written by Henk Ovink, the Special Envoy for International Water Affairs for the Kingdom of the Netherlands, in collaboration with Jelte Boeienga. At this book presentation Gerard van den Top, the ‘dijkgraaf’ of Amsterdam, argued that one must always investigate who the stakeholders are in order to develop an inclusive approach to the problem. He calls this ‘thinking in complexity’. Because of the importance of the complexity of each case, an overview has been made of how different actors frame the Sundarbans and the threats in this ecosystem.

4.1.1 Environmental scientists

The first group involved in the Sundarbans are the environmental scientists. Research has been done on the implications of climate change and socio-environmental processes on the ecosystem of the Sundarbans by both scientists from Bangladesh and foreign, often western, scientists. In these studies the Sundarbans are described as a rich and biodiverse ecosystem that provides ecosystem services. Therefore the environmental scientists frame the Sundarbans as an important source of livelihoods and protection for the local population and as a forest of global importance considering its flora and fauna, especially because the Sundarbans are the habitat of the Bengal tiger (Loucks et al., 2010). The need for protection against tropical cyclones, one of its ecosystem services, will increase because global warming has led to an increase of the sea surface temperature and a decrease of the vertical wind shear. This causes more tropical cyclones in the Bay of Bengal in the monsoon season (Murakami et al., 2013).2 The trees in the mangrove forest break the high tides that are caused by cyclones. It is

important to conserve the mangrove forest to keep this regulatory function intact, according to the environmental scientists. However, tropical cyclones also have a devastating effect on the Sundarbans and cause e.g. a decrease of fish populations (Goudie, 2015; Vivekananda et al., 2014). Normally, the Sundarbans are an important place for the development of fish populations (Uddin et al., 2013). Also cultural and provisioning ecosystem services, such as tourism and timber production for the local population, are provided by the Sundarbans (Uddin et al., 2013).

Unfortunately the Sundarbans are threatened, which is described as a big problem. SLR in the Bay of Bengal will probably lead to the inundation of a large part of the Sundarbans (Goudie, 2013). Saltwater intrusion is one of the consequences of SLR and has a destructive effect on plant species in this mangrove forest and could lead to a diminishing of 40% of the existing mangrove forest and a loss of biodiversity (GED, 2017). Climate change can be seen as a socioenvironmental process because it is caused by human activities, mainly by the activities that release CO₂ (Goudie, 2015).

Another socioenvironmental process that is described by environmental scientists is the salinization of the Sundarbans as a result of the reduced river discharge of the Ganges-Gorai River (Agrawala, 2003). The Farakka barrage has reduced the flow and increased the salinity of the river. This has a negative effect on the Sundarbans because the Gorai River is an important source of fresh water for the Sundarbans (Agrawala, 2003). Higher salinity levels decrease the ability for regeneration of the forest and ability for succession (Ibid.). Hossain (2018) describes that climate change,

hydrological modifications and socio-economic shifts on the local level have led to salinization of the Sundarbans. This impacts the ecological and socio-economic systems, e.g. the forest grows slower, the productivity of forest sites declines, salt resistant species will dominate and root diseases lead to the death of mangrove trees (Hossain, 2018). As a result the ecosystem could collapse. At this moment no

2 Although the number of cyclones will increase during the monsoon period, the frequency of cyclones in the

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concrete actions are taken against salinization. Therefore adaptation planning is needed, according to Hossain (2018). Proposed solutions include a decrease of shrimp farming, Tidal River Management and land-use zoning.

A number of smaller human interventions are described as threats by the environmental scientists. Unsustainable logging of trees for fuelwood by the local population is an example of this because it directly destructs the forest. At the Chakaria Sundarban mangrove forest in the southeast of Bangladesh (see Figure 3) logging in combination with shrimp farming, high grazing pressures, human settlement, overexploitation of fish and salt production has led to the complete destruction of the mangrove forest (Hossain et al., 2009). This case shows that dense human settlement around the forest and overexploitation of its natural resources can lead to the destruction of the entire mangrove forest (Hossain et al., 2009).

Figure 3 The location of the Chakaria Sundarban mangrove forest in the southeast of Bangladesh (Source: Hossain et al., 2009).

The plans to build a coal power plant in Rampal (see Figure 4) also threaten the ecosystem of the Sundarban mangrove forest. According to Lemly (2018) the ash that such a coal plant produces will cause ground and surface water pollution in the Sundarbans. This can be toxic for wildlife and fish species because these ashes contain chemical elements (Lemly, 2018). There is also a risk that floods and high tides could lead to catastrophes where toxic heavy metals are accidentally released into the waterways of the Sundarbans and ashes are spilled (Lemly, 2018). Such catastrophes can have devastating effects on its ecosystem. Barges that sail through the waterways of the Sundarbans to reach the port city Mongla already pollute the water with oil (Agrawala, 2003). Barge traffic will increase when the coal power plant will be built because coal shipments are needed for the plant causing an increase of the risk of oil spill (Hance, 2016).

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Figure 4 The location of the proposed coal power plant in Rampal, Bangladesh (Source: Greenwatch Bangladesh, 2017). Shrimp farming is also presented as a threat for the Sundarbans. As mentioned before, shrimp farming was one of the causes for the destruction of the Chakaria Sundarbans (Hossain et al., 2009). The shrimp ponds that have been built in Chakaria stopped the flow of nutrient-rich water to the forest (Hossain et al., 2009). Shrimp farming has expanded in the area around the southwestern Sundarbans since the 1980s and affects the forest in negative ways (Ali, 2004). First of all, shrimp farming has led to soil degradation because saline water logging, what is necessary for shrimp aquaculture, leads to the leaching of base minerals in the soil, and increases salinity and acidity of the soil (Ali, 2004). The high level of toxic chemicals and effluents that are added to the shrimp ponds cause hyper-nutrification of the soil, eutrophication of the water and high soil toxicity (Ibid).3 When the algae decay the oxygen

level in the water declines and fish die because the living conditions are no longer suitable for these species (Goudie, 2015). The mangrove forest has also declined to make room for the shrimp farms (Abdullah et al., 2017). This results in loss of biodiversity and even an ‘ecological crisis’ because ecological conditions are disrupted (Abdullah et al. 2017; Ali, 2006). Describing this problem as ‘an ecological crisis’ is a clear example of how environmental scientists frame threats in a different way than other groups involved. Shrimp farming also led to a reduction in aquatic resources in the Sundarbans because wild seed and broodstock collection, which are needed for shrimp aquaculture, lead to by-catch of other aquatic species (Abdullah et al., 2017). This reduction can destabilize the Sundarban ecosystem.

Lastly the poaching of wildlife is viewed as a threat by environmental scientists for the biodiversity in the Sundarbans. Endangered species like Bengal tigers, river dolphins and masked fin foots are threatened by the changing circumstances in the Sundarbans and poachers (Hance, 2016; Loucks et al., 2009). The poaching of tiger prey like deer to consume by humans can lead to

insufficient prey for tigers to hunt themselves (Mohsanin et al., 2012). Bangladesh has the highest rate of attacks by tigers on humans in the world because of the relative large population size of tigers in the Sundarbans (Inskip et al., 2012). As a result tigers that have attacked humans are regularly killed by villagers (Inskip et al., 2012).

In short, environmental scientists see the Sundarbans as an unique and biodiverse ecosystem with important ecosystem services that are affected by different socio-environmental processes. They also frame the threats in the Sundarbans from a high level, e.g. global climate change and the impacts of the Farakka barrage in India. They emphasize that it is important to conserve this special ecosystem and try to create more awareness for the threats in the Sundarbans by spreading their knowledge.

4.1.2 Local population and activists

The second group involved in the Sundarbans are the local population and activists. Local activists and bloggers represent a part of the voices of the local population. One of these local activists is Miha

3 Eutrophication is “the enrichment of waters by nutrients”, which often leads to excessive growth of aquatic

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Mizra, who emphasizes the importance of the Sundarbans for the local population. According to Mizra, a great part of the local population is dependent on the forest for their livelihood and resources (Hance, 2016; Uddin, 2011). Several groups of professionals extract these resources. The first group of professionals, according to blogger M. Rafiqul Islam (2012), are the ‘Baolis’, who extract (fuel)wood and thatching materials from the Sundarbans.4 Second are the ‘Jalias’, who fish onshore and offshore,

sometimes traditionally with the help of tame otters. Next are the ‘Moualis’, who gather honey. This is one of the oldest professions practised by forest dwellers in the Sundarbans according to blogger M. Rafiqul Islam (2015). ‘Moualis’ live in the western part of the Bangladesh Sundarbans in villages along the borderline of the mangrove forest. Honey from the Sundarbans is not only an economic good, but also a spiritual and herbal good (Ibid.). The last group are the ‘Jongrakhuta’, who collect gastropods (a kind of snail). Also beeswax, crustacean and mollusc are collected in the forest. Resources from the forest are important for the regional and national economy and provide

opportunities for employment for the local population (Ibid.). Other industries in Bangladesh, e.g. boat making, depend on these products (Uddin, 2011). Blogger Uddin (2011) mentioned that palm leaves and grass species are also extracted from the Sundarbans.5 These are gathered by ‘Bawalis’, the

traditional forest users (Ibid.). They have developed their own culture, which is isolated and adapted to the forest ecosystem (Islam, 2012). Hunting and a part of the wood felling have been important sources of livelihood for the local population in the past, but have now been banned by the

Government of Bangladesh (Islam, 2015). The hunting and gathering habits in the Sundarbans go back centuries, according to Uddin (2011). He emphasizes that the gathering of non-wood forest products does not lead to sustainability issues in the Sundarbans. However, Uddin (2011) argues that this can become a problem when the population in the area increases because this would lead to more resource extraction from the forest since there are little other income options in this area (Ibid.).

Furthermore the protection against tropical cyclones and high tides is important for the local population nearby and behind the Sundarbans (Hance, 2016). Besides, the Sundarbans are an

important spiritual place for the local population. According to Islam (2012) an annual fair is held on the Dubla Island in the Sundarbans on the day of the full moon in November. Hindus from Bangladesh and India gather on this island and make offerings and wishes. Moreover, the local population that gathers in the forest often brings homage to their gods, e.g. Ban Bibi and Bana Devi, before entering the woods (Islam, 2012). They also pray to the god of the tiger to be safe from tiger attacks when entering the Sundarbans (Islam, 2015). These spiritual practises are also mentioned by blogger Mamunir Rashid (2017).6 Rashid (2017) emphasizes that human pressure has been a driver of

shrinkage of the Sundarbans for a long time. Nowadays, tourism threatens the wide variety of animal and plant species in the Sundarbans (Rashid, 2017). Therefore the government “should strengthen and harness forest protection and wildlife protection laws (…) “to preserve our precious wealth properly” (Ibid.).

Uddin (2011) also mentions illegal hunting and fishery as threats. Although the forest is officially managed by the state it is managed as a common property by the locals, which makes it difficult to regulate the extraction of resources such as fish and wildlife from the forest (Wescoat, 1990). Hunting has led to a rapid decline of several species in the past, such as the spotted deer and crocodiles. Nowadays crocodiles and turtles often drown in fishnets. Besides, the discharge of the Ganges-Gorai River has decreased due to an eastward shift of these waterways, increased irrigation upstream and building dams. This has led to a reduction of freshwater and salinization in the

4 M. Rafiqul Islam is a tourism professional in the Sundarbans. He is CEO at Bengal Logistics Ltd., which is an

Logistics Support and Project Management Company based in Khulna and Dhaka. Bengal Logistics Ltd. provides ecotourism and travel related services, such as cruises to the Sundarbans and aims to protect this forest and to promote Bangladesh and its culture & heritage (Bengal Logistics, 2015). The blog is part of this company.

5 Iqram Uddin is a student from Chittagong who has written the blog “Bangladesh: Queen of Natural Beauty”

about several areas in Bangladesh, including the Sundarbans (Uddin, 2011).

6 The blog “Worldheritagebd” by Mamunur Rashid from Rangpur is focused on special historical and natural

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Sundarbans. Uddin (2011) also mentions that ships that sail to the Mongla port frequently cause oil and toxic chemicals spills (Uddin, 2011). He also describes SLR, the neo-tectonic tilting of the Bengal basin, conversion of the forest to agricultural lands, uncontrolled fishing and shrimp farming, the increasing demand for wooden forest products, organizational and infrastructure deficiencies and pollution by pesticides, agricultural and industrial chemicals, marine paint, hydrocarbons and oil/gas exploitation as threats for the Sundarbans. However, according to Uddin (2011) is the lack of public awareness the biggest threat for the Sundarbans.

Public awareness can be increased by messages on social media. Many expressions of protest have been found on Twitter and Facebook against building a coal power plant in Rampal and the disastrous effects such a coal power plant will have on the Sundarbans (see Figure 5). For example a three day long march has been held in Bangladesh to stop the building of the Rampal coal power plant.

Figure 5 Expressions of protests in Bangladesh against building a coal power plant in Rampal on social media. (Source: Twitter, 2017).

The danger of building a coal power plant at Rampal has also been described on the blog of Mowdud Rahman.7 He emphasizes that the decision to build a coal power plant is a result of a mainstream

development model that measures everything in monetary terms and is thus focused on short-term commercial interest (Rahman, 2018). Building such a plant near the Sundarbans will displace the people that live on the site where the plant will be built and destruct the ecosystem according to Rahman (2018). Therefore Rahman (2018) argues that “any argument or any project, which tries to rationalise the cost of environment and loss of land and livelihood in the name of GDP growth, needs the outright rejection”. In a blogpost on the international blog The Ecologist, of which he was co-author, Rahman emphasized that burning coal enhances climate change and poses severe threats to the surroundings of Rampal and even called it a ‘project of mass destruction’ (Rahman & Aitken, 2015). Cargo shipping through the Sundarbans will increase as a result of building the coal power plant, according to Rahman & Aitken (2015). They describe the Sundarbans as a vulnerable ecosystem and biodiversity hotspot. The danger of increased cargo shipping is also widely expressed on social media. Oil and coal spills in the Sundarbans have led to calls for action, a crowdfunding campaign and messages on Twitter and Facebook to protect the Sundarbans. People from all over Bangladesh tweeted about the oil spills and the damage it caused to the Sundarbans (see Figure 6). This shows that the Sundarbans are of great importance for the population all over Bangladesh.

7 Mowdud Rahman is a researcher and environmental activist from Bangladesh. He has written for the

international blog The Ecologist, Greenpeace and has his own blog “Mowdud”, which is focused on the environment, development and greed (Rahman, 2018). The Ecologist is a platform for publishing anout environmental affairs (The Ecologist, n.d.).

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Figure 6 Tweets about the oil spill in the Sundarbans in 2014 by Reza Noor Muin from Sylhet (Source: Twitter, 2014). Also a crowdfunding campaign was set up and re-posted by many people on social media to finance the clean-up of the oil spill in the Sundarbans (see Figure 7).

Figure 7 Facebook message about the crowdfunding campaign by WaterDefense to finance the clean-up of oil in the Sundarbans by Taufiqur Rahman from Dhaka (Source: Facebook, 2014).

The blog by Yeasin Matubbar (2011) emphasizes the biodiversity of the Sundarbans.8 Also the

importance of honey production in the Sundarbans is mentioned. Honey is an important source of income, due to its high price, and is often used as a medicine by the local population (Matubbar,

8 The blog “Save the Sundarban & South West Bangladesh” is created by Md. Yeasin Mutabbar and is focused

on different aspects of the Sundarbans such as the history, the animals, the plant species and human settlements in the mangrove forest (Mutabbar, 2011).

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2011). Matubbar (2011) describes the conversion of forest to agricultural land due to high soil fertility and dying mangrove trees as a result of increased salinity, descreased fresh water flow, insect pests and a decrease of nutrients in the soil as threats. Although the name of the blog is “Save the Sundarban & South West Bangladesh”, no actions to preserve this area are mentioned on the blog.

In short, the Sundarbans are essential for the livelihoods of the local population. These people extract natural resources from the forest to eat, use or sell and the forest is of spiritual and herbal importance for them. Furthermore, the biological diversity is stressed, especially the Bengal Tiger. The local population sees illegal fishery and hunting as a threat for the forest, as well as the Mongla port and the plans for the coal power plant. The bloggers described above have been chosen because they focus on the different aspects of the Sundarbans and show that the Bangladeshi population feels connected with the forest. The different locations and backgrounds of the bloggers shows that the support for the Sundarbans is widespread. However, it is difficult to make an overview of how the local population views the Sundarbans and its threats because few people have Internet access not everybody with Internet expresses their concerns on this medium. In addition, protesters have been arrested for offending politicians on social media, e.g. Dilip Roy, a 22-year-old student activist from the west of Bangladesh (Amnesty International, 2016). The local population tries to counteract the threats that the Sundarbans are exposed to by creating awareness through protesting, online and in real life, e.g. against oil pollution and the proposed coal power plant.

4.1.3 The Government of Bangladesh

The Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh is also involved in the Sundarbans.

According to one of the local activists the Government of Bangladesh is mainly focused on economic gain from the Sundarbans and not its protection (Hance, 2016). This visions seems to be supported by the decision of the Government of Bangladesh to build a coal power plant at only 14 kilometres from the Sundarbans (Hance, 2016). Currently, the mass of energy production in Bangladesh is derived from gas, but the Government of Bangladesh has to subsidise it and this resource is decreasing whilst the energy demand in increasing by 10% each year (Allchin, 2014). Coal is relatively stable in its price, widely available and therefore a good alternative according to the Government of Bangladesh (Allchin, 2014). The Bangladesh Power Development Board has chosen to build the coal plant in Rampal because this area is relatively sparsely populated. The Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) that has been made for the coal power plant proposal was created by one of the government’s own subsidiary bodies (Rahman, 2017).9 Therefore it is possible that this EIA is not completely

objective. The EIA stresses that the location of the coal power plant is in compliance with the Environmental Conservation Rules, which state that a coal power plant must be built at least 14 kilometres from an Ecological Critical Area like the Sundarbans (CEGIS, 2013). Furthermore, the EIA states that temperature rise as a result of the emissions from the coal power plant will be lower than at conventional coal power plants (CEGIS, 2013). The EIA does not indicate that severe concentrations of sulphur dioxide and nitrogen dioxide will be released (Allchin, 2014). A number of measures, such as a conveyor system and water sprinklers will be installed to prevent the emission of ashes. This will result in emissions within the standards of the Department of Environment (DoE) and World Bank, according to the Government of Bangladesh (CEGIS, 2013).

Several years ago the Government of Bangladesh decided to create a delta plan for 2100. The Bangladesh Delta Plan 2100 (BDP2100) is a long term, holistic and integrated plan to prepare the delta for current and future water related challenges (BDP2100, n.d.). The Sundarbans are viewed in this delta plan as a national treasure: it hosts an unique and incredible ecosystem and a wide variety of flora and fauna (GED, 2017). The BDP2100 explains the forest as follows:

“Mangroves are a unique ecosystem hosting incredible biodiversity: migratory birds, marine

creatures and reptiles; in addition to associated species of flora function as natural water treatment system, as spawning grounds for fish, and provide several resources to local communities who directly

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or indirectly depend upon them for their livelihoods and sustenance. The Sundarbans, a national treasure shared with India, is of global importance as the largest mangrove forest in the world. Intact mangroves form a natural coastline buffer against floods, storms or other natural disasters such as tsunamis and hurricanes protecting the coasts from erosion.” (GED, 2017, p. 29).

Furthermore, the BDP2100 recognizes that the Sundarbans are important for the protection of the population in Bangladesh against cyclones and high tides (GED, 2017). The economic value of this mangrove forest is emphasized as well: the Sundarbans contribute for 50% to the national forestry industry (GED, 2017). Besides, degradation as a result of unsustainable tourism, change in hydrological regimes, pollution and SLR are described as threats in the BDP2100 (GED, 2017). Ecosystem services could be lost as a result of degradation and SLR could lead to inundation of the Sundarbans. Both would have devastating effects on the biodiversity. Furthermore SLR leads to saltwater intrusion, which has a negative effect on the regeneration and succession of the mangrove forest (GED, 2017). The effects of the Farakka barrage are also seen as a threat by the Government of Bangladesh.

Besides, the Government of Bangladesh has recognized some parts of the Sundarbans as a reserved forest: the Sundarban Reserve Forests (SRF). The SRF is managed by the Forest Department (FD) of the Government of Bangladesh (GED, 2017). The mission of the FD is to expand the

Sundarbans, conserve its biodiversity and wildlife, and reduce poverty. The FD wants to achieve these goals by active participation of the Bangladeshi population and socio-economic development through modern technology (Forest Department, 2017a). Concrete actions that the FD has taken to conserve the Sundarbans include the establishment of a Wildlife Crime Control Hotline, support for public and private forestry, and the creation of reforestation/afforestation projects. The FD has tried to restore degraded forests with the help of local participation, has implemented laws and regulations for the protection of the forest and wildlife, and has promoted participatory forest management and forest-based employment opportunities (Forest Department, 2017b). The FD manages three wildlife sanctuaries in the Sundarbans: the east (Bagerhat), west (Satkhira) and south (Khulna) wildlife sanctuary (Forest Department, 2018). This shows that the FD views the Sundarbans as a forest that needs protection, but also creates opportunities for employment and the forestry sector.

The International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) has written a vision document for the Ministry of Environments and Forests of Bangladesh in 2014 in order to conserve the biodiversity and livelihoods in the Sundarbans. This vision document emphasized the regional importance of the forest as source of social and economic resources, e.g. medicinal plants, honey, wax and timber (IUCN, 2014). Also the spiritual and cultural importance was emphasized. Every year on the day of full moon in November the Rash Mela festival is held and forest dwellers regularly pray to protect themselves from tiger attacks. In addition the Bengal Tiger is seen as the national animal of

Bangladesh (IUCN, 2014). However, all these functions are threatened by SLR, salinization, pollution and shrimp farming. Also the current management of the forest is unsustainable according to the IUCN, which leads to the overexploitation of forest resources and unregulated tourism. In order to counteract these threats the IUCN proposed to create a cohesive and integrated management system, enhance alternative livelihood options for the local population, increase the fresh water supply and improve government structures (IUCN, 2014).

One of the actions taken by the Government of Bangladesh to conserve the Sundarbans was the submission of the Sundarbans as a UNESCO World Heritage Site.10 In 1997 some parts of the

Sundarbans received this special status (GED, 2017). This initiative shows that the Government of Bangladesh took action to protect the forest, although the parts of the Sundarbans that received a World Heritage Site status were already wildlife sanctuaries since the 1970s (UNESCO, n.d. a).

10 UNESCO is short for United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation. This organization is

part of the UN and focuses on building peace by cooperating internationally in the field of education, science and culture (UNESCO, n.d. b).

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