The Energy Transition to Wind Power: A Comparative Analysis
of the Wind Power Development in Denmark and China
MSc Thesis Political Science: International Relations Research Project: The Political Economy of Energy University of Amsterdam – Graduate School of Social Sciences
Amsterdam – June 22nd, 2018
Author: Supervisor and second reader:
Suzanne Nieuwveld Dhr. dr. M.P. Amineh
3 Abstract
This master thesis discusses what factors explain why Denmark and China have had a large-scale development of wind power. The central objective is to explain what factors account for the success of the wind power development in Denmark and China. It does so, by analysing the current energy situations, the state-society(-market) complexes, the (renewable) energy policies and the wind power outlooks and challenges of Denmark and China. In this respect, this research finds that Denmark’s large-scale wind power development was instigated by the main driver of Denmark to secure their energy supply, as a response to the oil crisis in 1973. However, the last few decades it appears that Denmark has been striving to gain a global leadership position in the wind power industry. In addition, climate awareness has come higher up on the agenda. Overall, the factors that influenced the large-scale development of wind power in Denmark have been mixed with the main driver varying over time. This is the same case for China. Nevertheless, China’s main driver from the beginning has been the stimulation of economic growth. By developing their wind power industry on a large-scale the Chinese government ensured that the costs of the wind power development decreased rapidly. However, the use of cheap energy, derived from coal plants, has caused severe health and environmental problems in China. This caused China to become aware of the climate and environmental issues and might be one of the reasons for the substantial investments in clean energy. In addition, this research finds that if China wants to keep up with the global leaders in the wind power industry, they need to step up their game with regard to technology in the wind power field.
5 Table of content Acknowledgements _________________________________________________________________________________ 9 Maps __________________________________________________________________________________________________ 11 List of figures _______________________________________________________________________________________ 13 List of abbreviations _______________________________________________________________________________ 15 Chapter 1: Research Design ______________________________________________________________________ 17
1.1 Introduction ______________________________________________________________________________________________ 17 1.2 Objectives________________________________________________________________________________________________ 18 1.3 Social and scientific relevance __________________________________________________________________________ 18 1.4 Research question _______________________________________________________________________________________ 19 1.5 Literature review ________________________________________________________________________________________ 20 1.5 Delineation of the Research _____________________________________________________________________________ 23 1.6 Theoretical framework __________________________________________________________________________________ 23 1.6.1 Actors _______________________________________________________________________________________________ 27 1.7 Brief argumentation and hypotheses ____________________________________________________________________ 28 1.8 Research method ________________________________________________________________________________________ 29 1.9 Organization of the thesis _______________________________________________________________________________ 31
Chapter 2: The current energy situation of Denmark and China ___________________________ 33
2.1 Introduction ______________________________________________________________________________________________ 33 2.2 Energy profile: global ___________________________________________________________________________________ 33 2.3 Energy profile: Denmark ________________________________________________________________________________ 36 2.3.1 Energy production __________________________________________________________________________________ 36 2.3.2 Energy consumption _______________________________________________________________________________ 37 2.3.3 Energy reserves_____________________________________________________________________________________ 37 2.3.4 Energy imports & exports __________________________________________________________________________ 38 2.3.5 Renewable energy development ___________________________________________________________________ 39 2.3.6 Wind power ________________________________________________________________________________________ 40 2.4 Energy profile: China ____________________________________________________________________________________ 40 2.4.1 Energy production __________________________________________________________________________________ 40 2.4.2 Energy consumption _______________________________________________________________________________ 41 2.4.3 Energy reserves_____________________________________________________________________________________ 41 2.4.4 Energy imports & exports __________________________________________________________________________ 43 2.4.5 Renewable energy development ___________________________________________________________________ 43 2.4.6 Wind power ________________________________________________________________________________________ 45 2.5 Resource Scarcity Model: global ________________________________________________________________________ 45 2.6 Resource Scarcity Model: Denmark ____________________________________________________________________ 46
6 2.7 Resource Scarcity Model: China _______________________________________________________________________ 46 2.8 Conclusion _______________________________________________________________________________________________ 46
Chapter 3: The political economy of energy in Denmark and China _______________________ 49
3.1 Introduction ______________________________________________________________________________________________ 49 3.2 Political economy________________________________________________________________________________________ 49 3.3 The political economy of energy of Denmark __________________________________________________________ 51 3.3.1 Governmental actors _______________________________________________________________________________ 52 3.3.2 Business actors _____________________________________________________________________________________ 53 3.3.3 Green movements __________________________________________________________________________________ 55 3.4 The political economy of energy of China ______________________________________________________________ 56 3.4.1 Governmental actors _______________________________________________________________________________ 58 3.4.2 Business actors _____________________________________________________________________________________ 59 3.4.3 Green movements __________________________________________________________________________________ 60 3.5 Conclusion _______________________________________________________________________________________________ 61
Chapter 4: Energy policy in Denmark and China ______________________________________________ 63
4.1 Introduction ______________________________________________________________________________________________ 63 4.2 Energy Policy in Denmark ______________________________________________________________________________ 63 4.2.1 History ______________________________________________________________________________________________ 63 4.2.2 Energy policy _______________________________________________________________________________________ 65 4.3 Energy policy in China __________________________________________________________________________________ 67 4.3.1 History ______________________________________________________________________________________________ 67 4.3.2 Energy policy _______________________________________________________________________________________ 68 4.4 Conclusion _______________________________________________________________________________________________ 70
Chapter 5: Wind power challenges and outlook ______________________________________________ 73
5.1 Introduction ______________________________________________________________________________________________ 73 5.1 Denmark’s wind power outlook _________________________________________________________________________ 73 5.2 Challenges: Denmark ____________________________________________________________________________________ 76 5.3 China’s wind power outlook ____________________________________________________________________________ 77 5.4 Challenges: China _______________________________________________________________________________________ 79 5.5 Conclusion _______________________________________________________________________________________________ 80 Chapter 6: Conclusion _____________________________________________________________________________ 83 6.1 Conclusions ______________________________________________________________________________________________ 83 6.2 Discussion _______________________________________________________________________________________________ 86 6.3 Policy recommendations ________________________________________________________________________________ 87 Bibliography ________________________________________________________________________________________ 89 Interviews ____________________________________________________________________________________________________ 89 Primary sources ______________________________________________________________________________________________ 89
7 Secondary sources __________________________________________________________________________________________ 92 Books ________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 92 Articles from peer-reviewed journals _______________________________________________________________________ 92 Online publications __________________________________________________________________________________________ 95 Documentaries _______________________________________________________________________________________________ 96
Appendix 1 __________________________________________________________________________________________ 97
Interview with a Dutch Research Institution For Transitions (DRIFT) researcher _________________________ 97
Appendix 2 ________________________________________________________________________________________ 119
Interview with a Postdoc Researcher Norwegian University of Science & Technology _________________ 119
Appendix 3 ________________________________________________________________________________________ 121
9 Acknowledgements
During my many years as a student I have had the privilege to develop myself personally, scientifically and academically. This thesis is the end product of five months extensive research on the energy transition to wind power in Denmark and China. Additionally, meaning the end of my study life. But where there is an end, there will also be a new beginning and I am excited to see what the future will bring for me. I hope the future will bring me the possibility to apply my knowledge and gain even more.
Throughout the last five months of research I have had a lot of support from people surrounding me. First and foremost I would like to thank Dr. Mehdi Amineh for his endless support and feedback. When I chose his elective last year, he introduced me to the subject of geopolitical economy of energy and I have been interested ever since. Without his help I wouldn’t have come to the final draft of this thesis that lays before you. Furthermore, I would like to thank all of my interviewees for sharing their knowledge, which has been of great help for my research. And I would like to express my gratitude towards Irene and Rein, who have provided useful feedback on my work and opportunities to share information and strategies on how to carry out this research. Last, but not least, I would like to thank my family. My sister for her knowledge, my brother for his always cheerful presence, my mom for providing me with endless cups of coffee, my dad for establishing an interest in everything international from an early age and Dimitri for his unfiltered critic.
11 Maps
Map 1: Kingdom of Denmark
Map 2: People’s Republic of China
List of figures
Figure 2.1 Fuel shares of Total Primary Energy Supply (6101 Mtoe),
global, 1973
Figure 2.2 Fuel shares of Total Primary Energy Supply (13647 Mtoe), global, 2015
Figure 2.3 Oil and gas reserves and resources (Ultimo), Denmark, 1982-2015
Figure 2.4 Crude oil imports & exports, Denmark, 1990-2015
Figure 2.5 Renewable energy production by type, Denmark, 1980-2015
Figure 2.6 Renewable energy consumption by energy product, Denmark, 1990-2015
Figure 2.7 Coal Reserves, China, 2004-2015
Figure 2.8 Petroleum Reserves, China, 2004-2015
Figure 2.9 Natural Gas Reserves, China, 2004-2015
Figure 2.10 Total investment in clean energy, China and the EU,
2005-2015
Figure 2.11 Total investment in clean energy per capita, China and the EU,
2005-2015
Figure 2.12 Total investment in clean energy as a % of GDP, China and the EU,
2005-2015
Figure 2.13 Power Generation Mix, China, 2016
Figure 3.1 Global market share of the world's leading wind turbine
manufacturers, 2016
Table 5.1 Share of consumption of electricity and district heating covered by renewable energy. Biodegradable waste is included in renewable energy. Numbers in brackets cover the alternative scenario with implementation of DONG Energy’s announced phase-out of coal.
15 List of abbreviations
CCP Chinese Communist Party CME Coordinated Market Economy CNY Chinese Yuan
CREIA Chinese Renewable Energy Industry Association CTO Chief Technical Officer
DEA Danish Energy Agency
DWIA Danish Wind Industry Association
EU European Union
EIA Energy Information Administration GDP Gross Domestic Product
GHG Green House Gas
GW Gigawatt
GWh Gigawatt Hour
IEA International Energy Agency IEO International Energy Outlook IR International Relations
IRENA International Renewable Energy Agency IPE International Political Economy
IMAR Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region
kW Kilowatt
kWh Kilowatt Hour
LME Liberal Market Economy MNC Multinational Corporation
16 Mtoe Million tonnes of oil equivalent
MW Megawatt
NBSC National Bureau of Statistics of China NGO Non-Governmental Organization
NRDC National Resources and Defence Council
OECD Organisation of Economic Co-operation and Development
PJ Petajoule
PRC People’s Republic of China
REC Renewable Energy and Conservation REL Renewable Energy Law
R&D Research & Development SOE State-Owned Enterprise SPR Strategic Petroleum Reserve SWP Siemens Wind Power
TPES Total Primary Energy Supply
TW Terawatt
VoC Varieties of Capitalism
WWEA World Wind Energy Association WWF World Wide Fund for Nature
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Chapter 1:
Research Design
1.1 Introduction
Over the past centuries, Western developed countries have industrialised, modernised, urbanised and developed their countries by using, relatively cheap, fossil fuel resources. Energy was and is a vital aspect and is part and parcel for the survival of states. One might even say energy is as indispensable as air and water. However, over the last decades widespread development and population growth have increased significantly, causing the energy demand and consumption to have heavily increased. In addition, the fossil fuel reserves have been decreasing, resulting in a fossil fuel scarcity. Besides the growing demand and declining supply of energy, the environment and climate change have appeared on the agenda as a consequence of the continuous industrialization all over the world.
Denmark is one of the countries that has transitioned to a more sustainable and environmental way to produce energy. Since the 1970s they have started their ‘innovative democracy process’, which meant political actors, business actors and green movements were involved in the policy-making process concerning the energy transition towards renewable energy sources. The geographic location of Denmark has provided the country with great potential for onshore and offshore wind farms and the Danish government has grasped the opportunity to give wind power a prominent place in the country’s energy consumption and production mix.
China is also known to put wind power high up on the agenda. Since the Chinese government instigated their reform and opening policy over thirty years ago, the development path of China has followed in the footsteps of the Western industrialised countries. However, the significantly high production and consumption of coal has caused China to cope with the environmental and health issues that come with it. Therefore, China has economic and environmental incentives to improve their energy consumption and production mix to a more sustainable mix. Since China is still industrialising the energy demand will keep on increasing, whilst fossil fuel resources keep on declining. To ensure energy security, improving the environment and keep the economic development of the country going, China will need to find new energy resources. Wind power has great potential in China as well and they have put it
18 high up on the agenda since the early 2000s. China’s wind turbine manufacturing industry scaled up production and four Chinese wind turbine manufacturers now rank in the top ten of the world.
But what accounts for the large-scale wind power development in Denmark and China? What factors have contributed to the successful energy transition towards wind power in both countries, as they both differ greatly on so many aspects?
1.2 Objectives
The central objective of this research is to explain what accounts for the success of the wind power development in Denmark and China. Second, as Denmark and China differ greatly in government structure, the research aims to identify the factors that influence the development of the energy transition towards wind power. Third, the research aspires to contribute to the field of academic literature by analysing how state-, market- and other forces relate to one another with regard to energy security. Fourth, the research aims to provide policy recommendations and information to policy-makers and organizations in order to enable them to develop more effective wind power development policies in other, not so successful, countries.
1.3 Social and scientific relevance
The social relevance of this research consists of multiple facets concerning the energy transition towards renewable energy. First of all, fossil fuels are scarce and the world will run out of them in the near future. Therefore, Denmark and China risk their energy supply security if they don’t succeed in the energy transition towards renewable energy. Both countries are heavily dependent on energy to keep their economy going. Especially China, since the country is still in the developing stage of their economy ever since the transition from an agricultural economy to a manufacturing economy.
Second, the geopolitical incentives that are at play for the energy transition towards renewable energy are of importance. Although both countries possess some energy reserves in their domestic territory, they are still dependent on the supply of oil and natural gas from the countries in the Middle East, Northern Africa and Russia (Eurostat, 2017). As the fossil fuel rich countries and regions are often in conflict, and therefore unstable, for example the Arab Spring, the incentive to transition from a fossil fuel dependent economy to a renewable energy
19 dependent economy and decreasing the dependency on instable regions seems more pressing than ever.
Third, because Denmark is a Member State of the European Union (EU), political pressure also plays an important role in the energy transition. The EU set energy goals for the year 2020 to increase the share of renewable energy in the total energy consumption to 20%. Even though China is not in the EU and has a state-led market, the government still experiences a lot of environmental criticism because of its transition to a manufacturing economy in the last few decades and the pollution and health issues that come with it.
Fourth, to overcome the global problem concerning climate change and environmental issues the development of an energy transition towards renewable energy is unavoidable. In addition, as Denmark and China are considered to be so-called ‘early-moving’ countries, other countries can learn from Denmark and China’s experience, with regard to the development of their wind power sector, to establish a more sustainable way of producing and consuming energy.
Fifth, this research will provide a new look on the energy transition towards renewable energy because it applies a ‘critical geopolitical’ view and compares two completely different government structures, liberal versus non-liberal/Denmark versus China, to examine what factors contributed to and influenced the success of both countries’ wind power (development) sector. This research will illustrate that the successful energy transition to wind power in both Denmark and China can be explained by the theoretical assumptions of ‘geopolitical economy’ as defined by Amineh & Yang (2014; 2017; 2018).
1.4 Research question
What factors explain why Denmark and China have had similar large-scale development of wind power?
• What is the current energy situation in Denmark and in China?
• How can the political economies of energy of Denmark and China be described? • What are the domestic and international energy policies of the government of Denmark
and China?
• What is the future of wind power development in Denmark and China?
• What are the challenges with regard to the wind power development in Denmark and China?
20
1.5 Literature review
To carry out the research, it is of the essence to know what explanations exist and are given by different scholars in the existing literature on the topic. First, the explanations for the success of the wind power development in Denmark will be discussed with the main explanations based on the political and societal willingness for an energy transition towards renewable energy and the fine-tuned infrastructure. After that, the main explanations for the success of the wind power development in China will be described, with the main explanations grounded in political and institutional motivations.
Denmark and China differ greatly with regard to their preconditions for environmental governance and investment, however over the last few decades both countries have greatly expanded their capacity for wind power generation (Ydersbond & Korsnes, 2014: 95). So what can explain the high pace of the wind power development in two countries that are very different concerning their basic preconditions and political systems?
In recent years renewable energy in Denmark transformed from an insignificant option to the predominant energy technology, surpassing traditional energy sources, such as fossil fuels (Hvelplund, 2013: 6). Hvelplund (2013) mentions two stages in the development of renewable energy in Denmark. During the first phase, from 1976 till 2000, renewable energy technologies were still a supplement to the fossil fuel energy system. However, despite strong resistance from the fossil fuel sector and the Ministry of Finance, a cluster of green energy technologies (power from biomass and wind- and solar-power) was developed and implemented. Jäger-Waldau et al. (2011: 3715) argue that strong support is essential to improve energy technologies as well as policy support to realise these technologies. Hvelplund (2013: 5) substantiates this by saying that the key element of the successful transition to renewable energy in Denmark, is the so-called ‘innovative democracy process’, signifying that “organisations independent of existing economic interests [are] being given democratic influence” through political support. These organisations are green movements, companies interested in sustainable technology and politicians, which were enabled to develop a broad movement for renewable energy that was able to resist the influence of the incumbent energy regime at the time. However, as the renewable energy sector in Denmark grew stronger, the traditional fossil fuel sector began to oppose. This opposition required a strong ‘innovative democracy process’ in order to avoid the renewable energy technologies from being pushed back by the influential fossil fuel companies. In addition to the political and societal willingness for an energy transition towards renewable energy, Hvelplund (2013) also mentions the
21 importance of the new network of energy infrastructure. This infrastructure had to be fine-tuned to the needs of the renewable energy sources.
Over the last decades China’s growing economy accounted for a shift from agriculture to manufacturing. This makes China one of the so-called “late-developing countries” that often face challenges concerning their energy security. According to the Energy Information Administration (EIA, 2015) China is the biggest coal producer and consumer of the world. And from 1995 till 2010 China has gone from importing 18% of its oil consumption to more than 50% (Kennedy, 2010: 138). Li & Clark (2010: 17-18) mention the problem of resource scarcity, and state: “Some even worried that there would not be enough resources in the world, for example gas and oil, to satisfy the ever increasing demand driven by China’s economic growth”. They continue by arguing the fact that energy security has become China’s main priority since the beginning of the 21st century. Therefore, according to Ebel (2009: 25), China wants to increase the share of renewable energy in its total energy consumption from 10% to 20% by the year 2020. Li & Clark (2010: 16) predict it is likely China is going to exceed its renewable energy goals by 2020, especially since the wind power generation capacity has increased by almost 40 times since 2005. Zhang et al. (2013: 333) argue that the explanation for the success of China’s wind power sector lies in political and institutional motives. According to Zhang et al. (2013: 334-335) the political incentives for China to expand its renewable energy is driven by a combination of three motives: energy security, environment and green technology development. Energy security became China’s main priority mainly due to its increasing dependence on fossil fuels. The second motive, environment, rose to the top of the agenda because of the negative environmental impacts of China’s dependence on domestic coal production, causing China to be vulnerable to climate events such as flooding and droughts. And the third and final motive is the green technology development. In recent years, the green technology development became a priority of China’s political strategy. China’s government started to recognize that by investing in a green economy it can use its newcomer status in green technology to amplify its current capabilities in the advanced countries. Zhang et al. (2013: 335) continue by discussing the institutional arrangements that are established by the Renewable Energy Law (REL), which mentions five important institutional arrangements: (1) targets for the development of renewable energy; (2) mandatory access to the grid; (3) classifying tariffs for renewable energy electricity; (4) cost sharing arrangement; and (5) special fund arrangement. The article continues (Zhang et al., 2013: 335-336) by describing the influence of the institutional changes on China’s wind power localization policy and mention
22 the ‘Wind Concession Program’ which was successful since it resulted in a great reduction in grid-connected price for wind power.
Ydersbond & Korsnes (2014: 98-99) argue that the key driving forces behind the similarities in the significant expansion of the wind power sector in Denmark and China, are grounded in three predominant political motivations. First of all, the increased climate awareness and reduction of pollution. For example, the European Union (EU) aims to be a leader in issues like mitigation with regard to Green House Gas (GHG) emissions and has set ambitious targets concerning the reduction of GHG emissions. According to Ydersbond & Korsnes (2014: 99) climate-awareness in China is also increasing. China claims it should not be required to be restricted to reduce its GHG emissions, because they are still accounted as a developing country. However, the Chinese government has launched several policies, the most prominent being the ‘Mid- to Long-Term Plan for Renewable Energy’ in 2007. The highly increased pollution and environmental degradation, and the severely increasing morbidity and mortality rates that come with it, are also likely to have contributed to the environmental issues being pushed up the political agenda. Second, the improvement of energy security. Energy consumption in the EU has basically stabilized and coal production has declined. However, EU countries are still heavily dependent on the import of fossil fuels and about half of the EU energy consumption is covered by fossil fuel imports from outside of the EU. If the EU Member States do not adjust their energy policies, energy dependency will grow. The insecurity of supply and energy dependence is also caused by unstable Russian energy policies and volatile energy prices. Third, boosting of the economy and seeking global leadership in a promising technology. One of the aims of the EU is to become a global leader in the innovation of renewable energy technology. At the moment, Danish companies have become market leaders because of their so-called ‘first-mover advantage’. Wind power investments in Denmark already have a long history of being motivated by leadership ambitions, the aspiration to boost their economy and job creation. China has a history of experience in manufacturing all kinds of products and the Chinese government wants to become a global green-tech leader. Additionally, China can produce much cheaper and on a much larger scale compared to countries such as, for example, Germany (DRIFT Researcher, personal communication, April 26, 2018).
Few studies have conducted a comparative analysis of what factors have influenced the large-scale development of wind power production in Denmark and China. Therefore, this research will delve deeper into the factors which might explain the similar large-scale expansion
23 of wind power over the past few decades concerning these two greatly differing countries. Since the literature above argues that the key drivers for an energy transition to wind power are grounded in political motivations, this will also be the topic under study in this research.
1.5 Delineation of the Research
This research analyses the energy transition towards renewable energy, in particular wind power development in Denmark and China, over the period 1975-2018. At the end of the research it will refer to the energy situation as of June 2018, since this is the month the research is handed in. In order to explain energy trends, this research will occasionally refer to earlier periods. The geographical space that will be examined during the research will be that of the national territories of Denmark and China. Since Denmark is an EU Member State the research will sometimes discuss the EU. Furthermore, since both Denmark and China are dependent on other fossil fuel rich countries and regions in the world, these will also be briefly mentioned in the research. Considering China´s is a geographically big country there´ll be focussed on the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region (IMAR) in some chapters. The IMAR is one of the biggest regions within China when it comes to wind power capacity and generation.
As aforementioned this research focusses on the time period of 1975-2018. For Denmark, the time period 1976 till 2002 can be regarded as the first phase in the renewable energy and conservation (REC) development. And between 2000 and 2013, Denmark entered the second phase with REC technologies increasing the share of energy supply. In 2008 Denmark declared its support for a 100% Renewable Energy future and in 2012 the Government made an energy plan with the 100% Renewable Energy goal for 2050. For China, the first subsidies for promoting wind power in China came with programmes to install small wind farms in Inner Mongolia in 1986. And the installed wind power capacity began increasing at a high pace from the year 2006.
1.6 Theoretical framework
To explain the success of the wind power development in both Denmark and China the academic field of ‘Geopolitical Economy’ will be consulted. Because this school of thought is very broad, this research will rely on the ‘geopolitical economy’ as described by Amineh & Yang (2018) in their research: “China’s Geopolitical Economy of Energy Security: A Theoretical and Conceptual Exploration”. First, the theory will be discussed. Second, the link
24 between theory and the case studies of Denmark and China will be explained. And finally, the energy situation in Denmark and China will be discussed and the necessity for an energy transition to renewable energy will be explained by the ‘Resource Scarcity Model’ of Amineh & Houweling (2007).
To carry out this research it is important to identify the wealth-power structures and the state-society(-market) complexes of Denmark and China. Since the Political Economy theory falls short concerning the explanation of geographical factors, such as for example the domestic presence of energy resources, the academic field and theory of Geopolitical Economy will be applied in this research to examine the state-, society- and market relations to understand the political economy of energy in both countries. To analyse these relations and the wealth-power structures, the geopolitical economic theory as described by Amineh & Yang (2014; 2017; 2018) will be applied. The examination of the wealth-power structures and the relation of state-, society- and market actors is essentialstate-, since exercising wealth and power through economic activities heavily depends on energy. Energy is part and parcel of economic growth and is therefore part and parcel of wealth and power. In addition, wealth-power structures can dictate the composition of a country’s state-society(-market) complex; which is the relation between governmental-, market- and social actors. Several concepts of Amineh & Yang’s (2014; 2017; 2018) can help explain the political economy of energy in Denmark and China, such as: wealth-power structures, resource scarcity and lateral pressure. These concepts will be explained hereafter.
Amineh & Yang (2014; 2017; 2018) explain geopolitics as a system-level concept that “refers to the spatial dimension of resource endowments in various parts of the world”. For the Realist School of international relations (IR), geopolitics mean rivalry between resource-rich states to secure resource-rich regions and markets. From this Realist point of view the nation-state is predominant and international relations are best explained by the competition for balance-of-power and the struggle for dominance and influence in global politics. However, since the end of the Cold War and the increasing economic globalization some scholars have developed a new version of geopolitical studies, called critical geopolitics. They started to include not only the geographical and territorial states, but the geo-economic dimensions of global political economy as well (Amineh & Yang, 2017: 29). According to Amineh & Yang (2017: 12) the unit of analysis is the state-society complex that exists in today’s self-identifying states and the primary unit of analysis of the geopolitical theory are states that are industrialising or states that are already industrialized. In these states the interaction between state- and society
25 actors are of the essence. Amineh & Yang (2017: 12) continue by distinguishing two modern ‘ideal types’ of state-society-(market) complexes in IR and International Political Economy (IPE): the ‘liberal state-society-complex’ and a centralized or authoritarian ‘state-society-complex’. Amineh & Yang (2018: 11) argue that these ideal types of state-society complexes should not be conceived as polar opposites. In this research Denmark is a clear example of a liberal state-society that has advanced in its industrialization and enjoys a democratic political culture. In the liberal state-societies, such as Denmark, the privately owned companies and civil-society function relatively independent from the government. Additionally, business interests provide a dominant contribution in the policy-making process, reflected in the “revolving between state and class”. In this system the state class tends to be able to overrule the demands of civil societal groups (Amineh & Yang, 2018: 12). China, however, is a clear example of an authoritarian state led society with the Communist Party, and its related ruling elite, who determine the societal forces and the long-term market orientation strategy. In this system, the national social actors are constrained in their capacity to communicate their interests in the transnational space. Since the transnational space is still dominated by advanced capitalist industrial actors, leaders of contender states, such as China, have to deal with the current global order, which was established without their considerable involvement in it. Contender states challenge the liberal global order in multiple ways, namely: by participating in global transactions under domestic arrangements that are sometimes at odds with liberal prescriptions and by attempting to fit the global arrangements within their domestic wealth-power structure (Amineh & Yang, 2018: 12). The article continues by stating that in both countries the business class is part and parcel of state-power, either directly or indirectly controlled by the state.
Amineh & Yang (2014: 501) describe actors that operate in state-society complexes and engage in cross-border activity to access markets and resources outside national borders. The cross-border activity connects domestic society and its institutions to the external world. This configuration of state-society relations is termed ‘wealth-power structure’. Both the liberal and authoritarian state-society complexes are considered capitalist constructs that behave according to an interwoven geo-economic and geopolitical logic. Due to lateral pressure, governments of states tend to project their power by facilitating cross-border economic activity that establishes a relation between the domestic business sector and new markets and resources. In the liberal state-society complex the government has no control over its domestic geo-economic constituents since they function relatively independent from the government. In contrast, authoritarian state-society complexes do control their domestic constituents. However, within
26 both state-society complexes the market (wealth) and state (power) are interwoven and interdependent.
This brings us to the concept of ‘lateral pressure’. Amineh & Yang (2018: 22-23) describe the concept of lateral pressure as: “the build-up of socio-economic pressures on governments by forces released by market actors in order to expand economic transactions beyond state boundaries. It refers to societal demands that cannot be met by domestic resources”. The article continues by mentioning that they apply the concept of lateral pressure to both industrialized and industrializing state-societies, whose survival and functioning of their domestic wealth-power structure is dependent on access to markets and resources abroad. Lateral pressure increases when a government faces population growth, rising incomes, domestic resource-scarcity, technological advances and the societal pressure of dissatisfied demands. The political elite has an interest to meet these demands in order to keep the home base satisfied. More powerful countries, such as Denmark, seek to change the international system by removing obstacles in order to meet the demands at home. For example, by pushing the technological barriers to create clean (energy) resources.
Concerning the concept of resource scarcity it is known that industrial and industrializing states are heavily dependent on fossil fuels to keep their economy going. This makes the access to fossil fuels essential for industrial economic activity. Hence, this establishes wealth and power for the fossil fuel rich countries and regions, and energy supply security concerns for the states that are heavily dependent on fossil fuel imports. Countries such as Denmark and China face challenges due to the fact that fossil fuels are unevenly distributed over the world and are scarce. This brings us to the concept of “energy security”, which is defined by Amineh & Yang (2018: 14) as: “the availability of energy in various forms, in sufficient quantities and at reasonable/affordable prices at all times, without unacceptable or irreversible impacts on the environment”. Energy security can be threatened by three types of resource scarcity. To examine the current energy situation and threats to energy security in both Denmark and China this research will consult the ‘Resource Scarcity Model’ as formulated by Amineh & Houweling (2007). They (2007: 374-376) identify three types of scarcity: (1) demand-induced scarcity; (2) supply-induced scarcity; and (3) structural-scarcity. According to Amineh & Yang (2018: 14-15): “scarcity is indicated by geopolitical and geo-economic rivalry between major consumer countries, and tends to outpace their cooperation”. Demand-induced scarcity increases because of three factors: (1) population growth in consumer countries; (2) the rising of per capita income in advanced industrialized economies; and (3) the price of
27 substitutes. The article continues by stating that demand-induced scarcity will enter the lives of high-income societies last, as these economies industrialized when energy prices were low. Denmark is an example of such a society. Supply-induced scarcity interacts with demand-induced scarcity, however supply-demand-induced scarcity should be examined on its own. Supply-induced scarcity increases when there is a decline of stock and/or by the increasing competition for energy resources. The last type of scarcity, as described by the ‘Resource Scarcity Model’ of Amineh & Houweling (2007) is structural scarcity. Structural scarcity is a supply-induced result when a major industrialized power makes deliberate actions, for example during wartime.
As mentioned before, Denmark is considered to have a liberal state-society complex and China’s power structure can be seen as a type of authoritarian state-society complex. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is the primary political force in China’s political system. The CCP exercises control over all societal and power relations. And was founded in 1921 by two left-wing Chinese intellectuals, Chen Duxiu and Li Dazhao. After the Chinese revolution in 1949 the CCP was led by two influential leaders namely Mao Zedong (from 1949 till 1976) and Deng Xiaoping (from 1978 till 1992). The inner-circle of the Chinese state class is drawn from the Party State and includes members from key economic sectors, such as the managers of State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs). The CCP consists of a bureaucratic structure that provides certain privileges to its members. Policy is formulated and transmitted from the top down, from the Politbureau Standing Committee, and is implemented and detailed by tens of thousands intermediate government bodies (Amineh & Yang, 2018: 18).
1.6.1 Actors
From the theoretical framework described above, the following three key actor categories derive: state actors, business actors and other involved actors, such as, green movements. To grasp al possible aspects and the involved actors in this research these actors will be discussed. First, state actors refer to the national governments of Denmark and China. To specify, the role of the involved ministries will be discussed. For Denmark, the involved ministries are the Ministry of Business and Growth, the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Energy, Utilities and Climate. For China, these ministries are the Ministry of Environmental Protection, the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Land and Resources. Additional state-actors for China are the National Development and Reform Commission and the National Energy Administration. Besides ministries, the research will focus on the role of political parties. For China, this is the Communist Party of China. And for Denmark, this is a coalition government
28 existing of Venstre, Danish People’s Party, the Liberal Alliance and the Conservative People’s Party.
The second actors of importance in this research are business-actors. To be more specific: organizations that are active in the national and sometimes international domain. These are big multinational companies (MNCs) or small and medium enterprises that focus mainly on the domestic market. In Denmark these business-actors belong in the civil-society sphere as they operate relatively independent from the state in liberal democratic countries. However, in China the relation between business-actors and civil society is more complex as most companies are state-owned or partly state-owned. For Denmark, the main business-actors are big MNCs, such as: Vestas Wind Systems, DONG Energy and Siemens Gamesa Renewable Energy A/S. For China, according the Wind Power Monthly (2015), the main business-actors are Xinjiang Goldwind Science & Technology Co Ltd., United Power (state-owned) and Ming Yang (not state-owned).
The third actors of importance are the green movements. For Denmark these are Greenpeace and the Danish 92 Group. And for China these are Greenpeace International the National Resources Defence Council (NRDC) and World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF).
1.7 Brief argumentation and hypotheses
As explained by the previous section, in Denmark and China it is the relation between the government, the business sector and green social movements, emerging from the wealth-power structures, that shape energy policy and therefore determine the development of the transition towards renewable energy, in particular wind power. The successful energy transition towards renewable energy, in particular wind power, in Denmark and China might be a result of a difference between the configurations of their wealth-power structures. This research builds on several factors of the energy transition towards wind power. Lateral pressure is another concept that may have influenced the scale of wind power development in both countries, as well as resource scarcity. These concepts, roughly, translate in several factors that may or may not have influenced the large-scale development of wind power in both Denmark and China. These factors being, as aforementioned in the theoretical framework and literature review: environmental factors, energy security factors and green technology development factors. As the state-society complexes of Denmark and China differ greatly the hypotheses that derive from the literature review and theoretical framework are split into three hypotheses explaining
29 what factors may be responsible for the significant wind power development in both Denmark and China. To keep a clear overview, these three hypotheses will be applied to both countries, resulting in six hypotheses:n
Denmark
Environmental - H1: The increased climate awareness caused the large-scale development of
wind power in Denmark in the past decades.
Energy security - H2: Improving energy (supply) security caused the large-scale development
of wind power in Denmark in the past decades.
Green technology development - H3: Economic growth and/or seeking global leadership in the
renewable energy technology innovation caused the large-scale development of wind power in Denmark in the past decades.
China
Environmental – H4: The increased climate awareness caused the large-scale development of
wind power in China in the past decades.
Energy security – H5: Improving energy (supply) security caused the large-scale development
of wind power in China in the past decades.
Green technology development – H6: Economic growth and/or seeking global leadership in the
renewable energy technology innovation caused the large-scale development of wind power in China in the past decades.
1.8 Research method
This research will rely on a mostly qualitative research method. However, several methods will be used to test the hypotheses, namely: a comparative analysis using statistical data analysis, semi-structured interviews and an analysis of energy policy documents and reports.
First, the current energy situation will be analysed by gathering data on energy production, consumption, reserves, imports and exports by consulting several databases. And the variables of the ‘Resource Scarcity Model’ will be examined by looking at the following variables: population growth, technological advances, rising per capita income and fluctuation of stock. The data will be used to compare Denmark and China and discover the main differences between the two countries. The data will be collected from, among others, the
30 Energy Information Administration (EIA), Eurostat, the World Bank, Enerdata, International Energy Agency (IEA), Danish Energy Agency (DEA) and the National Bureau of Statistics of China.
Second, the state-society(-market) complexes of Denmark and China will be described and also the role of the different relevant actors within these complexes. Namely the government, business and green movement actors. To assess the similarities and differences between the political economies of energy in Denmark and China several peer-reviewed articles and other relevant literature will be consulted.
Third, the energy policy of Denmark and China will be analysed and discussed to examine the similarities and differences between the two countries concerning the energy transition towards renewable energy, in particular wind power. The aim of the policy analyses is to discover what the enabling factors and incentives are in both countries for an energy transition towards renewable energy. The analyses might also provide some insights on the domestic state-market relations and other societal groups. To access the energy policy of Denmark and China a number of involved ministries will be consulted. For Denmark, the involved ministries are the Ministry of Business and Growth, the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Energy, Utilities and Climate. For China, these ministries are the Ministry of Environmental Protection, the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Land and Resources. Additional state-actors for China are the National Development and Reform Commission and the National Energy Administration. Additionally, peer-reviewed articles and reports will be examined.
Fourth, there’ll be looked into future outlooks, prospects and challenges concerning the future wind power development in Denmark and China by carrying out interviews and analysing reports of, among others: the Energy Information Administration, the Danish Energy Agency and the International Energy Agency.
To substantiate the gathered information and data from the aforementioned research, semi-structured interviews will be carried out. This is of significance because peer-reviewed journals and statistical data won’t provide a complete picture. Interviews are needed to obtain additional data. These interviews are conducted among business representatives, non-profit representatives and scholars.
31
1.9 Organization of the thesis
This research exists of 6 chapters. The aim of Chapter 2 is to give an overview of the current energy situation of Denmark and China on a global, regional and national level. Additionally, chapter 2 will provide the reader with an explanation of the incentives of Denmark and China for their energy transition to wind power. First, the chapter will discuss data on energy production, consumption, reserves, imports, exports and the wind power development in both countries. Second, the current energy situation will be linked to the ‘Resource Scarcity Model’ to analyse the existing impediments and opportunities that exist in the current energy situation of Denmark and China. After the current situation is analysed in chapter 2, chapter 3 places the current energy situations of Denmark and China in context by describing the political economies of Denmark and China.
The aim of chapter 3 is to provide the reader with information about the political economies of energy in Denmark and China by describing the state-(energy)market relations. Chapter 3 will start with discussing the different government structures of Denmark and China and continue to analyse the similarities and differences between those government structures. Additionally, the chapter will explain the relation between government and the energy sector and the role of state-, business- and green movement actors.
The aim of Chapter 4 is to provide the reader with an analysis of the similarities and differences of the energy policies of Denmark and China on a national and international level. The chapter discusses the national and international energy policies of the government of Denmark and China. And will focus on policies about both fossil fuel and renewable energy, in particular wind power. In the chapter an overview of the wind power policy in Denmark and China is presented.
The aim of chapter 5 is to put the current energy situation, energy policy and political economies of energy in Denmark and China in perspective by analysing the wind power development trends and prospects. This will be done by consulting several reports of the EIA, IEA and DEA. Furthermore, chapter 5 will discuss the challenges and risks concerning the energy transition in both Denmark and China.
Finally, chapter 6 will describe the research findings, draw a conclusion, discuss the hypotheses and provide recommendations for further research.
In order to give a clear overview of the structure of the thesis, each chapter will start with a brief introduction discussing the objectives, the research question that will be discussed
32 in the chapter and the structure of the chapter. Furthermore, each chapter will end with a conclusion that summarizes the most important findings.
33 Chapter 2:
The current energy situation of Denmark and China
2.1 Introduction
To answer the first sub question “What is the current energy situation in Denmark and in
China”, this chapter focuses on the energy situation in Denmark and China. In addition, the
chapter will briefly discuss the global energy situation. The reason for analysing the current energy situation in Denmark and China is to explain why Denmark and China feel the need to make an energy transition towards renewable energy. Furthermore, the current energy situation explains the context within the two countries, in which the energy transition towards renewable energy takes place. The chapter will assess the energy situation of the world, Denmark and China according to the Resource Scarcity Model of Amineh & Houweling (2007). First, there’ll be data gathered on energy production, consumption, reserves, imports, exports and the wind power development in the world, Denmark and China. This will be done by consulting several online databases, such as (among others): Eurostat, National Bureau of Statistics of the People’s Republic of China (NBSC), Danish Wind Industry Association (DWIA), Danish Energy Agency (DEA), Energy Information Administration (EIA), International Energy Agency (IEA), World Wind Energy Association (WWEA), Bloomberg, Chinese Renewable Energy Industry Association (CREIA) and the China Statistical Yearbooks Database. Second, the current energy situation will be linked to the ‘Resource Scarcity Model’ to analyse the existing impediments and opportunities that exist in the current energy situation of Denmark and China. This will be done by discussing the ‘Resource Scarcity Model’ and translating it into measurable variables, such as: population growth, rising per capita income, technological changes and pricing of fossil fuels.
2.2 Energy profile: global
Energy consumption has increased significantly in the past decades and according to the International Energy Outlook (IEO) 2017 of the U.S. Energy Information Administration, world energy consumption will rise with 28% from 2015 to 2040 (EIA, 2017: 9). Furthermore, the EIA states that most of the increase will occur in non-OECD countries. OECD stands for the Organisation of Economic Co-operation and Development and strives to use “its wealth of information on a broad range of topics to help governments foster prosperity and fight poverty
34 through economic growth and financial stability. And to help ensure the environmental implications of economic and social development are taken into account” (OECD, 2018). Non-OECD countries are, among others: China, India, Russia, Mexico and Afghanistan. The IEO (2017: 15) continues by stating the fact that Asia accounts for most of the increase in energy use in the non-OECD regions. Additionally, the industrial sector accounts for the largest share of energy consumption through 2040, however energy use in all other sectors is projected to grow more rapidly. Concerning the different types of fuel, the IEO (2017: 19) mentions that all fuel consumption increases except for coal and renewables being the fastest growing energy source. The other growing consumption of fuels are: petroleum and other liquids, natural gas and nuclear. One of the reasons, according to the IEO (2017: 21-24), of the growing energy consumption is the economic growth in non-OECD countries. As these economies grow, so does their energy demand. The highest rates of economic growth in the OECD regions can be found in Australia and New Zealand, Mexico and Chile, the United States, South Korea, Canada and OECD Europe. Additionally, the highest rates in the non-OECD regions can be found in, among others: India, China, Africa and the Middle East. Besides economic growth, population growth also has its implications for future energy consumption since it is an important driver of energy demand. The last factor mentioned by the IEO (2017: 29-30) that is of influence of energy demand is the rise of income. However, the IEO also mentions that improvements in energy intensity can offset the increases in energy consumption.
With regard to the global energy mix, the International Energy Agency (IEA) provides data concerning the 1973 and 2015 fuel shares of Total Primary Energy Supply (TPES). Figures 2.1 and 2.2 show a decrease in oil and biofuels and waste and an increase in coal, natural gas, nuclear, hydro and other sources. It should be noted that the global energy mix, as shown in the figures 2.1 and 2.2, include international aviation and international marine bunkers. Furthermore, in these figures peat and oil shale are aggregated with coal and the label ‘Other’ includes geothermal, solar, wind, tide/wave/ocean, heat and other fuel sources.
35
Source: Key World Energy Statistics (IEA, 2017)
Source: Key World Energy Statistics (IEA, 2017)
Concerning global petroleum and other liquid fuel consumption, the IEO (2017: 35-36) predicts a growth of 18% between 2015 and 2040 with the non-OECD countries accounting for most of this growth. Non-OECD Asia accounts for more than 80% of the total increase in liquid fuel consumption. The rapidly growing industrial sector and increased demand for transportation in China and India are main contributors in this growth. China’s use of liquid
Biofuels and waste; 10,5% Hydro; 1,8% Nuclear; 0,9% Natural Gas; 16% Oil; 46,2% Coal; 24,5% Other; 0,1%
Figure 2.1 Fuel shares of Total Primary Energy Supply
(6101 Mtoe), global, 1973
Biofuels and waste; 9,7% Hydro; 2,5% Nuclear; 4,9% Natural Gas; 21,6% Oil; 31,7% Coal; 28,1% Other; 1,5%Figure 2.2 Fuel shares of Total Primary Energy Supply
(13647 Mtoe), global, 2015
36 fuels for transportation is predicted to increase by 36% between 2015 and 2040. However, the global shares of liquid fuel consumption are relatively constant across different sectors, even though the total consumption increases.
Concerning natural gas the global natural gas consumption will increase by 43% between 2015 and 2040 largely due to the growth in non-OECD countries, as predicted by the IEO (2017: 49-52). In contrast to petroleum and other liquid fuels, natural gas consumption will increase in all sectors between 2015 and 2040, with the industrial and electric power sectors accounting for nearly 75% of this increase. The Middle East, the United States and China account for most of the increase in natural gas consumption.
Concerning coal the IEO (2017: 63-64) mentions that the global coal consumption is predicted to remain stable, as the decreasing coal demand of China and the United States offsets the growth in India. China is one of the biggest coal consumers in the world, however their coal consumption decreases due to changes in their industry mix and policies and their encouragement of the use of renewable and nuclear energy sources (IEO, 2017: 65-66).
With regard to electricity the IEO (2017: 77-78) mentions that the net electricity generation in non-OECD countries increases twice as fast as in the OECD countries, with a major contributor to this growth being building use. Natural gas and renewable energy sources account for much of the growth in electricity generation with a predicted combined share of the total to 57% in 2040. With regard to the renewable energy sources, wind and solar dominate this growth and represent more than two-thirds of the capacity increase by 2040 (IEO, 2017: 81-82). Furthermore, OECD Europe reduces energy generation by nuclear power and increases the electricity capacity by using renewable energy sources and natural gas (IEO, 2017: 89-90).
As the IEO predicts an increase in global energy consumption of 28% between 2015 and 2040, it is likely that the fossil fuel reserves will be depleted unless new fossil fuel reserves will be discovered. The combination of the increasing energy demand and the depletion of fossil fuels reserves will be expected to result in demand-induced and supply-induced scarcity. To add, fossil fuel reserves are unevenly distributed across the world and the fossil fuels rich countries and regions are subjected to risks as described by structural scarcity.
2.3 Energy profile: Denmark 2.3.1 Energy production
The EIA (2017) has analysed the energy production by source from 1973 till 2015. There need to be made some notes to the figure since Denmark has a 100% coal dependency since it has
37 no domestic coal production. However, in 2016 coal accounted for 11,9% of the Total Primary Energy Supply (TPES). When it comes to oil, export and import were nearly equal in 2016 and concerning natural gas; Denmark has a history of being a natural gas exporter with almost half of its natural gas being exported in 2016 (IEA, 2017: 25). Furthermore, the data of the EIA (2017) shows a decrease in oil and natural gas production in the last couple of years. Biofuels and waste, wind, solar and nuclear productions all seem to have gradually increased in the last couple of years.
2.3.2 Energy consumption
Concerning energy consumption in Denmark the Danish Energy Agency (2016) provides data about the gross energy consumption from 1975 till 2015. The data shows a decrease in oil, natural gas and coal consumption over the last couple of years and the constant increase of renewable energy consumption since 1975 up until 2015. The EIA (2017: 70) reports that coal has been consumed mostly for heat and power generation and was consumed in a small amount for industry and residential purposes. The amount consumed for industry and residential purposes has been decreasing between 1973 and 2015. The data also provides information on the final energy consumption by sector between 1980 and 2015. The data shows that the total energy consumption has remained quite stable throughout the years. However, there was an increase in the transport sector and a decrease in the industry and agriculture sector. The other sectors have remained relatively stable over the years.
2.3.3 Energy reserves
Figure 2.3 below shows a rise in oil reserves and a decrease in natural gas reserves from 1982 until 2000. After the year 2000 the oil and gas reserves have both been gradually decreasing. With almost only half of the oil and gas reserves left in 2015, in comparison with the year 2000. As the fossil fuel reserves, that are located in Denmark’s national territory, will be depleted in the near future, Denmark has incentives to support an energy transition towards renewable energy to secure its energy supply.
38
Source: Danish Energy Agency (2015)
2.3.4 Energy imports & exports
Denmark has been a net importer of crude oil since the mid-1990s. In 2010, about 63% of the domestic oil production was exported. Figure 2.4 shows the amount of crude oil imported and exported from 1990 until 2015 (measured in units of 1000 tonnes). The figure shows a rather constant amount of crude oil imports and a significant increase of crude oil exports between 1995 and 2005. However, after 2005 the amount of crude oil being exported decreased up until 2015. And in 2015 only a third of crude oil was exported in compared to the exports in 2005.
Source: International Energy Agency (2015)
0 50 100 150 200 250 300 1982 1990 2000 2010 2015
Figure 2.3 Oil and gas reserves and resources (Ultimo), Denmark, 1982-2015
Crude oil, Million m3 Natural gas, Billion Nm3
0 2000 4000 6000 8000 10000 12000 14000 16000 1990199219941996199820002002200420062008201020122014 x 1000 tonnes
Figure 2.4 Crude oil imports & exports, Denmark, 1990-2015
Import Export
39 2.3.5 Renewable energy development
Eurostat (2018) mentions that the importance of renewables in gross inland consumption is relatively high in Denmark, with a share of 28,7%. Additionally, more than one third (32,2%) of Denmark’s gross final consumption of energy comes from renewable sources. Furthermore, more than half (53,7%) of the electricity used in Denmark comes from renewable energy sources. Figure 2.5 shows a gradual increase between 1980 and 2015 in renewable energy production by type of renewable energy source. The figure shows that wind and wood have increased significantly. The energy consumption by energy product, seen in figure 2.6, shows a significant increase in wind and biomass consumption from 1990 until 2015.
Source: Danish Energy Agency Energy (2015)
Source: Danish Energy Agency Energy (2015)
0 50 100 150 200 250 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 PJ
Figure 2.6 Renewable energy consumption by energy product, Denmark, 1990-2015 Others Biogas Biomass Wind 0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140 160 1980 1990 2000 2010 2015 PJ
Figure 2.5 Renewable energy production by type, Denmark, 1980-2015 Others Biogas Straw Waste, renewable Wood Wind
