EXPERIENCING
ABORTION
AN EXPLORATIVE ANALYSIS OF ABORTION MORALITY IN THE NETHERLANDS
Noraly Ilahi 10541926
Master Sociology: Social Problems, Social Policy Sylvia Holla & Renée Römkens
15 August 2018
University of Amsterdam Words: 18877
TABLE OF CONTENTS
I. FOREWORD 3
II. SUMMARY OF RESEARCH 4
1. INTRODUCTION 5
2. EMOTION MANAGEMENT 8
2.1(PRODUCT OF)CONCEPTION 10
2.2(NON-)DISCLOSURE 11
3. FEELINGS AND FRAMING RULES 13
3.1ABORTION STIGMA 13
3.2BLEMISHES AND TRIBAL ACTS 14
4. METHOD 16
4.1DESCRIPTION INTERVIEW 16
4.2STRUCTURE INTERVIEW 18
4.3DATA ANALYSIS 19
5. DUTCH ATTITUDES REGARDING ABORTION 20
5.1HISTORICAL OVERVIEW 20
5.2ATTITUDES TOWARD MOTHERHOOD AND FAMILY 21 5.3ATTITUDES TOWARD SEXUALITY AND FEMININITY 23 5.4DUTCH “ACCEPTANCE” OF ABORTION 24 6. PERSONAL ATTITUDES TOWARDS ABORTION 27 6.1ATTITUDES TOWARD MATERIAL NECESSITIES 28 6.2ATTITUDES TOWARD MOTHERHOOD AND FAMILY 30 6.3ATTITUDES TOWARDS DIVISION OF RESPONSIBILITY 32 7. FLEXIBILITY OF MEANING CONSTRUCTION 35
7.1SEEDLING 35
7.2POTENTIAL CHILD 37
7.3ALTERNATIVE LIFE 39
8.1DISCLOSURE 42 8.2ABORTION AS A STIGMATIZING EVENT 45 8.3TRIBAL SOLACE AS EMOTION WORK 47
9. CONCLUSION 51
10. LITERATURE 55
III. APPENDIX 1 - VIGNETTES 59
VIGNETTE 1 59
VIGNETTE 2 59
VIGNETTE 3 60
VIGNETTE 4 60
I. FOREWORD
To the brave women who opened-up in order to further research on the experience of abortion; To my supervisor who helped me find my bearings in my mountain of data, and
navigated herself through all the spelling and grammatical errors; Thank you! Warning I:
This is not a fairy witch tale. There are no witches. There is no witch hunt. There are no match-boys.
There are no burnings. There is no fiery revolution.
This is simply a story Where women fight against
The manmade structure That has long overstayed
Its welcome.
II. SUMMARY OF RESEARCH
This thesis focusses on the question: How do Dutch women give meaning to the experience of abortion? I answer this question through a qualitative study in which I conduct in-depth interviews with 14 women about their experiences of abortion. The theoretical framework consists of the ‘emotion management framework’ as postulated by Hochschild and ‘stigma’ as postulated by Goffman. During the interviews, it became clear that cultural attitudes pertaining to motherhood, sexuality, femininity, family and material necessities inform the way in which women attribute meaning to their experience. The language that women use to talk about ‘the product of conception’ is a signifier for the emotional attachment they feel towards the foetus and the meaning they attributed to their experience. Abortion is the Netherlands is a stigmatizing event. The cultural notions that shape it as such, highly influence the process of meaning attribution. Women productively combat the emotional effects of stigmatization through tribal solace.
1. INTRODUCTION
In an article recently published in ‘de Volkskrant’, Jennie Barbier wrote an opinion piece on the Dutch public opinion pertaining to abortion (Barbier, 2018). She contrasted the Dutch abortion consensus with that of Ireland, and stated that, legislatively, the Netherlands are 30 years ahead of Ireland. However, when she looked at the experience and the way in which that was disclosed, she found that the Netherlands were behind there. In Ireland, pro-choice is gaining foot while in the Netherlands, pro-life is gaining foot. This shift comes with new attitudes and beliefs toward abortion. She uses her own abortion to illustrate the conflicting feelings Dutch women experience. When she made the decision, she was confident in her choice but still had a simmering feeling that she had done something bad.
Feeling as though abortion was the right decision while simultaneously feeling as though the concept of abortion is something bad, is in line with scientific research on the topic of abortion (Keys, 2010; Kimport, 2012; Cockrill & Nack, 2013). In an auto-ethnographical account of abortion, the experience was described in different chronological stages in which was emotional hardship was a theme (Sells, 2013). Sells described that this was not
exclusively because of the experience itself, but mostly because of the reactions of those around her. It changed the way she comported herself in daily life as she had to be vigilant about the people with whom she shared her experience. Much like Barbier, she firmly agreed with her decision to abort, but nonetheless felt guilty because of it.
Women’s decision to abort cannot be considered in isolation from their contextual realities (Saul, 2003). The right to choose does not negate the impact of the moral dimension as the choice does not happen without emotion. As the cases of Sells and Barbier show, the experience of abortion is complex, multi-faceted and not confined to merely the act of the medical procedure. It encompasses the situation in which the unintended pregnancy occurred, the way in which it became an unwanted pregnancy, and the extent to which the immediate environment offers support. It is also encompassed by the bigger societal attitudes and beliefs regarding abortion.
Research done in the UK suggests that those who undergo the procedure, do not always feel comfortable sharing their experience for fear of judgement (Astbury-Ward, Parry &
felt isolated and saw the abortion as a personally stigmatizing event. Media accounts often portray abortion experiences as a universal social fact but barring some common health denominators, the social production of stigma is profoundly local (Kumar, Hessini, Mitchell, 2009). As such, the experience of abortion cannot be explicated without taking the local attitudes pertaining to the subject into consideration.
Abortion is a controversial topic with a distinct cultural meaning that is influenced by the beliefs people hold regarding the practice. Researching abortion in the Dutch context, provides significant insight into the experience of abortion. There are low legal barriers as abortion is available at multiple locations until 24 weeks. Financial barriers are also low as the procedure is covered by the mandatory basic health plan. However, social barriers
remain. A qualitative review on the experience of abortion found that research often focusses on one or more general themes: the context and accessibility of abortion, reasons and
decision-make, and abortion stigma (Purcell, 2015). This thesis focusses mostly on the last two themes. As such, the central research question is: How do Dutch women give meaning to the experience of abortion?
Two grand theories are used to guide my investigation. The first is the emotion management framework as postulated by Hochschild (1979). The emotion management framework allows for an understanding of emotional displays as dependent on and situated in interactions. It allows for the grounding of abortion in the social situation in which the woman in question finds herself and provides theoretical concepts that focus on the way in which the women comported themselves in their experience of abortion. Based on previous research, this thesis works from the assumption that abortion in the Netherlands is a stigmatizing event (Kumar et al., 2009). The extent to which is investigated. As such, the second theory needed for the theoretical framework is ‘stigma’ as postulated by Goffman. The theoretical concepts
provided through the stigma framework allow for the acknowledgement that while abortion is a personal experience, meaning attribution is equally guided by bigger societal views
regarding it.
By combining these theories, my research grants a better understanding of the experience of abortion and the process of stigmatization. Women who have had an abortion are uniquely qualified to answer this question as they have information on the subject that can only be attained through lived experience. As is the case with stigmatized events, a negative meaning
is attributed by others. However, how one experiences these events, gives meaning to them and subsequently copes with them, is best explained by the one being stigmatized. This thesis is explorative in nature. The findings are not generalizable on the Dutch population. Instead, the findings are geared towards building a theory about the experience of abortion in the Netherlands.
The central research question is empirically investigated using in-depth interviews. The method for these interviews is inspired by person-centered ethnography (Hollan, 2001). It allows for a focus on the interplay between the individual, their subjective experience, and social and cultural processes. From these interviews, it became clear that attitudes regarding childrearing and responsibility heavily influence the way in which women give meaning to their experience of abortion. An additional literature review is added that discusses general Dutch attitudes pertaining to abortion. The findings illustrate that stigmatization is mediated by cultural beliefs pertaining to contraceptive use.
2. EMOTION MANAGEMENT
The theoretical concepts used to guide the empirical investigation are those postulated within the emotion management framework (Hochschild, 1979). The theory stipulates that ‘emotion work’ is performed to change the emotional display in an interaction. This is the act of ‘trying to change in degree or quality an emotion or feeling’ (Hochschild, 1979, p. 561). As such, women can attempt to alter their emotional display to adhere to interactional demands.
Hochschild stipulates two broad types of emotion work: evocation and suppression. The first is focused on summoning a feeling in a certain situation that is, in first instance absent. The second is focussed on suppressing a feeling that is deemed unfit for the situation. These types are performed using three different techniques: cognitive, bodily and expressive. In the first technique, the emotion work is performed via cognitive processes, the second is focussed on controlling ‘physical symptoms of emotions’ and the third is focussed on the changing the outward appearance of emotion. While these are different techniques, Hochschild postulated that, in an interaction, they are used simultaneously. As such, emotion management can follow different routes. An emotional display that differs from the interactional demands, is called ‘emotional deviance’ (Thoits, 1990). In this case, the woman defies the interactional demands.
The emotion management framework stipulates that interactions are dependent on feeling and framing rules. Feelings rules are described as ‘guidelines for the assessment of fits and misfits between feeling and situation’ (Hochschild, 1979, p. 566). Framing rules are ‘rules according to which we ascribe definitions or meanings to situations’ (Hochschild, 1979, p. 566).
Hochschild does not give a list of feeling or framing rules. Instead, the theory provides a strategy to determine whether a rule is at play; when one evaluates their emotions, a rule is present. Emotion work can be done to display the appropriate affectional display. Otherwise, emotion deviance occurs.
Emotion management as a framework, has been previously utilized by other social
researchers to understand abortion (Wasielewski, 1992; Keys, 2010). Wasielewski used the framework to ground the experience of abortion in an ideological framework. This was done to understand the ideological background of feeling and framing rules pertaining to abortion
(Wasielewski, 1992). Keys used the framework to establish the way in which the clashing emotion culture of the pro-choice and the pro-life movement influenced the way in which women experience abortion. It also looked at the way in which women dealt with these conflicting stories (Keys, 2010). The framework has not yet been used to understand meaning attribution and the way in which this is shaped by emotion management.
Analysing the experience of abortion, often happens by incorporating ‘lived experience’ (Dilthey, 1989) to further the theoretical analysis (Purcell, 2015; Cockrill & Nack, 2013; Gerber, 2002: Granzow, 2007). This concept encompasses the connection between cognitive, emotional and volitional processes (Tool, 2007). Other researchers incorporated lived
experience to provide an embodied account of the experience. As such, I supplement Hochschild’s concept of emotion work with perspectives on ‘lived experience’ (Dilthey, 1989). The use of the concept of lived experience, emphasized that emotion work is the product of different personal processes while still being grounded in an interaction.
Gaining insight into meaning attribution regarding abortion, requires acknowledgment that the process does not exist in a vacuum. It is achieved by internal and external processes and dependent on the meaning constructed for other events pertaining to the abortion. The life-events that shape the meaning of abortion, are extremely personal. Something that might contribute for one, might make no difference for another woman. However, based on the literature, it was found that the meaning attributed to the pregnancy and ‘the product of conception’, are important for the way in which meaning was attributed to the entire
experience (Izugbara, Ochako & Izugbara, 2011; Gerber, 2002; Sells, 2013; Kimport, 2012). Analysing the way in which emotion work is performed in these sites, allows for an
understanding of abortion that goes beyond the medical procedure and grounds the experience in everyday life.
2.1 (PRODUCT OF) CONCEPTION
The meaning attributed to the pregnancy, is dependent on the situation in which it occurred and the decision-making process that deemed the pregnancy ‘unwanted’. Dominant
frameworks regarding pregnancies, centre around attachment towards the foetus. There are two narratives at play here. The first designates attachment to the foetus as a naturally occurring phenomenon. The second designates natural attachment as a culturally constructed notion and stipulates that women are not emotionally attached to the foetus when she chooses an abortion (Kimport, 2012). This binary way of thinking is an oversimplification of a
complicated and personal process. There are different events that can influence the way in which a pregnancy is experienced. A study done in Kenya, showed that the process of deeming a pregnancy ‘unwanted’, while personal, was dependent on contextual factors (Izugbara et al., 2011). In this study, pregnancies that were the result of situations that
contradict the ideals of motherhood, were more easily deemed ‘unwanted’. This held true for pregnancies that occurred situations in which the woman’s sexuality showed through in ways deemed culturally inappropriate. The decision-making process should thus, not be viewed as a purely personal endeavour. As most women discuss their decision to abort with others, it is subject to personal history, partners, friends and social norms (Scharwachter, 2008; Alex & Hammarström, 2004). Thus, meaning attribution is not a purely personal endeavour either, but grounded in communal believes.
Important for the meaning contribution to pregnancy, is the way in which women view the ‘product of conception’ (Gerber, 2002). In this French study on the use of mifepristone (the abortion pill), pregnancy was experienced as a continuum. Mifepristone can only be used in the early gestational stages. The product of conception in this stage, was considered by these French women, and the medical professionals they saw, as ‘l’oef’ or ‘the egg’. The
construction of the egg was found to implicitly mean female reproductive matter that was not yet fully fertilised. As such, the product of conception was not viewed as a foetus. This had the following effect on the women:
I’m about four weeks. I came here first, but the doctor couldn’t see anything in the womb, so they thought the egg might be in the tubes … so they sent me to another gynaecologist for an ultrasound. He could see the egg. It was just five millimetres. I have no regrets. Because it’s not a baby yet; it’s just an egg (Gerber, 2002, p. 96).
As the quote illustrates, the construction of the product of conception is important for the meaning attributed to the abortion. The social malleability of the meaning of the pregnancy and subsequently, the product of conception, was found by other studies as well (Kimport, 2012). While immediate attachment to the foetus is not uncommon, it can be achieved through acts such as seeing an ultrasound (Layne, 2003) or planning for a nursery (Kanter, 1972). As such, the meaning attributed to abortion, is highly dependent on the way in which the product of conception is viewed.
2.2 (NON-)DISCLOSURE
The decision to abort, while dependent on value systems, social and cultural norms, and legal situation, produces roughly identical emotions by women around the globe (Sells, 2013). The auto-ethnographical paper written by Sells, contains different ways in which she used
emotion work to process her experience and her new position in relation to others. She cites a source that stipulates that interpersonal support after an abortion, partly determines the emotional state of the woman in question (Goodwin & Ogden, 2007 in Sells, 2013). If she has an unsupportive social network around her, she will be more likely to experience (lasting) negative emotions regarding her abortion. Sells continues to describe that she could not share her experience with just anyone. The following is a quote that illustrates a change in her comportment towards others:
The disgrace that I felt from others as a result of this decision [the abortion] shaped the way in which I carried myself, my self-confidence, and my friendships. I was no longer the open, energetic person I used to be. A time of emotional isolation, I lived in silence about my abortion experience for almost a year (Sells, 2013, p. 182-183).
This quote illustrates that a lot of cognitive emotion work that is done after an abortion, is suppressive. Sells explains that she changed the way she acted in certain interactions.
Because there is an expectation that women either naturally attach to a pregnancy or that they do not, the expected emotions are binary as well (Kimport, 2012). Women are expected to either feel relief or regret. As such, emotion work is required to show an emotional display that conveys a display that is congruent with either option. Failing to live up to the expected emotional display, can incur social punishment:
Of those friends that I was frank with, only a couple supported my decision [to have an abortion]. Others were very disappointed in me and tended to detach themselves from our friendship (Sells, 2013, p. 183).
This fragment illustrates that the experience of abortion, might alter relationships women have. The effect of hurtful comments has been well documented by sociological research. Negative reactions can influence the disclosure to others to the point where women keep the experience silent altogether (Astbury-Ward et al., 2012). Non-disclosure can extent to medical professionals as well for fear of judgment. Lived experience gained by negative encounters, employs non-disclosure to protect a vulnerable ‘I’ from a possible hostile ‘them’.
Non-disclosure has been a recurring emotion management strategy when undergoing an abortion. (Astbury-Ward et al., 2012). It can be viewed as a form of secrecy as it is ‘the act of withholding information from others, which may also include elements of self-deception’ (Hardon & Posel, 2012 p. S3). The explanation of secrecy mirrors the two broad types of emotion work. Whether something is shared or withheld, are sites of negation in which emotion work is performed. It conveys that is a relational practice that is embedded in social millieux with their own customs of behaviour. Comprehending the emotion work that is done in these negotiations requires a closer consideration of the social millieux.
3. FEELINGS AND FRAMING RULES
Feeling and framing rules combined, form an ideology that gives meaning to life
(Hochschild, 1979). It constructs what meaning ought to be giving to a situation and the feelings that should accompany that. An example of feeling rules is the assessment of feelings that leads to non-disclosure. Feelings that deviate from the relief-regret framework are kept secret from others. Framings rules are evident in the study done in Kenya, where a pregnancy is deemed ‘unwanted’ if it deviates from the framework associated with female sexuality or motherhood. These examples show the effect that feeling and framing rules can have on the experience of abortion. The binary frameworks for attachment to pregnancy and the subsequent feelings allude to the harmful consequencesof the ideology surrounding abortion (Kimport, 2012). These are instances in which a negative experience of abortion is socially produced.
A large body of sociological work regarding the experience of abortion, is focused on understanding the stigma surrounding it (Purcell, 2015). The focus of stigma regarding abortion is either/or on the way it is ‘felt’, ‘enacted’ or ‘internalized’ (Cockrill & Nack, 2013). The first focusses on the way in which abortion attitudes are experienced and the way in which these influence the way people act. The second focusses on the way in which
women experience prejudice concerning abortion. The last regards the acceptance of negative cultural views regarding abortion. As such, feeling and framing rules are supplemented with stigma (Goffman, 1963; Link & Phelan, 2001).
3.1 ABORTION STIGMA
Goffman theorizes a stigma as ‘an attribute that is deeply discrediting’ (Goffman, 1963, p. 3). He describes it as a falling short of certain category, its sum of characteristics being what is considered ‘normal’. The falling short of this category leads to a certain attribute that carries a negative connotation because it is not what it should ‘normally’ look like. An attribute does not stand alone, but is embedded in relationships. Analysing the attribute requires that the relationships are deconstructed. He postulated three different types of
stigma: abomination of the body, tribal stigma and a blemish of individual character. The first type refers to stigmatizing attributes that are visible on the body. In his text, Goffman uses
the example of a missing leg. The second type pertains to groups of individuals that are stigmatized based on their membership to that group. This is the basis for “isms” such as racism or sexism. The third type concerns a flaw in how a person is supposed to act. The way in which stigma is (re)produced via social processes, is further theorized by Link and Phelan (2001). There are four social processes important for stigmatization. The first is that distinctions are made based on human differences and that these are labelled. The second is that people are labelled in accordance with undesirable characteristics based on dominant cultural beliefs. The third is that these labels are connected to distinct categories that separate ‘us’ from ‘them’. The extent of ‘othering’, is dependent on the category in question. The last is that the labelled people experience status loss and discrimination. This, in turn, leads to unequal outcomes. The processes that Link and Phelan describe, are conditional on groups having unequal access to social, economic and political power. Abortion stigma is the result of narrowly defined categories pertaining to pregnancy, gender, sexuality and motherhood (Luker, 1985; Kumar et al., 2009). It is defined as:
A negative attribute ascribed to women who seek to terminate a pregnancy that marks them, internally or externally, as inferior to the ideals of womanhood (Kumar et al, 2009, p. 628).
In accordance with Goffman’s typology of stigma, abortion stigma is associated with a blemish of individual character and tribal stigma (Cockrill & Nack, 2013). Researching abortion as a blemish of individual character, requires an investigation into the way in which the act of abortion diverges from the way in which women ‘ought’ to act. It is geared towards understanding why society views it as a lacking in moral character. Researching abortion as a tribal stigma, requires an investigation into the way in which having an abortion, represents a failure to live up to the category of essential womanhood.
3.2 BLEMISHES AND T RIBAL ACTS
Abortion as a blemish of individual character refers to the division of essential rights of the women and the foetus. In the debate surrounding ‘moral permissibility of abortion’, the right of the women to have an abortion is contrasted with the right to life of the fetus (Gibson, 2004). How one answers this question is dependent on whose rights are prioritized. The right of a woman to have an abortion consists of different stances on topics such as privacy, self-determination, bodily integrity and rights over property in the person. There are three
positions one can take regarding the moral rights of the fetus. The first one being that the fetus has a right to life from the moment of conception, also known as the conservative position. The second one, the moderate position, states that the fetus comes into possession of the right to life at some stage during the pregnancy. The last one states that the fetus does not, at any gestational age, have a right to life.
Abortion as a tribal stigma refers to societal attitudes toward gendered norms of sexual morality (Nack, 2002). Based on a study done in the US, Nack found that certain acts that went against norms regarding gender and sexuality, resulted in a stigma. The difference between this and blemish of individual character, is that the first refers to norms regarding morality. The latter refers to acts that go against the way in which ‘women as a group’ are supposed to act. Women considered members of the ‘bad tribe’ are perceived as members of deviant subcultures. She found that certain acts were associated with ‘good women’ while others were associated with ‘bad women’. Acts, such as promiscuity, STD’s and abortion, were viewed as traits belonging to women of the ‘bad tribe’. ‘Acts’ refers to them being perceived as active choices that are defining features of character, rather than coincidental occurrences.
Both forms of stigma influence the way in which women comport themselves in their daily lives. According to previous research done on abortion stigma, distinct types of emotion management are used to navigate abortion stigma. The first is ‘stigma transference’ (Nack, 2000). This is along the lines of, ‘while I did X, the other person did Y and that is so much worse’. It is a signifier of internalized stigma. Stigma transference is used to alleviate the effects of stigma on a personal level. Instead it perpetuates the stigma on a bigger level. Another is ‘information control’ (Cockrill & Nack, 2013). This type of emotion work controls outward appearances to prevent stigma attribution through non-disclosure. A personal negative effect of this emotion management tactic is that it prevents women from finding ’therapeutic disclosure’ (Miall, 1986). A third type is ‘rationalization’ (Scott & Lyman, 1968). This type can be used in two ways: ‘excuses’ and ‘justification’. Excuses are used to evade the label of irresponsibility. Justifications imply acceptance of responsibility but deny why the abortion is considered a ‘wrongful act’. Both come across as though the cultural meaning attributed to abortion is renegotiated. Instead, the meaning already in place, is reinforced. Examining categories pertaining to abortion and the meanings attributed to them, provides insight into stigma production in the Netherlands.
4. METHOD
The qualitative approach deployed to investigate the central research question, is inspired by person-centred ethnography (Hollan, 2005). Data is gathered through in-depth interviews in which the central premise of person-centred ethnography is used; subjective experiences and how these are constructed on a local scale, need to be centred to understand the process of meaning attribution. Interviewees can be approached as ‘knowledgeable about local customs and behaviours’ (informant) or ‘object of systematic study and observation in themselves’ (respondents). The women interviewed for this thesis are approached as informants as to accommodate the explorative nature of my thesis.
The interview is divided in two parts. The first part consists of 5 vignettes after which two or three questions followed. The first part is used to uncover the general meaning that these women give to abortion. The second part consists of open-ended questions about the personal experiences of the informants to understand the meaning they give to it in relation to
themselves. At the end of the second part, the informants are asked to fill out a table
regarding their background and personal context during the abortion. This chapter provides a description of the interview, the informants, explains the structure of the interview, and the way in which data was analysed.
4.1 DESCRIPTION INTERVIEW
Fourteen women were interviewed. They were selected based on the following criteria: their abortion had to have taken place in the Netherlands and they had to live in the Netherlands. The informants were recruited firstly, via a snowball-method (Hennink, 2011a). However, this method only provided 7 informants. Subsequently, more women were recruited via a message on a social media page.
Together, these informants had undergone 19 abortions. Most informants underwent 1 abortion. There were two informants who had 3 and 4 abortions. The average age during the abortion was 27, with the youngest being 17 at the time, and the oldest 34. On average, the abortion took place 4,5 years ago with the most recent being less than 6 months and the least recent 12 years ago. Two of the informants had one or more children. The educational level
was high: 7 informants had a university degree, 6 informants had a higher vocational education, and 1 had an intermediate vocational education1. The interviews took place
between the 23rd of April and the 16th of May 2018. They were mostly held at café’s and bars. The selection of the interview location was up to the informants so that they could choose a place they felt comfortable. The interviews typically lasted for approximately one hour with the shortest being 35 minutes and the longest 2 hours and 42 minutes. The difference in length is attributed to the extensiveness of answers given by informants.
The women interviewed for this thesis, are part of a possible vulnerable group. As such, it is important to ensure that the research design is up to the following ethical standards: respect for autonomy, non-maleficence, benefice, justice, professionalism (Beauchamp & Childress, 2001). Autonomy consists of liberty and agency; the informant should be able to decide to partake in the research without interfering influences. This is achieved through informed consent and disclosure (Thomson, 2013). All women received the same information before the interview. If they decided to partake in an interview, they signed a consent form. I
stressed that they could stop the interview at any time. The form granted permission to record the interview but promised anonymity. One informant stated that she felt comfortable talking about her experience as it did not feel forced. Non-maleficence requires that no harm comes to the informant due to the interview. During the design cycle, the well-being of the
informants in considered thoroughly to guarantee non-maleficence. Benefice requires that the researcher continues to protect the informant’s wellbeing. This is ensured by carrying
informational pamphlets for psychological resources. Fortunately, none of the informants needed one. Justice means considering who benefits form the results of the research while simultaneously considering who is hurt by the research. A professional attitude is required to ensure that the vulnerable group is not harmed by the findings. Professionalism means that the researcher needs to be honest and accurate in the information that is give out. It also means that information is not shared without permission from the informants. The informants are promised full anonymity, as such names and other recognizable details are altered unless they are pertinent to their story.
1
Due to the educational level and the number of childless women, my sample was not representative of the average profile of a women undergoing an abortion in the Netherlands (Ministerie van
4.2 STRUCTURE INTERVIEW
The interview is split up into two different sections: vignettes and in-depth interview
questions. Both have different aims. The interview set-up enables to informants to get used to the interviewer and feel at ease with answering the questions. To further stimulate this, a couple of tactics are used: echo probing, tell-me-more probing and silent probing (Bernard, 2011). The first tactic is repeating what the informant said last to see if they are willing to say more on the topic. The second tactic is asking informants to elaborate on what they said last and the last tactic is staying silent longer than usual to see if informants have something to add. What is also used, is posing a question in a negating and confirming manner. Important questions are repeated and reformulated throughout the interview. An example is the question of whether someone has ever made a bothersome comment.
Vignettes are a useful method for uncovering behaviour in certain situations (Barter & Renold, 1999 in Bryman, 2012). Vignettes grant access to the way in which actions vary in different contexts and shed light on what considerations people make during a decision (Barter & Renold, 2012). It also provides a less invasive way of exploring the topic of
abortion. Starting with vignettes allows for a bond to grow between me and the informants. In using this method, the women do not have to talk about themselves immediately but start out talking in the general sense. In accordance with person-centred ethnography, the following probes were used (Hollan, 2005): ‘How do you feel about this?’, ‘Would that be what you would do?’ and ‘Would you have done it differently?’.
The attitudes that were tested, were based on findings from the theoretical framework. Appendix 1 contains the different vignettes and the corresponding attitudes that were tested. Overall, the vignettes focussed on the following topics of: role partner, contraceptive use, support for abortion under circumstance X, material necessities needed to raise a child,
disclosure, construction of the meaning of abortion and the internalization of abortion stigma.
The second part of the interview focussed on getting a sense of the personal experience, the support someone received, the reactions someone got regarding their abortion and the circumstances in which the pregnancy occurred.
The personal experience mostly focussed on how the decision to abort occurred and how the days after the abortion were. Uncovering the kind of support an informant receives, is established by whom they felt supported and in what way that happened. Support also gave insight into the influence this has on meaning attribution. The circumstances in which the pregnancy occurred was attained through a short table in which the informants filled in some personal information from that period of their life. When someone had multiple abortions, a question required was asked about all abortions. A topic list was formulated at the beginning of the fieldwork process. The list developed and grew during the interviews as certain topics kept arising.
4.3 DATA ANALYSIS
The data is analysed using a general inductive approach (Thomas, 2006). This approach allows for findings to emerge from the frequent, dominant, or significant themes in the ‘raw data’. What makes it approach applicable to the case of abortion, is that it leaves space for personal experience as it does not pose as many restraints as other structural methodologies. As such, there are overlapping aspects with many methodologies such as thematic analysis.
All the interviews are recorded and transcribed. These were all in Dutch, as to not lose their colloquial language, the transcriptions are not translated (Hennink, 2011b). During
transcription, I kept a log in which ideas were written down that arose during the interview or transcribing. The transcriptions and the log are the data. The coding of the data is done in atlas.ti. The analytic strategy that is proposed by this method, is that specific text segments related to my research are identified. These are labelled to create categories. These categories have a description as to not get confused and a quote that serves as an example. Next,
categories are compared to reduce overlap. What follows, is a comparison between the categories to see which are linked and to see how they relate to the theoretical framework. The actual coding process is less static than it is written here, I move back and forth between theory and data throughout the analysis.
5. DUTCH ATTITUDES REGARDING ABORTION
General attitudes regarding abortion need to be examined to understand the meaning Dutch women give to the experience of abortion. As such, this chapter gives an historical overview of abortion in the Netherlands, and explicates attitudes toward motherhood, family, sexuality and femininity. The chapter closes with a deconstruction of abortion acceptance.
5.1 HISTORICAL OVERVIEW
Abortion has been a practice in the Netherlands for a long time (de Bruyn, 1979). However, the practice was only known to those who were either involved in it or knew someone who had undergone it as it was not part of the mainstream discourse (Treffers, 2006). Those who did know abortions were performed, spoke of it in hushed tones only. The procedure was mostly used to avert the consequences of sexual intercourse that happened outside of a marriage. Women tried using other forms of contraceptives, but these were not effective (de Bruyn, 1979). At first, abortions performed by medically trained professionals were
characterized as miscarriages. When it became known that these were not ‘natural’
miscarriages but medically induced, the topic became part of the mainstream discourse as a controversial practice. While it was not seen as a social problem for most of the nineteenth century it became one around 1885.
Measures of birth control were, and still are, part of an ideological context (Granzow, 2007). During the second feminist wave, reproduction was identified as that what was keeping women from being equal in options to men. Finding a way to control reproduction, was deemed necessary to pave the way to equality (Firestone, 1971 in Granzow, 2007). When the first contraceptive measures were introduced, they were first seen as going against medical ethics and Christian morality while simultaneously being engrained in feminist views regarding freedom and equality. As the need for restricting and regulating birth ratio rose, contraceptive measures were tentatively allowed. Nonetheless, contraceptives were not accepted by society at large as they were perceived as breaking down morals (de Bruyn, 1979).
The introduction of contraceptives as a legally allowed substance was perceived as meaning that there were no obstacles in having conception-free sex (Treffers, 2006). Acceptance of premarital sex was not yet the norm in general society. But there was now the expectation that, should it happen, it should happen in a conception-free manner. Those who got pregnant despite the availability of birth control, were perceived as having only themselves to blame. But with the legalisation of birth control, new views arose in the medical field. The women who took birth control pills, did so under the supervision of medical professionals.
Nonetheless, some became pregnant. This brought on a change in the medical consensus regarding abortion. Before the legalization of contraceptives, abortion was viewed as a vile act that was the result of deviant behaviour (de Bruyn, 1979). Moreover, it was viewed as being at odds with medical ethics. Legalizing contraceptives gave medical professionals first-hand knowledge of the situations out of which abortions resulted. It was not exclusively the product of deviant behaviour and it was not just done by deviant women. Medical
professionals began to see the need for abortions. They were aware of the illegal abortions and the resulting medical complications and maternal death that were cause. As such, medical professionals started performing abortions. While the medical field gained a better
understanding of the need for abortion, the idea that they resulted from careless behaviour, persevered in the dominant discourse.
When abortion was legalized, it was under the condition that it could only be done in ‘inescapable emergency situations’ (Treffers, 2006). This was met with critique early on because what is, and is not, such a situation, was difficult to translate into a one-size-fits-all law. At first, counsels were set up to determine this per abortion request. These counsels soon found out that this could not be determined by an outsider. Judging the situation became the right of the woman in question.
5.2 ATTITUDES TOWARD MOT HERHOOD AND FAMILY
The way in which women experience abortion, barring the influence of the context in which it happens, is framed by conventions of motherhood and family (Cockrill & Nack, 2013). As such, it is important to understand what the attitudes regarding these are in general Dutch society. The choice to discuss these attitudes together, was made because they are
Attitudes regarding motherhood and family cannot be deconstructed without taking contraceptives into consideration. Motherhood and family life are, by most women,
postponed using contraceptives (Fokkema, de Valk, de Beer & Duin, 2008). As the historical review showed, contraceptives are an important factor in understanding the practice of abortion. It has also changed the decision-making process regarding child rearing. Being able to decide when a woman wants children has changed the process form a passive ‘having children’ to an active decision of ‘taking children’ (Beets, Dourleijn, Liefbroer & Henkens, 2001). The timing of the decision, is dependent on education level. Women with a higher level of education decide to have children when they are older compared to women with a lower educational level (Liefbroer & Dykstra, 2000). Family life is often arranged in the following order: unmarried cohabitation followed by marriage. Children are, on average, decided upon when a woman is 30.4 years old. After the birth of a child, most women start working less; Around a third has a job for 12 to 19 hours a week, half has a job for 20-34 hours a week and a little over a third is a homemaker (Fokkema et al., 2008). This does not hold true for everyone, as these statistics are based on means.
However, these data points do allude to average Dutch ideas of motherhood and family. Such as the fact that some form of contraceptive is expected to be used until one is ready for motherhood. Children are an active decision instead of a passive life event that occurs when all the material necessities necessary for children are present. These ideals construct
reproduction as a site in which ideal experience and lived experience meet (Ruhl, 2002). In the ideal experience, pregnancy is planned and chosen. Unplanned pregnancies confront women with the failure to control their body. Failing means, failing to what ‘other modern women’ manage to do every month. These ideals work both ways. The choice to have children is constructed as a ‘natural’ next step when material necessities needed to raise a child are present. Vice versa, when material necessities are present, the choice to have children must soon follow. However, this does not account for an active choice to stay childless. Whether that is now or for the unforeseeable future. As such, present material necessities and age influences the amount of supports someone receives after having an abortion.
5.3 ATTITUDES TOWARD SEX UALITY AND FEMININITY
The prevention of an unwanted pregnancy is dependent on two things: usage and efficacy of the contraceptive measure used (Picavet, 2012). As, barring sterilization, there is only one contraceptive measure for men, condoms, the responsibility lies mostly with the woman. Data on contraceptive usage back this up as only 10% solely use a condom (De Graaf & Wijsen, 2017). Furthermore, women initiate the discussion regarding the use of contraceptives most often, choose the method, and ensure that the method is used (Delbanco, Lundy, Hoff, Parker & Smith, 1997). However, which contraceptive measure is chosen, is highly depend on the stories women hear from other women (De Neef & Van Dijk, 2010). The chosen method might not be the best fit as there is no one size fits all. Nonetheless, most men rely implicitly on the fact that the woman is using birth control unless stated otherwise (Smith, Fenwick, Skinner, Merriman & Hallett 2011). The prevention of ‘having children’ is up to women creating a disparity in responsibility regarding pregnancy prevention.
Birth control, while constructed as a woman’s individual choice, should be understood as a social, cultural, economic and historical matter (Cream, 1995). The choice, for women, to use a contraceptive measure, is not just about individual agency, but also the ‘ambiguity of lived choosing’ (Granzow, 2007). Measures of birth control are ingrained in Western culture as a tool by which women can assert their independence and freedom. Furthermore, the
responsibility to prevent an unintended pregnancy is internalized (Ruhl, 2002).
Internalization of responsibility is at odds with the idea of ‘choice’. When an unwanted pregnancy does occur, it is perceived as a breaking down of the idealized view of freedom and responsibility. In this lies the ambiguity of choosing. Women are, on an abstract level, free to choose whether they want to use contraceptives and which they will choose. Casting the choice as a lived experience, considers that the choice is rooted in cognitive, emotional and volitional processes (Dilthey, 1989). The decision to use contraceptives is highly
influenced by an internalized sense of duty that is both externally attributed and internalized. Which method is chosen, is embedded in communal stories and experiences with different methods. As such, the choice itself is embedded in cultural beliefs and accounts for the disparity of the division of responsibility for contraceptive measures.
Disparity in the division of responsibility, extends to abortion as well. A study in the USA found that men would like to be more involved in the abortion procedure (Shostak, 2008). They also wanted to have more options for counselling to deal with the experience as they felt it affected them as well. Nonetheless, the study also found that while men would like to be more involved in the process, they mostly view it as ‘her’ instead of ‘our’ abortion. While it is presented as an individual experience, in actuality, it is a product of community.
Abortion is viewed as an extension of the prevention of conception and thus, the responsibility of the woman in question.
5.4 DUTCH “ACCEPTANCE” OF ABORTION
The Netherlands has a high acceptance of abortion. A representative sample found that 74% of Dutch people support the right to an abortion (TNS NIPO, 2016). However, this
percentage does not paint the entire picture as dominant cultural attitudes pertaining to abortion provide nuance to the acceptance of the practice. Delving into the extent to which the right to an abortion is supported, was done in part by deconstructing attitudes. The remainder of this chapter focusses on deconstructing the overall acceptance.
The general attitude of Dutch people towards the moral permissibility of abortion, is
conservatively moderate (Gibson, 2004; TNS NIPO, 2016). Moral permissibility is subject to the position one has towards the gestational age at which a foetus is considered to have a right to life. A conservative attitude means that the right to life starts from the moment of conception, this belief holds true for 4% of the Dutch population. A moderate attitude means that the right to life is gained somewhere during the pregnancy, which holds true for 74% of the Dutch population. Liberal means that the right the life does not occur during the
pregnancy, this holds true for 4% of the Dutch population. Most people belief that the right to life starts at 6 weeks (TNS NIPO, 2016). As most people belief that the right to life occurs earlier, rather than later in the pregnancy, the overall attitude is considered conservatively moderate. Moral permissibility roughly corresponds to the figures that ask what should be the maximum gestational age for an abortion (TNS NIPO, 2016). These figures differ among groups within Dutch society. Religious groups, for example, have a lower rate of acceptance for abortion.
Moral permissibility is further dependent on whose rights are centred when contemplating abortion; those of the woman or the foetus. Dutch consensus generally centres those of the foetus. If medical science can lower the gestational age at which a foetus becomes viable, 51% of people think the time limit of an abortion should be lowered as well. What is implicit in this statement, is that people think that viability is more important that the wishes of the woman in question. The wishes of the paternal figure are considered more important as well, as 61% of people think that he should have more say in the decision to abort. Bodily
autonomy of women is considered conditional on the possible viability of the baby and the wishes of the father. Attitudes regarding motherhood and family are heavily at play here as the acceptance of an abortion decreases in the case of the woman being of an appropriate childrearing age or possessing the material necessities needed to raise a child.
A quantitative study done in the Netherlands, found that people think that unplanned
pregnancies are mostly the result of a lack of education in general and a lack of knowledge on the proper use of birth control (Delbanco et al., 1997). As such, people who have an
unplanned pregnancy are often viewed as having the result of poor education. Attitudes toward sexuality and femininity are at play here as they strengthen the notion that women are supposed to control their bodies through contraceptives.
According the general Dutch consensus, abortion is a medical procedure that is acceptable when: the life of the mother is in danger (91%), the pregnancy is the result of sexual violence (87%), the fetus is not viable (86%), the fetus has a condition that shortens life
expectancy/quality of life (66%) or the mother is mentally unfit (62%) (TNS NIPO, 2016). These situations convey cases in which the woman in question is absolved of any
responsibility. The pregnancy is either the result of violence or detrimental to the life of the woman/embryo. Support for abortion, is thus, support for abortion in extreme cases. The actuality of the practice has less support as 76% of the general representative sample thinks that the government should commit to campaigns aimed at lowering the instance rate of abortion. This reflects a perseverance of acceptance of abortion according to the letter of the law as acceptance is mostly in cases of ‘inescapable emergency situations’.
The acceptable reasons somewhat coincide with the expected reasons a woman has for an abortion. Most people think that women choose an abortion because there is no desire to have children in that moment (27%), the fetus has a (possibly fatal) medical condition (26%), the pregnancy is the result of rape (17%), the relationship with the father is not a good foundation
for a family (9%), financial reasons (5%), no suitable living situation (2%), preferred number of children has been reached (1%), multiple reasons (1%) (TNS NIPO, 2016). However, some of these reasons are not perceived as acceptable reasons to abort.
The reasons that are predominantly perceived as invalid are: dissatisfaction with the sex of the baby (87%), lack of financial means (53%), no desire to have children (50%), family size is perfect (56%), partner does not want a child (53%), cannot be combined with work (68%), house not big enough (60%), relationship ended (50%) and education mother not yet finished (61%) (TNS NIPO, 2016). These reasons also confirm the centering of the rights of the foetus.
The acceptable, expected and invalid reasons, convey two things about the acceptance of abortion. The first is that while most people agree that abortion should be available as a medical procedure, they do think that this right should not always be exercised. The second is that the acceptable and expected reasons do not correspond to the actual reasons women predominantly have for an abortion (Scharwächter, 2008). The invalid reasons do correspond to the actual reasons. As such, a discrepancy exists between the dominant narrative of
abortion, and the actual practice of abortion. The effect of the dominant narrative on women who abort is multifold. When women find themselves in a situation in which they choose an abortion, they are confronted with a possible gap between the cultural dominant narrative of abortion and their own reality. This might cause them to stay silent as they think their experience is an anomaly. If they choose to divulge their experience, people in their vicinity might view their experience in a stigmatizing manner because it is not in line with the dominant cultural narrative.
6. PERSONAL ATTITUDES TOWARDS ABORTION
The meaning attributed to an abortion, is subject to the reasons women have for the abortion. The women interviewed for this thesis, often mentioned a main reason and supporting reasons for having an abortion. The reasons that were cited, were part of a narrative in which all the reasons mentioned, were intrinsically connected. Table 1 shows an overview of the reasons cited by the informants for having an abortion. These reasons, while personal, are connected to different cultural attitudes pertaining to abortion (Saul, 2003). The cited have been connected to their corresponding cultural attitudes to uncover their significance of these attitudes.
Cultural attitudes Corresponding reasons Main Reason Supporting reason Material necessities needed to raise a child No work, No house Money Education 0 0 0 2 3 3 4 3 Attitudes toward motherhood and family
Not wanting a child No stable household Stable relationship Not ready Unstable Age 5 6 0 1 1 0 6 8 1 5 2 2 Attitudes toward division responsibility Father unfit No relationship 2 2 3 4
Figure 1: Cultural attitudes and the reason to abort
Figure 1 conveys that not all cultural attitudes have the same importance when deciding to abort. Attitudes towards motherhood and family weigh heavies, followed by attitudes toward gender and responsibility. Material necessities, while cited as supporting reasons for an abortion, are never cited as the main reason. Based on these reasons, it is established how likely it would be that their choice to abort would be supported by the general Dutch population. Important to note is that the division of the reasons into cultural attitudes is less
static in real life, than shown here. While some reasons fit squarely into one category, other reasons, such as age, have different connotations that influence the way in which other categories have meaning attributed to them. This chapter focusses on explaining the way in which these attitudes are experienced.
6.1 ATTITUDES TOWARD M ATERIAL NECESSITIES
Informants found financial means, an appropriate living situation, a support system and the possibility to provide a future, the material necessities needed to raise a child. The ‘presence’ or ‘absence’ of material necessities shapes the way in which women think about the situation. Both present and absent are personally determined. There were two vignettes in which it was clear that the material necessities needed to raise a child, were present. Most informants found that abortion in these cases, was something they would not do themselves. Renee was one of these informants, she describes it in the following way:
‘okay, you graduated, you have a house, you have a boyfriend who is willing to go for it’ then I personally find abortion a severe choice (Renee, 1 abortion, mid 20’s).
This fragment by Renee was given in reaction to one of these vignettes. Having an abortion in the presence of material necessities, was viewed by more as a ‘severe choice’. The severity is because abortion in the face of present material necessities is perceived as ‘not necessary’. Another point is that most women, like Renee, felt they were not in a position in which they could raise children; that material necessities were absent. They felt that they would have carried the pregnancy to term if the material necessities had been present. Eline saw this in the following way:
No because ehm … I went against my own principles, but I do believe that, if you can provide for a child, that you should not have it aborted (Eline, 1 abortion, early 30’s).
Eline talks about the belief she had that if the material necessities were present to raise a child, that a child should not be aborted. She also mentions that her own abortion defied her believe. This was the case with many informants as material necessities did play a role in the decision to abort. As she said herself, she has a good paying stable job, supportive social surroundings and appropriate living situations. But she nonetheless went against her own
belief and opted for an abortion. On the surface, it appears she experienced some cognitive dissonance due to this discrepancy. Her reasoning for aborting, alludes to what the basis is of the attitudes toward material necessities.
I knew for sure I would not like the kid if that man [the father of the child] would be near me […] And you can’t do that to a child, or I would punish the child, because I did have the feeling that I would punish the child, so yeah, that’s why I made the choice [to abort], yeah because I knew for sure that I should not do this (Eline, 1 abortion, early 30’s).
Eline explains here that she would not have been a good mother to the child due to the situation with the father. She would not have been the mother she wanted to be should she have children. Aborting, to her, was the best thing she could do for the child and as such, an act of good motherhood. Her decision speaks to what attitudes toward material necessities are associated with; putting the life of a potential child before that of the potential mother.
The belief that material necessities are not a valid reason for abortion, is not something that the informants made up on their own. The Dutch general support for the reasons mentioned in table 1 regarding material support, would not necessarily be deemed valid reasons to abort by the general Dutch public. Based on the data provided by TNS NIPO, the support for these reasons would be between 39% and 47%. Nonetheless, each reason has been mentioned by multiple women; They run the risk of being judged. However, as the reasoning of Eline showed, material necessities do not stand on their own but are subject to personal beliefs regarding what amount of material necessities is sufficient and what constitutes good
motherhood. The next fragment is a response that Femke gave to the same vignette. It shows how, for her, material necessities and motherhood are connected.
No I would not have done it [choose an abortion], she was finished with her studies, she lived on her own, she had already been working for 1,5 years so she has, I assume, a permanent job and an income, so no, I would not have done it, ehh, but that is maybe because I have a strong desire to have children and maybe Marianne [girl from the second vignette] does not have that, and even if I thought I wasn’t ready, I’m the type of person who would make myself be ready for it (Femke, 1 abortion, teenage years).
Femke was one of the women who had a strong desire to have children. Her abortion
happened when she was a teenager. She really would have liked to have the child. However, her age and lack of material necessities were big factors in her decision to abort. She did contemplate keeping the child, illustrating that a desire to have children is important for the decision. To understand the significance of material necessities, attitudes toward motherhood and family are reviewed.
6.2 ATTITUDES TOWARD MOT HERHOOD AND FAMILY
The fragments of Femke and Eline showed that what constitutes good acts of motherhood, is personally constructed. Nonetheless attitudes toward motherhood and family are in large dependent on age. Motherhood in the Netherlands is perceived as an active choice that is made around the age of 30 (Fokkema et al., 2008). The way in which this attitude influences the decision to abort, and subsequently, the meaning that is attributed, differs depending in large, on the age of the woman in question. Isa describes that she thinks a woman who is a bit older, would think more diligently about the decision to abort.
Well, I wouldn’t think too lightly ehh, I think she, she’s already a bit older so she wouldn’t think too lightly about it [the abortion] (Isa, 1 abortion, early 30’s).
What Isa describes here, is that the choice to abort becomes a different choice as a woman becomes older, especially if she is of an appropriate childrearing age. She herself was of this age when she decided to abort. An appropriate childrearing age is often associated with the desire to have children. This is often viewed as a naturally present desire. For her, this was not the case. She did not have a particularly strong desire to have children. Coupled with medical issues in her family, she decided not to have the child. An absent desire to have children is often considered odd. In the following fragment, Precilla describes what her thoughts are on people who divulge that they do not want children.
But my first question often is [in regards to people telling her they don’t want children], or well I don’t ask that question directly, but I think it, is ‘huuh, why not’, because it is so normal to decide to have children (Precilla, 1 abortion, mid 20’s).
Precilla alludes to the belief that the desire to have children is a naturally occurring thing for women; it is what is normal. As such, women who do not want children, are often considered abnormal. Having no interest in motherhood or traditional family life is perceived as a form of ‘emotional deviance’ (Thoits, 1990). However, the experience of abortion is not
incongruent with a desire to have children or a (traditional) family life. When there is a desire to have children, but one opts for an abortion, there are often conflicting circumstances. This becomes evident when considering Faye’s experience. She was one of the women who already had children when she had her abortion.
I have had [multiple] abortions and ehm … yes I had a lot of difficulty with the second one because I still had a desire to have children, the children [that she already had] were a little older and ehm, yes, my ex was sent to prison and [when she became pregnant] I made a choice, not really for me but for my family (Faye, multiple abortions, early 20’s to early 30’s).
When she became pregnant, her family was in a difficult situation. She felt as though a baby would complicate an already complicated situation. She wanted to help her children through this difficult time so she decided to have an abortion. Not because she did not want more children, but because she put the needs of the children she already had, in front of the child that might have been. In line with Eline’s experience, good motherhood can take on different forms.
A desire to have children, combined with material necessities results in different outcomes. When the material necessities are absent, women often experience a bigger sense of loss, especially if it is coupled with a desire to have children. The presence of material necessities, create a situation in which women are more easily judged; this is especially true for women of an ‘appropriate childrearing age’.
If someone is of a certain age, and still single, then you get a rather large amount of labels attached to you, society sees you as sort of a ‘doomed woman’ ehh, you’re marked (Lotte, multiple abortions, late 20’s to early 30’s).
Lotte experienced judgement first hand. The above quote was followed by her saying sarcastically that she did not recognize this at all. She was one of the women who had had
multiple abortion. These abortions took place around the appropriate childrearing age and she experienced judgemental comments.
Attitudes regarding motherhood are associated with those regarding family-life and the kind of home they want to provide for the child. Mirte was one of the two women in the sample who already had a child when she chose to abort. She had practically been a single parent with the first child and decided that she did not want to do that with a second child. A big factor was that she did not want children that had different fathers. Becoming pregnant forces a lot of women to think critically about what kind of family they want to have and whether they themselves, at that moment fit that description. But also, if the father fits their
preferences for a paternal figure. While these notions of what a family ‘ought’ to look like, are part of the dominant narrative regarding motherhood and family in the Netherlands, these reasons are mostly met with disapproval. The only reasons that are perceived as valid are when the woman in question is unstable or if she is too young/old to take care of a child. In this lies the significance of sexuality and femininity in which women ‘ought’ to not end up in a situation in which they might procreate if she is not able to provide.
The disapproval of the remaining reasons to abort, goes back to an old Dutch saying that was mentioned often in the interviews ‘the child will grow up regardless2’. It was mentioned by
almost all women interviewed who were at least 30 and was mentioned as something their mothers used to say. The sentiment behind it, is that once a child is born, a way will always be found to raise it, so there is no need to worry about that. In this too, the right to life of the foetus is prioritized over that of the woman (Gibson, 2004). However, age and mental instability are considered valued reasons because these put the child in danger.
6.3 ATTITUDES TOWARDS DIVISION OF RESPONSIBILITY
An important attitude towards childrearing is the perceived role of the partner. A major factor is her willingness/ableness to raise the child alone. For women who are not willing/able to raise a child without a reliable present stable father figure, the attitude that is held regarding the responsibility of the partner is vital in understanding the way in which they view the division of responsibility.
2
Most informants felt that men had a right to decide whether they wanted the child or not. They felt that the man had a right to know about the pregnancy and should be part of the decision to abort. They took the input that the paternal figure in question would have, into consideration when deciding to abort or not. Renee puts in in the following way:
The attitude of a boyfriend has a lot of influence, if someone says ‘well you’ll probably be on your own’ or ‘I’m not ready’ that can be a decisive factor, yes, that that, yes, so I, I would have probably, well, I also let it play a role in my decision (Renee, 1 abortion, mid 20’s).
As she saw it, when you are already in doubt about what to do, an unsupportive father can be the thing that pushes you in the direction of an abortion. The paternal figure in her case made it clear that he would be there for the child, but that he would not ‘play happy family’.
Carrying the pregnancy to term, meant that she would be a single parent. Renee was not the only informant for whom this was something she had to take into consideration. The
informants all concluded that a negative reaction of the partner will influence the decision to have an abortion when the mother to be is not equipped or prepared to be a single parent. Attitudes regarding motherhood and family life play a big role as the ideal family situation often does not include single motherhood. Instead, most women strife for a two-parent home as this is the ideal family formation. From a practical angle, a two-parent home is also more likely to increase the availability of material necessities. Age, is an important factor here too. Especially for women who are not of childrearing age yet.
Mirte already had a child before she had her abortion. Having raised one child on her own, she knew the struggles of single parenthood. While she does think that the paternal figure should be factored in the decision, it should not be factored in as guarantee that it will entail that the child will grow up in a two-parent household.
Mathijs [the paternal figure in vignette 2] is very clear in what he wants, you know, [regarding] the future, but you know, Mathijs is the father, en well, you know, we can also say that it is 50/50 but that is not the case, it is not 50/50 […] he can say ‘I’m staying’ but, there is no guarantee (Mirte, 1 abortion, mid 20’s).
The disparity between labour is not contested, it is just something that is considered. As such, choosing motherhood is not the same for men as for women. Mirte goes on explaining that he might say that he will be there, but he can always decide to leave. The mother on the other hand, will not be able to abort beyond the legally set maximum gestational time. The importance of the maternal over the paternal figure is a belief that is held by the general Dutch public as well. While a mentally unstable mother is perceived as a valid reason to abort, a mentally unstable father is not. As such, the saying of ‘the child will grow up regardless’ holds true for the cases in which the mother is present.
