Sports and Social Integration: The Construction of Social
Capital by Residents of Refugee Camps in The Netherlands
Graduate School of Social Sciences MSc Conflict Resolution and Governance University of Amsterdam
June 2018
Author: Geke Maat Student id number: 10571698
Supervisor: mw. dr. A.J. (Anja) van Heelsum Second reader: dhr. dr. J.M.J. (Jeroen) Doomernik Word count: 21833
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Abstract
Debates concerning the integration of refugees into Dutch society have arisen in recent years in the Netherlands. This research focuses on the relationships between social integration and sports activities that are organized for and performed by refugees who live in refugee shelters in the Netherlands. To this end, the research question is as follows: How can we understand
the role of sports for social integration processes of refugees who live in refugee shelters in the Netherlands? In this study, social integration refers to the social embeddedness and
connectedness between refugees and other groups in society as a whole, in other words, the process of building a social network. The process of building social capital determines the degree of social integration. This research takes three sub-categories of social capital into account, namely social bonding, social bridging, and social linking. In this way, it examines social connectedness between multiple parties: the refugees themselves; the refugees and the local population; and the refugees, institutions, and institutional representatives. Fieldwork was performed in nine asylum seeker centers (AZCs) during 10 days of participant
observation, and 24 interviews were conducted with a total of 27 respondents. The study reveals that participation in sports activities increases social capital, although the nature of the social contacts differs. Furthermore, two sub-categories of social capital are causes for people to start engaging in sports, which indicates that social capital is not merely an effect of
participation in activities. Although sports heighten social integration, the accessibility of sports activities is not self-evident. Power differences that are present in camp systems limit the accessibility of sports and the opportunity for refugees to take advantage of integration possibilities through engagement in sports. This thesis concludes with a recommendation for the COA that highlights the importance of continuing the sports project in the AZCs.
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Preface
Before you lies the thesis “Sports and Social Integration: The Construction of Social Capital by Residents of Refugee Camps in the Netherlands,” which was written to fulfill the
graduation requirements for the master’s program in Conflict Resolution and Governance at the University of Amsterdam. The depth of this thesis would not have been possible without the contribution and help of certain people for whom I am very grateful. I would first like to thank Miranda, the project leader of “Opvang in Beweging.” She has not only provided me with access to the sports project of the COA but also helped me contact respondents at a variety of refugee camps. Without her help, I probably could not have conducted research on this specific topic – let alone speak with so many respondents and visit so many camps. Second, I would like to thank all of the sports coaches who allowed me to participate during activities and discuss their work with them. These coaches welcomed me with open arms and were willing to put me in contact with refugees who were living in the camps. The passion with which they fulfilled their jobs was remarkable, and I hope that they are able to follow their passions in their future work. Third, I would like to thank all of the refugees who were willing to talk to me. Their living situations in the camps are far from ideal, and I can hardly imagine their trials and tribulations prior to arriving in the camps. I am incredibly grateful that they were open with me about their experiences with not only sports but also life in the camps in general. Fourth, I would like to thank the organizers of sports activities who work
independently of the COA. Their commitment to sports and the ways in which they strive to make sports accessible for refugees is remarkable, and I appreciate their insights about their work and the challenges they have sometimes encountered. Lastly, I would like to thank my supervisor, Anja, who has continually challenged me to look beyond the ideas, observations, and results that I have collected and constructed in order to add depth to this thesis. Her expertise in the field of migration studies is impressive, and I am grateful that I have been able to learn from her. The combination of practical and theoretical advice that she has given me has been effective and compatible with my goal for this thesis, which is to enrich
theoretical understandings of integration processes as well as recommend improvements for projects that are designed to facilitate integration.
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Content
1. Introduction ... 5
2. Theory ... 8
2.1 Sports and their social aspects ... 8
2.2 Integration ... 11
2.3 Social capital ... 14
3. Research designs and methods ... 17
3.1 Research design ... 17 3.2 Operationalization ... 18 3.3 Fieldwork ... 19 3.4 Ethics ... 22 4. Social Bonding ... 23 4.1 Introduction ... 23
4.2 Differences between motivations and experiences of coaches and refugees ... 23
4.2.1 Motivations and experiences of sports coaches ... 23
4.2.2 Motivations and experiences of refugees ... 25
4.3 Social bonding as effect ... 25
4.4 Social bonding as cause ... 32
4.4.1 Exceptions and special cases... 34
4.5 Conclusion ... 35
5. Social Bridging ... 36
5.1 Introduction ... 36
5.2 Social bridging as effect ... 36
5.3 Integration through sports ... 39
5.4 Conditions: accessibility of sports outside of AZCs ... 42
5.5 Conclusion ... 46
6. Social Linking ... 47
6.1 Introduction ... 47
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6.3 Social linking as effect ... 48
6.4 Conclusion ... 50
7. Conclusion and Discussion ... 50
7.1 Results ... 50
7.2 Theoretical reflections ... 52
7.3 Limitations and future research ... 54
7.4 Recommendations for the COA ... 55
8. References ... 56
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1. Introduction
This thesis considers the relationship between sports and the social integration of refugees who live in asylum seeker centers (AZCs) in the Netherlands. Concerns about the integration of refugees in the Netherlands have arisen in recent decades and have prompted discussions in political and public discourse about approaches to managing the influx of immigrants.
Especially since the turn of the century, concerns have emerged about multiculturalism as a threat to Dutch national identity and security. Political discourse views integration as the responsibility of refugees themselves, which starts the moment they arrive in the country. Within AZCs, refugees who have gained an official status to indicate permission to stay in the Netherlands can join activities that are designed to help them with the integration process. The refugees can also engage in recreational activities, such as sports. As the organization that is responsible for all refugee camps, the Centraal Orgaan opvang asielzoekers (COA)
coordinates these activities. This thesis focuses on sports activities inside and outside the center and their influence on the social integration of refugees.
Political discourse views sports as an instrument to improve aspects of society, such as health, the well-being of citizens, and social cohesion (Spaaij 2011: 6, Walseth 2006: 447, Elling, De Knop and Knoppers 2001: 415, Krouwel, Boonstra and Duyvendak 2006: 167, Herrting and Karlefors 2013: 36, Müller, Van Zoonen and De Roode 2008: 388). Sport is by many regarded as “a perfect activity in which people of different social and ethnic
backgrounds seem to mingle automatically”, due to “its low threshold, its uniform character and its international standardized rules” (Elling, De Knop and Knoppers 2001: 74).
Research has demonstrated that sports can indeed produce a variety of positive outcomes for participants. Since this thesis addresses social integration through sports for minorities, it reviews the literature on sports that focuses on this topic instead of writing about benefits of sports in a more general sense. First, sports can “engage people in culturally and physically relevant ways, including those who may be hard to reach through other social institutions” (Spaaij 2011: 180). Second, sports – especially organized sports in traditional sports communities – can strengthen feelings of belonging and social contacts (Walseth 2006: 461, Bakken-Ulseth 2004: 110, Block and Gibbs 2017: 95). Third, sports can be useful fields for the integration of immigrant children, provided there is an awareness of images of sports among newly arrived children (Herrting and Karlefors 2013: 41). Fourth, sports promote health and wellbeing and can serve as a therapeutic means (Olliff 2008: 53-54, Block and Gibbs 2017: 95).
6 However, some studies have indicated that sports also have less positive consequences that are often not regarded in policy-making or project planning. First, sports programs for
minorities “tend to construct disadvantaged young people as a social problem,” which directs the focus toward disciplining and civilizing the participants instead of enhancing their agency and autonomy (Spaaij 2011: 96). Second, sports in clubs are often organized in a way that does not accord with the special needs of certain minority groups, especially young women, of whom the majority are involved in unorganized sport activities (Walseth and Fasting 2004: 121). Consequently, they withhold from participating in clubs and thereby miss the
opportunity to build new contacts. Third, inter-ethnic encounters in sports can reproduce tensions that are external to the field of sports (Krouwel, Boonstra and Duyvendak 2006: 167). Fourth, sports are embedded in gender, racial, and national hierarchies that “prevent sport from being the site for social mobility, despite popular myths to the contrary” (Spaaij, Farquharson and Marjoribanks 2015: 400). Fifth, a study on a project initiated in Britain to heighten social integration has reported that this program does not acknowledge the broader social-structural conditions of society that can form barriers to a variety of aspects for participants. By focusing on which outcomes can be achieved, those that cannot be accomplished are viewed as problems that derive from the low aspirations of individuals (Kelly 2010: 131).
Overall, there is a consensus that one must consider the influence of sports on social integration and social capital in light of the specific context. For example, Elling et al. has written, “social integrative meanings and functions of sport depend on which social groups, what kind of level of sport and which specific dimensions of integration (…) one looks at” (Elling, De Knop and Knoppers 2001: 428). Furthermore, other factors such as motivations to participate and constructions of social identities and networks through sport can influence the integration potentials and effects (Ibid.: 80).
This thesis focuses on sports activities that are organized for and performed by refugees who live in AZCs, where they wait for either a status or a permanent home in the Netherlands. The theoretical relevance of my research is multifold. First, this study explores the experiences of not only refugees themselves but also sports coaches and other sports organizers who design the sports activities. The combination of these two aspects permits an examination of different points of view of multiple actors. Furthermore, through
conversations with the organizers, I am able to more broadly identify the goals of their activities and projects and compare them with the lived experiences of both refugees and coaches. Through the combination of these perspectives, this research adds to the
7 understanding of dynamics between designed projects, their goals, and the lived reality in the process of social integration. Second, most research on this topic has focused on projects that were initiated for or by minorities who are already more or less settled into society.
Specifically, they have a home outside of camps and Dutch nationality or temporary permission to stay. The research group for this study consists of refugees that are living in reception centers; therefore, it is attentive to their specific circumstances and the ways in which sports is used as an instrument for their integration. According to Waardenburg et al., reception centers are liminal spaces; in other words, they are at the boundary of two dominant spaces without being fully part of either one (Waardenburg et all. 2018: 2). The authors have further examined the meaning of sports for the residents of these liminal spaces and found that the structures within such a space “dampen initiatives for self-organised sport and prevent the realisation of the potential benefits of sport participation” (Ibid.: 14). Since their focus is rather broad (the meaning of sports in a general sense), the present study builds on this research by deepening knowledge of the use of sports for social integration specifically. Furthermore, the project it examines consists of sports that are particularly organized by employees who work in the centers, which expectedly also carries specific implications and characteristics. Beside this scientific relevance, the research also has practical significance. By investigating the social aspect of the program in depth, I hope to contribute to an
evaluation of the program and thereby provide practical comments to advise improvements for similar projects in the future.
To this end, the central question that guides this research is, “how can we understand the role of sports for social integration processes of refugees who live in refugee shelters in the Netherlands?” I addressed this question by interviewing refugees, sports coaches, and organizers of sports activities who work independently of the COA. These interviews were combined with participant observation during sports activities. By visiting multiple AZCs, I could examine several cases within the overarching project Opvang in Beweging (Shelters in Movement) of the COA.
The next chapter outlines the theoretical framework. This framework consists of the concepts of sports, (social) integration, and social capital. Examining the amount of social capital can clarify the degree of social integration through sports activities. The subsequent chapter explains the research design and methods. The following three chapters then provide the results of this study. These chapters are organized according to the three sub-categories of social capital within the theoretical framework, namely social bonding, social bridging, and social linking. The thesis ends with the conclusion and discussion, which state that sports
8 activities add to the degree of social integration, although the nature of the contacts differs. Furthermore, attention is given to the power structures present in the camps, which causes refugees to be dependent upon the COA for access to sport activities and thus to potential fields and instruments of social integration. Building on the findings of this study, the final section of the conclusion presents a recommendation for the COA.
2. Theory
This chapter discusses definitions and uses of the central concepts in this thesis in order to establish the theoretical framework. Social integration and social capital are the central theoretical concepts that can be identified in the main research question. Sports are the specific social field in which social integration and social capital interact and manifest. This chapter first presents multiple opinions of what activities and elements characterize sports in order to clarify the concept of sports and the use of the term in this thesis, which is focused on the social aspects of sport. The chapter then discusses the concept of integration in two parts. The first part concerns Dutch integration policies in recent years as well as how political discourse in the Netherlands has employed the concept of integration. The second part
describes how this thesis uses the concept of integration. It accomplishes this by moving from a general understanding of integration to a more specific understanding of social integration, which is the most important type of integration for this thesis. Finally, the chapter discusses the last concept of social capital in order to clarify the measurement of social integration. The chapter ends by presenting the sub-questions that derive from the theory and form the core of the later results chapter.
2.1 Sports and their social aspects
“Sports” is a term that encompasses a variety of activities, and it is therefore broadly applicable to numerous phenomena. Daily conversations in Dutch society are rarely concerned with the meaning of sports, and discussions of the contents of the term are not ordinarily part of sports-related conversations. The realm of sports contains a diversity of activities. Because of this variety of activities and the broad usage of the term, it “defies a watertight definition” (Hargreaves 1986: 10). However, one needs a limited understanding of sport in order to study it in a systematic way, so “it is necessary to develop something more than just a vague and general definition of the term” (Coakley 1978: 6). This study focuses on the social and cultural aspects of sports and the multiple ways in which involved actors can understand and define the term. Culturally and societally dependent notions of sports and the
9 interplay between sports and culture are part of the following definition of sports by
Blanchard and Cheska:
Sport is a physically exertive activity that is aggressively competitive within constraints imposed by definitions and rules. A component of culture, it is ritually patterned, gamelike and of varying amounts of play, work and leisure. In addition, sport can be viewed as having both athletic and nonathletic variations, athletic referring to those activities requiring the greater amount of physical exertion. (Blanchard and Cheska 1985: 60)
Furthermore, sports are
. . .[a] context in which cultural change can be mediated. Sport can be employed to reinforce and strengthen a group’s threatened values by adjusting or modifying cultural features introduced from the outside so that the new element better fits the borrowing group’s perception of itself. Sport can subtly introduce novel ways of doing things, thus providing a reservoir of potential behaviors which, so to speak, are on “cultural hold.” (Ibid.: 229)
These authors have drawn attention to the interrelations of sports and culture, and they have envisioned sports as a realm for gradual cultural change. Their definition of sports also distinguishes between athletic and non-athletic variations, which can clarify different types of sports. However, this distinction is somewhat arbitrary since the delineation of the category of a “greater amount of physical exertion” is ambiguous. In order to approach an understanding that incorporates the social aspects and cultural understandings of sports as well as a nuanced differentiation of types of sports, the following section presents Steenbergen’s theory on sports.
Steenbergen similarly understands sports as part of a wider context of a specific society or culture. He has posited that “sport is characterized by (i) a certain autonomy, (ii) being embedded or ensconced in a wider network of institutional interests and (iii) influenced (or constructed) by values and norms that are current in society at large” (Steenbergen 2001: 47). To make this characterization more tangible, he has divided the “sports family” into three categories. First, a sport can be a game in which competitors physically strive for victory by following prescribed rules. Second, sports can be a non-physical game; however, according to
10 Steenbergen, these games are often viewed as non-sports or borderline cases because they lack the physical aspect that popular understandings often associate with sports. Third, Steenbergen has categorized “physical activities” as sports as well. These physical activities lack a competitive element but require physical effort, and they include fitness and running, for example (Ibid: 42-45). In contemporary times, the popularity of fitness and running is rising; accordingly, there is an increasing number of competitions and matches that are organized for those who engage in these types of sports. Therefore, the examples that Steenbergen has provided are not as relevant anymore. Nevertheless, the definition and categories that he has proposed are still valuable, as they draw attention to the broader context in which sports are embedded while simultaneously providing tools to understand sports in more practical terms and categories.
All of the presented definitions regard sports as activities that are institutionalized or governed by rules and definitions that are inherent to each specific sport. However, it is important to note that “when we focus our attention only on institutionalized competitive physical activities there is a danger of privileging the activities of select groups, while marginalizing those who have neither the resources to play organized sports nor the desire to make their physical activities competitive” (Spaaij 2011: 18). Therefore, this essay considers sports to include not only institutionalized, physical competitions but also activities that are either not institutionalized, competitive, or highly physical. This research focuses on a highly heterogeneous group of individuals from different backgrounds and cultures, and it reflects how understandings and meanings of sports can differ drastically among respondents. Thus, the study includes all activities that the participants themselves characterized as sports. However, this does not mean that all the activities are regarded as sports in the same way; rather, by following Steenbergen’s categories of sports, I am able to identify different types of sports activities.
This section has presented multiple relevant definitions of sports while working toward the understanding of sports that extends through this thesis. The next sections discuss the two concepts of integration and social capital, which interact within and derive influence from the realm of sports.
11 2.2 Integration
Integration is a common term in current Dutch policies and public debates concerning
immigration. This section first discusses developments in Dutch political discourse regarding immigrants and integration. It then explains the use of the concept within this thesis on the basis of definitions from multiple authors.
In the Dutch political landscape, special immigration policies were introduced in the 1970s once it became evident that immigrants who worked in the Netherlands were not returning to their home countries in the long term as initially expected. Furthermore, after Suriname became independent in 1975, thousands of Surinamers came to the Netherlands. These factors influenced the decision of the government to introduce an official policy on integration (Duyvendak and Scholten 2012: 272, Prins and Saharso 2010: 73). This policy sought to improve the social and economic position of the immigrants and marked the beginning of the “minority policies” period (Prins and Saharso 2010: 73). It developed into a policy that lasted until the mid-1990s. In this period, there was acceptance of variation in cultural activities and expressions of different groups in Dutch society (Korteweg and Triadafilopoulos 2013: 112). Accordingly, the policies of that period focused on the
preservation of identity via institutionalized pillarization, which meant that the emancipation of ethnic minority groups “was believed to be best executed via the establishment of so-called ‘self-organizations’ and participatory boards” (Prins and Saharso 2010: 73). The
concentration on policies for collectives gradually shifted towards a focus on individuals and their own responsibility to successfully integrate. The notion of institutionalized pillarization was thought to be outdated, and the notion of multiculturalism emerged in the political
discourse. Individuals became more targeted than groups as a whole, and obligatory programs and sanctions were introduced to enhance integration for the purpose of strengthening the economic position of minorities. This period marked the beginning of a tougher political stance on immigration that increasingly promoted individual responsibility and conformity (Vasta 2007: 718).
After 1998, the tendency to promote integration – with compulsory regulations, if needed – intensified in political discourse. More specifically, the cultural aspects of the integration and adaption of Dutch norms and values attracted more attention (Van den Brug et al. 2009: 20-21). This shift translated into new forms of requirements: “the attributed of an ‘integrated’ immigrant were based on a particular understanding of ‘Dutchness’ […], put differently, immigrants were asked to adopt certain manners of being that were associated with a (newly) coherent Dutch identity” (Korteweg and Triadafilopoulos 2013: 113).
12 According to Ghorasi, this period marked the beginning of “discussions positing the
incompatibility of Islamic and Western values, suggesting that (un-integrated) Islamic immigrants were the main source of problems in Dutch society” (Ghorasi 2017: 2429). These discussions developed further after the murder of Pim Fortuyn in 2002. Fortuyn was a Dutch politician who criticized, among other things, Islam in general, the policy of toleration, and the continual influx of immigrants and asylum seekers. His murder marked the beginning of the adaptation of new realism in official policies. Before the murder, new realism had already gained popularity, but it had not been generally adopted in the political landscape. This changed, and there was a backlash against multiculturalism, as “the general opinion among politicians was that integration had failed” (Prins and Saharso 2010: 79). Cultural differences were now regarded as undesirable and a threat to the “Dutch” national identity and social cohesion in society (Ghorasi 2009: 85, Prins and Saharso 2010: 79.). Furthermore, socio-cultural differences were no longer considered enrichments for society but rather as obstacles that had to be overcome in order to accomplish successful integration (Duyvendak and Scholten 2012: 273). Integration policies became stricter, and the new naturalization act required not only a higher level of oral and written language skills but also knowledge about Dutch politics and society (Ersanelli and Koopmans 2010: 779). This requirement was intended to help teach the meaning of Dutch national identity, and it marked a clear break with the past, as “unlike pillarized minorities, immigrants were now expected to integrate into a distinctively Dutch society – a concept left undefined in the past” (Korteweg and
Triadafilopoulos 2013: 113). After 2006, a policy of “civic integration” was introduced. The aim of this policy was to promote active citizenship that was characterized by the acceptance of core values of Dutch society and participation in communal activities (Prins and Saharso 2010: 83). However, the political discourse on immigration and integration did not change radically. Nowadays, ideas of the new realism era are still present in political debates and official policies. The compulsory tests on language, values, and history still exist, and successful integration is considered the responsibility of immigrants themselves. Contrary to the periods of pillarization and multiculturalism, wherein “commitment to one’s own
community was considered a source of strength for the social and economic integration into the larger society,” policy documents now present this commitment as “‘withdrawing’ or ‘reverting’ to one’s own group, which is considered a sign of separation and estrangement from Dutch society” (Ibid.: 85).
The current dominant political stance on integration is characterized by the notion of a one-way process in which immigrants are responsible for their own successful integration. As
13 demonstrated, integration in practice is considered to be the process of adopting the core values of Dutch society in order to become a part of that society. It should be noted that this understanding of integration barely differs from the notion of assimilation, which policies and public debates barely use. Classic assimilation theories understand settlement in a country as “a more or less linear process in which immigrant were supposed to change almost
completely, to merge with the mainstream culture and society” (Garcés-Mascareñas and R. Penninx 2016: 3). The classical notion of this term has endured substantial criticism and is now rarely used. In political discourse, it has been replaced by the notion of integration as a one-way process. This notion of integration still encompasses the idea that immigrants are to be merged with the mainstream culture and its key norms and values, without the presence of a mutual learning and adaptation process. The same phenomenon and understanding of it (the process of becoming part of a society) has received a new name without undergoing any fundamental changes. The remainder of this section discusses how this thesis conceptualizes integration. To this end, it explains the notion of integration in general as a two-way process and social integration specifically as a sub-category.
Penninx and Garcés-Mascarenãs have defined integration as “the process of becoming an accepted part of society” (Penninx and Garcés-Mascarenãs 2016: 14). This definition conveys that integration is not a static state of being but rather a dynamic process that does not have a clear end point. Furthermore, the definition does not prescribe the conditions for integration or specify which normative values, norms, and opinions define “good” and “successful” integration. The authors have argued that integration is a two-way process in which the immigrants and the receiving society interact with each other (Ibid.: 16). Both involved parties are further divided into individuals, collectives or groups, and institutions. The interaction between the two parties occurs in three dimensions, according to Penninx and Garcés-Mascarenãs. First, there is the legal-political dimension, which is characterized by matters of residence, political rights, and statuses. Second, the social-economic dimension contains positions of immigrants that can be analyzed by examining access to crucial domains in society, such as work, education, and housing. Lastly, the cultural-religious dimension concerns the perceptions and practices of the two parties and their reciprocal reactions (Ibid.: 14-15). The present research focuses on a combination of the social aspect and the cultural aspect. Investigating the cultural aspect can offer insight into the perceptions that involved parties and actors have of each other. These perceptions can influence the amount of social integration since perceptions contribute to the amount, character, and depth of social connections and relationships. The social-economic dimension regards access to domains
14 such as work, housing, education, and health care. The position of immigrants within this dimension “can be analyzed by looking at their access to and participation in domains that are crucial for any resident” (Ibid.: 15). However, the authors have not made a clear distinction between the social and the economic aspects since they are intertwined in one domain. The categories that these authors have established are not sufficient for thoroughly measuring only the aspects of social integration; therefore, I partly diverge from the definitions by Penninx and Garcés-Mascarenãs and employ aspects of the framework of Ager and Strang.
Ager and Strang’s framework comprises a pyramid with a hierarchical structure that concerns dimensions of integration. They have also positioned the legal-political dimension as an important aspect of integration by stating that notions on rights and citizenship influence the understanding of what successful integration entails in a given society (Ager and Strang 2008: 173). Ager and Strang have not provided a bounded definition of integration but have instead highlighted the notion of integration as “a chaotic concept: a word used by many but understood differently by most” (Ibid.:167). Although they have not offered an explanation for the absence of a clear definition of integration, it is likely that this absence is due to their belief that every society constructs its own definition of integration based on ideas of
citizenship and rights. The framework is further characterized by social connections, which are most relevant for this thesis. These social connections are social bonds, social bridges, and social links. Since my research question specifically addresses social integration, I devote less attention to the legal-political dimension and notions of citizenship and rights. Rather, I primarily examine social connections of the framework of Ager and Strang since the
combination of these three can be used to indicate the amount of social integration. I combine this use with the distinction that Penninx and Garcés-Mascarenãs have made between the individual, collective, and institutional levels as well as the cultural aspect of integration. The next section concerns the discussion of social capital and its three sub-categories as used in this thesis.
2.3 Social capital
By investigating the process of gathering social capital, I seek to understand how sports can contribute to social integration as it is described above. Social capital thus serves as an indicator for social integration. The first relevant understanding of social capital originates from the classical work of Bourdieu, who defined social capital as “the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to possessions of a durable network of more or less
15 institutionalized relationship of mutual acquaintance and recognition […] which provides each of its members with the backing of the collectivity-owned capital” (Bourdieu 1986: 418). Furthermore, social capital consists of the size of the network of the individual, and the
connections he or she can effectively mobilize in order to gain access to resources (Ibid.: 419). This conceptualization focuses on the flow of resources through personal networks toward individuals. Bourdieu has also taken into account the strategies that are used (both consciously and unconsciously) to build these networks and the power inequalities that are often intertwined with social capital. He has posited that the combination of social capital and other capitals can reproduce social inequalities (Cheong et all. 2007: 37, Field 2008: 18).
The second relevant understanding of the concept is based on the work of Putnam, who employed the concept of social capital in order to explain the decline of civic
engagement in United States in his book Bowling Alone. He has understood social capital to refer to “connections among individuals – social networks and the norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness that arise from them” (Putnam 2000: 19). He has concentrated more on the group-level importance of social capital and less on the individual level as Bourdieu does. His communitarian conceptions “are concerned with positive social norms, created by community level connectivity and available to all” (Block and Gibbs 2017:92). Putnam’s distinction between social bridging and social bonding (Putnam 2000: 22) also mainly considers the role of social capital for the collective and not so much for the individual. As indicated above, Ager and Strang have also made this distinction. They have proposed that social bonds exist between family and co-ethnic, co-national, co-religious, or other forms of groups that are understood as the “in-group.” These social bonds enable people to maintain familiar patterns of relationships and share cultural practices, which can be beneficial for mental health and contributes to feelings of being “settled” (Ager and Strang 2008: 179). However, strong bonding ties “may impede successful upward mobility due to social obligations, pressure to conformity and downward levelling norms” (Lancee 2012: 15). Social bridges describe contact with other groups outside of the in-group that can help individuals to “feel at home” (Ager and Strang 2008: 180). Furthermore, intergroup ties can be an effective instrument to gain access to resources that the other group owns (Lancee 2012: 15). Social links are connections with institutions and the structures of the state, such as government services (Ager and Strang 2008: 181). Together, these social connections form the overarching social capital of individuals or communities (Block and Gibbs 2017: 92).
Social bonding, bridging, and linking concern the building of social ties, which in turn construct social networks. Therefore, the ties and strength of social bonding, bridging, and
16 linking can offer insight into their presence. According to Granovetter, strong ties are often the most beneficial for individuals and social cohesion; however, he has argued that weak ties also have strengths and contribute to the opportunities and integration of individuals
(Granovetter 1973: 1378). Weak ties can construct local bridges between the edges of
networks by establishing social relationships between individuals who would not normally be in contact. These relationships in turn contribute to social cohesion (Ibid.: 1373). Translating this theory to the present research encourages a search for the construction of multiple types of ties between people through the activity of sports.
Social linking mainly concerns the interaction between the individual and the
institutional level, while social bridging and bonding primarily regard the interaction between individuals and collectives (within the immigrant category and the receiving society
category). However, I want to be sensitive to the idea that all the categories I use in this research are not as bounded and separate as the aforementioned literature might suggest. I think it is important to acknowledge the fluidity of these concepts in social reality.
Overall, an examination of the process of building social ties between groups and individuals through sports can provide insight into the process of strengthening (or perhaps weakening) social bonding, bridging, and linking. This insight can subsequently reveal the influence of social capital that is obtained through sports, which can shed light on its more general impact on social integration more generally. I combine the understandings of social capital by Bourdieu and Putnam and thus interpret social capital as the value of networks for both individuals and communities.
It should be noted that an objective measurement of social integration through these three forms of social capital is still elusive given that social integration evolves around people’s perceptions of each other, experiences of acceptance and interaction, and the nature of social contacts. However, by clearly defining the three sub-categories of social capital, I can clarify social integration as the overarching concept through qualitative research.
To build on this theoretical discussion and its related concepts, I propose the following sub-questions in order to answer the central research question. The first sub-question is, “what is the influence of sports on social bonding processes for refugees who live in AZCs?” The second sub-question is, “what is the influence of sports on social bridging processes for refugees who live in AZCs?” Finally, the last sub-question is, “what is the influence of sports on social linking processes for refugees who live in AZCs?” Separate results chapters answer each of these three sub-questions. The next chapter will present the used research design and methods and elaborate on the central project of this study.
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3. Research designs and methods
This chapter presents the research design and methodological components of the study. It first elaborates on the research design and methods before explaining the COA project ‘Opvang in Beweging’ in which the majority of my respondents were engaged. The chapter then clarifies the data collection and analysis process and concludes with an ethics statement.
3.1 Research design
The study features a multiple case study design within one overarching case, which is a project of COA called ‘Opvang in Beweging’ (refugee centers in movement). A case study design “is concerned with the complexity and particular nature of the case in question,” and “the emphasis tends to be upon an intensive examination of the setting” (Bryman 2012: 66-67). This multiple case study design allows for a comparison between sports initiatives and activities and their execution as well as their underlying intentions. During this research, I utilized qualitative methods to assess the discourses and assumptions of the programs and initiatives as well as the experiences of participants. The main method was semi-structured interviews combined with participant observation during sports activities.
I conducted semi-structured interviews with individuals in order to examine the experiences of participants in sports activities. Certain topics were pre-selected for discussion during the interviews, in order to make sure that the topics and issues that were identified beforehand as central to the research were discussed. However, there were also opportunities for interviewees to raise important issues or ideas themselves.
These qualitative methods were not combined with quantitative methods, which, in combination with the fact that the fieldwork period was limited to five weeks, means that generalization to the whole refugee community through statistics is not possible. Nonetheless, the variety of respondents and the AZCs that I visited provided a sufficient amount of
information to generalize my findings to AZCs that have a sports coach or coordinator and to refugees who live in such AZCs and engage in sports activities. Furthermore, the in-depth accounts of events and experiences that I obtained during the interviews provide a basis for generalization to theoretical propositions. Case studies in general do offer a basis for generalization to theoretical propositions, so the goal should be to “expand and generalize theories (analytical generalization) and not to enumerate frequencies (statistical
18 3.2 Operationalization
With these qualitative methods, I secured insight into the three aforementioned forms of social capital, namely social bonding, social bridging, and social linking. The collected data were analyzed by coding the transcripts and field notes according to the steps of open coding, axial coding, and selective coding. Starting with open coding, the transcripts were read carefully, and categories were identified to impart order to the information that respondents gave (Gallicano 2013). This is partly an inductive approach, as the formation of these categories is based on information that derives from the data. However, since the main interests of this study are integration and social capital, indicators in the text that specifically relate to the three types of social capital were pre-defined. For social bonding, these indicators evidenced increased social contact between AZC residents. These indicators were specifically an experience of increased contact with, for example, neighbors or other participants, and its influence on tensions that were experienced between multiple groups within the centers (such as those based on ethnicity, language, gender, and age). For social bridging, the indicators reflected increased social contact between residents and the local population around the centers. Prior to the research, I expected to mainly gather information about contact between residents and members of local sports clubs since this is the type of relationship that is most inherent to the project when examining relationships outside of the center. The interviews confirmed this expectation, as social bridging through sports mainly occurred between members of local sports clubs. For social linking, the indicators were increased social contact between residents and employees of COA and other institutions that respondents mentioned.
The division between the groups in which social bonding, bridging, and linking is expected indicates that there was already an assumption beforehand about the composition of the “in-group” and the “out-group.” Although this is true, I stayed reflexive toward this assumption throughout the research since the experiences and opinions of respondents could indicate another perspective of the composition of these groups and individuals between which social connections are formed.
The phase of open coding was completed when all of the (relevant) information that arose from the data was coded into categories. Thereafter, I commenced the second phase of coding, namely axial coding. Axial coding is the exploration of relationships and connections between categories. These relationships can be causal, for example, but also relate to a central phenomenon and strategy. The last phase, selective coding, identified the central phenomena that link the core categories with the stories in order to form the basis of the analysis (Ibid.).
19 Through this process of coding the transcripts, I was able to devote attention to both of the aspects that I already wanted to examine as well as those raised by respondents.
It is important to inform the reader of the different terms that this thesis uses to refer to the locations of the COA in which the refugees live. In Dutch, such a location is called AZC, or asiel zoekers centrm, which translates to asylum seeker center. The refugees I spoke to all referred to the locations as “camps”; none of them used the word “shelter,” which is
predominant in the literature. Therefore, this thesis refers to the locations of the COA as both AZCs and camps. The next section provides information about the fieldwork characteristics.
3.3 Fieldwork
For this research, I gained access to a project of COA that is called “Opvang in Beweging.” This project started in the beginning of 2016 and is expected to end in June 2018. It was designed to motivate people who live in camps to start participating in sports, especially refugees who do not take this initiative themselves. The initial goal of the project was to reduce health costs and improve the health of participants. However, the project leader also wanted to understand how the project could influence the social connectedness of participants. Since the time and means of the organization were too limited for the organization to
intensively research this aspect itself, it was highly willing to cooperate with me. Consequently, I could gain access to the project as well as the camps in which it is implemented.
During the fieldwork period, a total of 24 interviews were conducted. The first category of respondents is the sports coaches. At the start of the fieldwork period, the COA had 21 sports coaches for 27 AZCs. I interviewed eight of these 21 coaches. Furthermore, I interviewed one ex-sports coach who was still working for the COA but now has another job within the organization. The sports coaches all had a background in sports (in terms of education, work, or both). However, their specific expertises differed. Five coaches were female, and three were male. The coaches all worked at different camps; at the moment of the interviews, there was no camp where two sports coaches worked together. The project offered the sports coaches a contract for 18 hours at each location. I interviewed two coaches who worked at two locations and two sports coaches who worked 36 hours at one location due to another function they had there. I additionally interviewed the project leader of Opvang in Beweging.
The second category of respondents contains the refugees. I interviewed 13 refugees during 10 interviews. The variety of respondents was high; there were men and women,
20 young and old people, and individuals from various countries of origin. However, they had in common that they all were active in sports activities. Some were involved in the project because they played sports together with the coaches, while others did so without a coach by, for example, going to the fitness or local sports club on their own.
The third category of respondents is a mix of multiple people who are involved in sports activities for refugees. These respondents were not refugees, were not employees of the COA, or were neither. First, I interviewed the chairman of a local football club in
Heerhugowaard that cooperated with the local AZC in order to make football accessible to refugees. Second, I interviewed one of the founders of Welkom in Utrecht who coordinated activities for refugees that were organized in Utrecht. These activities involved not only sports but also a variety of leisure and educational activities. Third, I interviewed the founder of a foundation that incidentally organizes sports clinics for children who live in AZCs.
Besides these interviews, I conducted participant observation at seven AZC camp locations for a total of 10 days of observation. During these days, I was able to participate in sports activities for refugees that varied from walking in the surroundings to playing
basketball at the camp. These activities were sometimes organized for groups, while other times they entailed one-on-one activities. During these activities, I was able to witness how the project and sports more generally played out in practice. Thereby, I could distinguish between the espoused theory and the theory-in-use of involved actors. Espoused theory is the frame from which an actor acts and the presentation that he or she gives of his or her actions (Argyris 1976: 638). In contrast, theory-in-use refers to what an actor actually does that is observable to others (Schön n.d.). Furthermore, during these days of participant observation, I was able to informally speak with the coaches, their colleagues, and refugees through “small talk” and thereby collect useful information about their work, lives, and ideas about sports.
The locations I visited were AZC Leersum, AZC Alkmaar, AZC Heerhugowaard, AZC Rotterdam, AZC Almere, AZC Utrecht Einsteindreef, and AZC Utrecht Joseph Haydnlaan. Furthermore, I visited AZC Dronten and AZC Zeewolde for interviews. The capacities of these locations differ; the smallest center had a capacity of 400, while the largest one could house 1,000. Although all of the centers had a sports coach, the sports facilities and materials varied. Therefore, every location was part of the project, but the actual happenings on the ground were diverse. Furthermore, some of the centers were located in big cities, while others were situated in smaller countryside cities, and still others in the middle of a forest. This variety offered insight into the influence of characteristics of the centers on the sports activities and the ways in which they were organized and experienced. In this way, it added to
21 the depth of my study by reinforcing its scale of representation. Due to the high variety within these aspects, I regard each location as a separate example of the overarching case of the project.
Box 1 provides an account of one day of fieldwork in order to convey to the reader an impression of a day of sporting in an AZC.
Box 1.
A day of sporting in an AZC
I arrive at the AZC at 10 o’clock in the morning on a warm spring day. The AZC looks a bit abandoned since there are no residents or employees on the central square. I meet with the sports coach, and together we walk to the gym. It is a gym as I remember from my high school days: a blue floor with many lines and baskets on two sides attached to the walls. The nostalgic feelings rise when we walk into the room with all the materials. I spot a unicycle, and I tell the sports coach that I learned to ride a unicycle when I was a little kid. He challenges me to show my skills. After a few rounds of cycling and some talking, the first refugees start to come in as well as an intern. Together with three male residents, we play badminton, and it is fair to say that they kick my ass. We laugh a lot about each other, and talk a little bit about what everyone is going to do the rest of the day. During our match, more residents come in who start working out in area with the fitness equipment.
After lunch, we return to the gym, where I play basketball with two middle aged men. Communication is difficult due to the language barriers; we all speak another language. However, we are able to establish some ground rules by pointing and gesticulating. This game suits me more, and I win two of the three matches. The men laugh and applaud, but also seem to think that my shooting technique is weird. After we are finished, they start talking with some men that are working out in the fitness area.
After interviewing the sports coach, I walk to the gym once more. The intern is playing a game with a boy, and they invite me to join. We decide to go outside due to the lovely weather and start playing a basketball game at the basketball pitch. Some residents walk by and stop to watch; however, none of them seems eager to join. Once again, I win the majority of the matches, and the intern and the boy talk about how they are not willing to lose to a girl that many times. I look over to the soccer pitch that is located next to the basketball and see a few children playing soccer, while the adults are talking with each other while sometimes looking at the achievements of their children. After we finished our fourth match, the intern decides that it is time to stop. The boy goes home, we close down the gym, and the few residents who are still there have to leave. They can return tomorrow or another day, as the gym here is open every day as long as there is a qualified supervisor around.
22 3.4 Ethics
This section addresses ethical issues that I identified as significant at the outset of the research. I think it is always important to consider intended as well as unintended
consequences of research, especially when it concerns human beings who you need and use in order to acquire the necessary data.
I first want to discuss how I intended to inform the participants about my research and its purpose. I expected that some of the participants might have an interest in continuing the project and therefore agree to talk to me. I was planning to be completely open and
transparent about my role as a researcher by stating that I am an independent researcher and therefore cannot make any promises in terms of positive conclusions of the project. Thereby, I sought to eliminate the risk of reciprocal relationships with false expectations. In practice, the respondents automatically understood this without me needing to make it particularly explicit. Second, since my thesis will be published, I wanted to offer respondents the possibility of anonymity. I was aware that this decision could influence the transparency and possibly the credibility of my research; however, I believe that anonymity can encourage fair answers and openness during interviews, especially within a project that is ongoing and under evaluation by the responsible organization. I choose to anonymize all of the refugees, since I have not been able to contact them to ask whether they wanted to provide me with feedback on the way in which I used their quotes. I asked the other respondents for their consent to use certain quotes after writing the first version of my result chapters.
Third, I planned to avoid mentioning integration while introducing my research topic to respondents, as I think integration is a highly politicized term and is so broad that many people have a myriad of opinions about it. Therefore, I planned to refer to my research topic as “social connections,” “social relations,” and the influence of sports on those matters. However, I wanted to reserve the option to introduce the term “integration” later on in contact with my respondents once the aim of the research and their opinions were more clearly
understood. In practice, the term gradually entered conversations as it was introduced by either the respondent or myself.
Overall, I want to ensure that my publication is ethically valid by staying as close as I can to the reality of the case and to the “truth,” although I realize that the truth is not a tangible reality but rather a subjective term.
23
4. Social Bonding
4.1 Introduction
This chapter discusses the relationship between sports and social bonding as mentioned in the first sub-question, “what is the influence of sports on social bonding processes for refugees who live in AZCs?” This thesis understands social bonding as the development of contacts between the in-group, which refers in this context to refugees who live inside the AZCs. However, it should be noted that this group does not refer to a homogenous group, as people of different cultures, religions, countries, genders, and languages live together within an AZC.
Section 4.2 introduces the distinct motivations of refugees and coaches in regard to sports. Then, Section 4.3 discusses how refugees, coaches, and other sports organizers
experience social bonding as an effect of sports. This discussion is particularly attentive to the ways in which social contacts are constructed through sports as well as the nature of these contacts. In addition, it examines the interactions between men and women and distinct social groups as well as the role of a central organizer for the sports activities. Finally, Section 4.4 considers how social bonding can encourage participation in sports activities.
4.2 Differences between motivations and experiences of coaches and refugees 4.2.1 Motivations and experiences of sports coaches
Although social bonding is present in the narratives of both sports coaches and refugees, its role differs in their perspectives and experiences of sports and their effects. Coaches were acutely aware of the potential role of sports in improving contacts between refugees in the camps, and some viewed social bonding as a goal. This perspective is connected to their goal of improving the welfare of refugees. In addition to this goal of improving social contacts, most coaches also wanted refugees to discover their inner strength, or “agency.” Sarah organized self-defense classes with the hope that women who participated would discover their own agency and learn to stand up for themselves and their interests. The women who participated sometimes had traumatic experiences due to their flight or events that happened in their country of origin, and sports could be a means for them to deal with those
experiences. This example was one way in which refugees could develop agency through sports. However, agency can emerge in other forms as well. For example, Lisanne explained the influence of bicycle lessons for refugees:
I really like the fact that if they learn to ride a bike, I see them biking around here on camp, or even see them biking to the stores outside. Just that they are able to go out a
24 little further. Because normally they can only walk or go by bus […]. It is a piece of freedom they gain. They can go whenever they want.
Here, agency is evident in the fact that individuals who learned how to cycle could broaden their horizons by venturing outside the camp more often and at any time. Corina provided another example:
There was a woman who wanted to lose weight, so I started sporting with her. […] At a certain moment, I let her instruct the group for 10 minutes because she knew a lot of movements by then. I did that to lift her, to give her confidence. And later she opened the gym twice a week for a period. And later on I also signed her up for an education so that she was able to really keep going.
Multiple coaches mentioned how refugees helped them during the lessons by coaching or by opening the gym and overseeing activity in the gym. This too is a form of agency, as refugees receive a responsibility that they accept and which can add to their confidence. Corina
mentioned how she helped the woman return to school. Miranda, the project leader of Opvang in Beweging, said that this was an occurrence that she encountered more frequently, and she considered it to be one of the most positive aspects of the project:
The sport coaches told me that it [sport and movement] is a first step to getting a job, or… Well, we [COA] already have some projects about preparation, and those are more about how you should behave during a job interview, how you have to look somebody in the eyes and so on. But the phase before that, before you are able to do that, that is where Opvang in Beweging is. That is making people a bit more active so that they can take the next step in their lives.
Overall, the coaches broadened the goals of sports to encompass more than just physical benefits that are usually connected to physical activity at first sight. They valued the ways in which sports could strengthen the agency of participants. This agency is expressed in multiple ways, but they all concern improvements to the confidence of participants. This self-confidence can in turn make people more pro-active in seeking social contacts.
25 4.2.2 Motivations and experiences of refugees
The refugees who participated in sports activities that the coaches organized or participate in sports on an independent basis did not identify social bonding as a motivation to start
sporting, as the thesis demonstrates in greater detail later on. Rather, motivations differed from person to person. Most refugees started playing sports because they wanted to improve their health or lose weight. Some refugees said that sports have also helped them to reduce stress. Others specifically mentioned that their “mind was more clear” when they were working out, and whenever they started the activity, they could feel the stress diminishing. Refugees also mentioned how sports assisted them in building confidence, which they felt they had previously lacked. One woman mentioned that she received help from an
organization to select a sport for her son in order to boost his confidence:
Zinar had problems with his confidence and himself. Therefore, some people, like this woman from Lelie Zorg Groep and the woman from sport, they helped me to choose for him aikido so that he can learn to defend himself and feel that he is strong inside. So that he becomes confident and is able to defend himself in bad situations. If you compare Zinar from last year to this year, there is a big difference. I am sure, that also the swimming broke his fear for everything. Because in the beginning, he was scared for everything, for example when the light was turned off or when he was alone in the house.
Overall, these reasons to play sports all contributed to the happiness of refugees, as almost all respondents mentioned this aspect. This increased happiness could subsequently influence the alacrity and willingness of refugees to come out of their rooms more often and make contacts with other persons who were living at the AZC. The sports coaches actively aspired to this effect because it can positively influence the overall goal of their project, which is to advance the well-being of refugees in the camps. The next section focuses on increased social contacts as an effect of sports.
4.3 Social bonding as effect
Both refugees and their sports coaches as well as the independent organizers mentioned sports as a way to build social relationships between refugees who were living in the AZCs.
However, the strength and nature of these contacts differ. For example, Dayron, a 36-year-old man from Cuba, said that he only talked to other refugees during sporting when he had
26 questions about the proper use of a certain fitness machine at the gym, which was located at the AZC. He did not develop these contacts into a friendship or frequent engagement outside of the realm of sports.
However, there are also examples of refugees who did construct relationships that were characterized by more frequent contact and which continued outside of sports activities. Through translation by her daughter, a middle-aged woman from Syria explained that she does not talk to many people at camp since she is always inside taking care of the household or trying to learn Dutch. The sports coach of that AZC organized bicycle lessons every week at the camp. The woman said, “when there are no bicycle lessons, I don’t talk to anyone.” Tirza, the sports coach of the AZC where the woman lived, later told me,
It is important to take people [like her] out of their homes, because otherwise they stay inside all day long. When they go outside, they see new things and new people. For example, during the bicycle lessons we do together, one of them is on the bike and the other three have to wait for their turn. So they start talking, which is a very basic form of contact.
Conversations among these people are more than just incidental contacts about how to use a certain machine. Rather, they meet regularly and also talk about their daily lives, for example. According to Tirza, this contact during bicycle lessons is comparable to contact that people make during other activities that she frequently organized:
Sometimes, there are neighbors who do not even know each other, and they meet when they sport together during my lessons in the gym. And then they run into each other at the center and then they greet each other and have a little conversation. I think that is important because it also magnifies the feelings of safety because your
neighbors are no longer strangers.
It is notable how Tirza broadened the significance of frequent contact between refugees by stating that feelings of safety were heightened by contacts between people during sports that continued outside of that realm.
Sports coach Anass mentioned another effect, among many, of frequent social contacts that are established through sports activities. To this end, he cited an example that
27 demonstrates how sports can help a person build social contacts and therefore reduce the loneliness that some refugees experience:
There was a guy who fled from Eritrea. He had no family here and basically had no contact with anyone. He said he had trouble with sleeping and eating. He got very skinny. […] When I talked to him, I found out that he used to be a runner. So I went running with him in the forest here […]. And after a while, I really saw a change in him. He was eating and sleeping well, and he started having conversations with people here. At a certain point, he had many acquaintances here, and I could see that making contacts was easier for him.
This particular man from Eritrea made contacts mainly with other men from Eritrea who he met when he went outside for sports or during other activities. The majority of the coaches mentioned how refugees generally tended to initiate contact with people from the same country. This is only logical considering that people usually seek contact with other people with whom they can easily identify and communicate. However, six sports coaches and one organizer of sports activities who did not work for the COA experienced how the sports activities they organized enhanced contacts between different social groups at the AZC. Lisanne, the sports coach at AZC Dronten, referenced an example of how her activities heighten inter-group contact:
Every week I go swimming with women, 10 or 15 women. And I notice that the women, although they don’t speak the same language, start to get along and hang out. […] Of course, when you need something translated, you go to the person who speaks your language. But I like seeing that they seek contact with each other now. […] When they see each other, they talk, so they know each other.
This swimming activity is organized by the sports coach and takes place every week with a group that is more or less stable, meaning that, incidentally, people do not show up, or new people start. This type of activity offers a basis on which people can start to initiate activities and thereby heighten inter-group contact at the AZC. Anass also encountered this process:
In the beginning, you can really see that people from Syria only interact and hang out with other persons from Syria, and people from Eritrea only with persons from Eritrea.
28 But because of the lessons and activities here, like football on the Cruyff Court, people from different cultures come together. When you go to the Cruyff Court after five o’clock in the afternoon, you can easily see 50 men on the field […]. You can really see that it is a mixed group.
This quotation reflects that once activities that a sports coach organizes establish a basis for contact, people begin to seek contact with each other and others who have not personally participated in activities. However, in this particular case, the Cruyff Court (a small soccer pitch paid for by the Johan Cruijff Foundation) would not have been on the location if not for the efforts of the sports coach. Because his background as a professional soccer player
provided him with contacts within the soccer world, he was able to facilitate the construction of the Cruyff Court at the camp. So, again, the efforts of the coach as a coordinator made it possible for refugees to act on a pre-laid foundation to initiate contact themselves.
Frank, one of the founders of Welkom in Utrecht, also mentioned football as a way to enhance contacts between groups in AZCs:
Sport can fraternize in the sense that […] sometimes you see, for example, that Syrians only interact with other Syrians – although there are also different types of Syrians, so not all of them. But they interact less with, for example, Iranians or Afghans. And in sports the differences disappear. Everybody knows the rules of football, no matter where you are from. It is about how you play and whether you are having fun. So it is a way for people to come into contact with each other. […] Therefore, it is also a way to contribute to reducing tensions within camps because some people are not always charmed by each other. […]. The better people know each other, the less they are likely to behave hostilely towards each other.
Thus, sports can be an instrument to enhance contacts between groups that do not interact in other social fields. However, there is a divide not only between different social groups based on cultural background and origin but also between genders. The next section examines this divide.
It should be noted that the swimming activity that Lisanne organized was only for women and therefore did not directly enhance contacts between men and women who self-identify with different social groups. Furthermore, several respondents mentioned football as a sport that was particularly popular among men. Women and girls usually did not participate
