The condition of constant connectivity : dealing with reciprocity in a context of continuous expectations

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THE CONDITION OF CONSTANT CONNECTIVITY

Dealing with reciprocity in a context of continuous expectations

Andrea Friedmann Rozenbaum [12111104]

MSc Cultural & Social Anthropology GSSS University of Amsterdam

January 1st_{, 2020}

andy.rozenbaum@gmail.com

Supervisor: Dr. Vincent de Rooij 1st_{reader: Dr. Tina Harris} 2nd_{reader: Dr. Milena Veenis} Word count: 27.312

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ABSTRACT

In the context of the rapid advances in digital technology, in which humans are experiencing

significant transformations in their daily lives, this study discusses how the Condition of

Constant Connectivity enabled by the use of digital devices and the Internet affects humans.

To comprehend this phenomenon, in which people can be connected from almost anywhere

and at any time, I looked at people’s everyday digital practices, focusing on how individuals

regard and use their devices, particularly their smartphones. Combining mainly participant

observation with in-depth interviews, I conducted the research with foreign independent

workers and students temporarily dwelling in a co-living in Barcelona, Spain. I examined

how the possibility of being constantly connected is perceived as positive, allowing people

to live as they do, while it is also a matter of concern. After developing the concept of an

Omnipresent Affective Space, which generates an affect of expectations, I propose a further

analysis of the notion of reciprocity, applying it to the dynamics of online message

exchange. I reveal that, in some circumstances, especially due to the immediacy of replying,

the sense of obligation in being reciprocal is intensified and continual, thus, producing

negative

emotional consequences. As this case illustrates, since we are still experiencing

digital technological transformations, rather than hastily viewing them as “good” or “bad”, it

is vital to expose how people are currently living with and through the digital.

Key words: constant connectivity, digital technology, smartphone, affective space, reciprocity, digital practices.

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DECLARATION

I have read and understood the University of Amsterdam plagiarism policy [http://student.uva.nl/mcsa/az/item/plagiarism-and-fraud.html?f=plagiarism]. I declare that this assignment is entirely my own work, all sources have been properly acknowledged, and that I have not previously submitted this work, or any version of it, for assessment in any other paper.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Looking back a year ago, I realise how transformative this path has been. This Master goes far beyond conducting research, learning and applying theories, and writing this thesis. Having the support of many people along this journey was essential to get to this point. First, a big gracias to the “padders” and the co-living staff who I had the pleasure to meet during the months in Barcelona. Thank you not only for participating in this research, sharing your thoughts and opinions, but for being amazing housemates, and amigos that I will take for life.

I am grateful to all the professors I met at UvA, who guided me through this path to become an anthropologist. And especially to Vincent, who constantly challenged and encouraged me to reflect and develop my analyses deeply. Every meeting made me reconsider my thoughts, making me advance in a way I couldn’t imagine before. Thank you for your thorough feedback, for your patience, and for believing in me.

I am thankful to all the friends I met at UvA, who followed this same journey, each with their particularity. We shared moments of joy and desperation, which made me realise that I wasn’t getting crazy or going through issues alone. A special thanks to Bea and Sydney, who supported me closely along this time, and distracted me with meaningful conversations and funny stories. I will miss our study sessions, coffee breaks, and profound discussions. Martina, I was lucky to jointly share the experience of conducting fieldwork in Barcelona with you, moltes gràcies for all the support. Anna-Rose, without you, I wouldn’t be able to express my main ideas in the best possible way. Thank you for The Great Classes and all the help in the final stages of my writing.

I am grateful to all my friends and family from Brazil and Uruguay, who supported me from far away, and also in person when they came to visit. A special thanks to Karen, Rod, Nick, Nina and Lia. Pai, thank you for always encouraging me to challenge myself to learn more, and to go on adventures like this. Mãe, you inspired me to follow this path, to develop as a researcher and to question myself profoundly. I have no words to thank you for all the moments you calmed me down, and for being there when I needed.

Gui, thank you for joining me in all adventures – from moving to Amsterdam, and then to Barcelona. Thank you for engaging in anthropological discussions, for being my co-researcher, and for the inspiring drawings giving life to my thoughts through images. Without you always by my side, this journey wouldn’t be the same.

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This passage is the first piece I wrote when I had not yet realised that my investigation had already started. I remember that, as soon as the plane landed, the first thing I did was turn off ‘airplane mode’ on my phone, to check if there were any messages in the co-living’s WhatsApp group.1_{Looking back, at that time I didn’t realise how all the discussions I would} analyse in this thesis were already emerging in my daily interactions.

This study engages with digital technology, particularly referring to smartphones, the communication tools offered by these devices, and the Internet.2_{In light of this, I will}

1_{Airplane mode is a feature in smartphones, which, when activated, disables telephone reception, the Internet}

connection, and other connections such as Wi-Fi and Bluetooth. Thus, when a phone is on such mode, it is not possible to send or receive messages, place calls, or use apps that require radio-frequency signal transmission.

2_{By tools, I consider the apps used for online communication, looking particularly at text message exchange,}

since it is the primary way participants interact online. According to what participants shared, I distributed the apps within four categories. The following classifications are presented, maintaining the way participants verbalised the name of each app: 1) Instant messaging (WhatsApp, SMS, Messenger, Facebook Messenger, Telegram, Wikr, Signal); 2) E-mail (Gmail, Mail, work e-mail); 3) Social Media (Facebook, Instagram, Reddit,

Just before my departure from Schiphol Airport, when I was already on the airplane, I checked my e-mail to see if there were any updates. Vicky, the co-living manager with whom I had been communicating, had just sent me a message. She asked for my number to add me to the house’s WhatsApp group. Instantly, I replied, sharing both mine and my husband’s phone numbers. I put the phone back in my purse. A few minutes later, my husband asked me, surprised: “I was just added to this WhatsApp group ‘A Landing Pad’, is that right?”. I explained Vicky’s request to him and got out my phone to check if I had also been added. Vicky introduced us with a message saying that we would be arriving later that same day.

I started to reflect on how my fieldwork was already beginning before I even arrived in Barcelona. Somehow, I had been put in contact with my future interlocutors without any ‘previous notice’. I didn’t take the time to reflect on what I was doing when I sent my number to Vicky. It felt so natural when she asked to add us to the group that I didn’t hesitate.

I realised how this Condition of Constant Connectivity, which I was about to investigate, is a part of my own life in such a way that I often don’t notice it. Distancing myself from what had just happened, I could reflect on how I was starting fieldwork through online communication, enabled by the Internet and my almost always present smartphone.

At this stage I had started to investigate the group members, checking out their profile photos and country codes. There I was, connected to my future interlocutors via digital communication. And that felt good and exciting.

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investigate how individuals relate to these technologies and the consequences of such relationships.

The key idea guiding this thesis is what I call the current “Condition of Constant Connectivity” (CCC). With the rapid advance of digital technology, devices such as smartphones have created the possibility of constant connectivity. That is, by having such devices almost always within reach, people find themselves able to connect to others at any time and from anywhere. This possibility also gives rise to the idea of constant availability, in which people can be regarded as ‘always’ available via digital communication. The phenomena of permanent connectivity and consequently, constant availability, have become part of people’s everyday lives and are transforming the way humans relate both to each other and to digital technology.

Aiming at comprehending how humans are living in this Condition of Constant Connectivity and the implications of this, the central question that guided my research was: How does

being in the Condition of Constant Connectivity, enabled by the current use of digital communication technology, affects people in their everyday lives? Before elaborating on

how this question will be addressed throughout the thesis, it is important to contextualise this research within other studies.

Humans’ relationships through and with the digital

This investigation is situated within the sub-discipline of digital anthropology, which “studies the development and use of digital media in different cultural contexts” (Uimonen 2015: 600). Heather Horst and Daniel Miller, leading anthropologists in this field, argue that a focus on “[t]he digital should and can be a highly effective means for reflecting upon what it means to be human” (2012a: 3), a fundamental interest of the discipline of anthropology.

Moreover, while some scholars expand their analysis of digital media to more macro domains, touching upon economic and political spheres, others focus on the social and personal realms of interconnectedness.3_{In this study, it is important to recognise the} political and economic aspects framing the context in which participants live. The economic

Twitter, Bumble, Tinder, LinkedIn); 4) Work Channels (Slack, Zoom, Skype, Discord). Within the limitations of this thesis, it is not possible to go into detail on the usage of each app, since I am focusing on a broader perspective. Also, the use of apps is highly individualised, making it challenging to expand this study in that sense.

3_{As examples of economic and political spheres, see Madianou & Miller (2012) and Postill (2012). On the social}

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infrastructures of flexible working reveal the symbiotic relation between globalisation and neoliberalism, and the digital technologies enabling people to live as they do are central elements in the dissemination of neoliberalism (Hilgers 2011: 352). Recognising these circumstances, this study focusses on the social and personal aspects, investigating humans’ relationships through and with the digital. This micro-level perspective allows us to consider in-depth the consequences of such interconnections.4

In recent decades, the digitalisation of society has been rapidly developing, especially with the advance of Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Big Data. Access to digital technology has grown and only tends to expand. The digital age brings innumerable advances to society. It facilitates the ease with which people live, from smarter navigation and the convenience of online shopping, to simplifying financial services and bringing people ‘closer’ through communication and social media networks. However, digital development can also have negative consequences on humans’ lives. Digital technology has been emerging so rapidly that it seems hard for people to make sense of how it might be changing their lives. For instance, when thinking about the way people make decisions, the time spent ‘online’, or the control people have over their own use of technology, it is vital to question how the digital is affecting all of these. Thus, studying the relationships between people and digital technology is crucial to comprehend the consequences it has on people’s lives.

According to the 2019 Global Digital reports from We Are Social and Hootsuite, 4.39 billion people are Internet users, spending on average 6.42 hours online per day. Additionally, the study reveals that approximately 5.5 billion smartphones are currently in use. 5 Furthermore, according to Statista (2019), “North America and Western Europe are the global regions with the highest internet penetration rates of approximately 80 percent.”6 Concerning the Internet users’ ages, more than half are 34 years old or younger (ibid.). The portal states, “Internet adoption is near universal across separate genders and age groups”

4_{It is important to highlight here Miller’s view that anthropological studies in digital anthropology must commit}

to the principle of holism (2018: 6). Although recognising Miller’s proposition, within the limitations of this thesis, I opted to focus on a micro perspective. While understanding that my participants are constantly confronted with political and economic issues through digital technology usage, I focused this investigation on their everyday digital life within the personal and social spheres. I believe this approach can further contribute to research in other domains, developing a more holistic analysis.

5_{See We Are Social & Hootsuite (2019) -}

https://wearesocial.com/blog/2019/01/digital-2019-global-internet-use-accelerates accessed on December 8th, 2019.

6_{In some countries, and within specific age groups, this percentage is much higher. For instance, in the}

Netherlands, among 18-75-year-old adults, 93% own a smartphone (Deloitte 2019). In Spain, this number rises to 94% within the same age group (ibid.), while in the U.S. 96% of adults aged from 18 to 29 own a smartphone (Pew Research 2019).

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(ibid.). This data should encourage not only researchers, but also society as a whole, to further reflect on how people relate to digital devices, and particularly to smartphones. Throughout this research, inspired by Joel Robbins’ (2013) study discussing a possible future for anthropology, I frequently reflected on whether this study could be regarded as “anthropology of the suffering”, or as what Robbins calls “anthropology of the good”. On the one hand, it is possible to identify elements that indicate the suffering aspects. While digital technology usage is wide spread, this suffering may not be apparent. However, as several studies already established, the way people are using digital technology is causing significant problems, such as addiction, dependency, and anxiety, while also negatively influencing sociality.7_{On the other hand, within the framework of the anthropology of the} good, this study could fit in what Robbins groups as “time, change and hope” (ibid.: 458), since it looks at how people are currently dealing with and reflecting on significant transformations. In this thesis, by portraying the way participants expressed their experiences, perhaps it will be possible to more clearly situate my findings within Robbins’ framework.

Setting: What is a co-living and why did I conduct research there?

Co-livings are shared houses in which people can dwell for a temporary period. Apart from housing, co-livings offer working spaces and are marketed to foreigners who are remote workers, entrepreneurs or students. The main idea of a co-living is to serve both as a home and a work spot.

The process of globalisation, the advance of the Internet, and the idea of a sharing economy facilitated the development of co-living spaces.8_{The sharing economies of consumption are} “most prominently represented today by the set of practices caught under the umbrella term of collaborative consumption” (John 2013: 119). Such practices occur “when people participate in organized sharing, bartering, trading, renting, swapping, and collectives to get the same pleasures of ownership with reduced personal cost and burden, and lower environmental impact” (Botsman & Rogers 2010, cited in ibid.: 119). Though this understanding of sharing economies, a co-living can be considered an organised form of sharing. Independent workers, such as ‘digital nomads’, who rely on the Internet and tend

7_{See Leung (2008), Park (2005), Takao et al. (2009), and Turkle (2011).}

8_{“The idea of a ‘sharing economy’ finds its origin in the possibility of collaboration offered by Internet-based}

applications, and … celebrate[s] the rise of consumption without ownership” (Botsman & Rogers 2011, cited in Arcidiacono et al. 2018: 276).

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to be the main residents of co-livings, are attracted by what such spaces have to offer: high speed Internet connection, an engaging community of people with similar lifestyle and interests, and a temporary home located in an inviting place.9

Furthermore, “globalization can be understood as the global reach of communications technology and capital movements” (Borcuch et al. 2012: 1), and the Internet might be acknowledged as the most visible aspect of globalisation, as well as its driving force. The flow of people around the world has also increased due to the Internet and digital technology expansions. These developments have created the possibility for people to work from distant places. As such, rather than merely travelling for tourism, individuals who undertake remote work have the opportunity to spend extended periods in locations in which, by having Internet access, they can keep working. Thus, the rise of co-living spaces can be understood as a phenomenon facilitated by the advance of digital technology and the rise of globalisation.

In the anthropological study of ‘everyday digital life’, Miller raises the significance of studying the impact of the digital on the everyday lives of ordinary people (2018: 6). In light of Miller’s study, and the ubiquity of smartphones, it was crucial in this investigation to follow the day-to-day activities of participants. As such, it was important for me to live among my interlocutors. This is why I chose a co-living as my ethnographic field as this enabled me to be part of the residents’ everyday lives, observing and engaging with their uses of digital technology in various moments. In addition, being a resident in the co-living allowed me to dwell as ‘one of them’. In this setting, I could closely observe people’s practices without being seen as an ‘intruding researcher’. Moreover, the co-living allowed me to conduct research with individuals from different cultural backgrounds, ages, and nationalities, who were sharing at that moment a similar lifestyle, while engaging in communal life. Finally, this specific way of living was particularly interesting to this study, since it involves the constant use of digital technology both to engage in distant relationships, and to perform activities related to work or study.

9_{‘Digital nomads’ is a term that has been frequently used by contemporary journalistic sources (see New York}

Times [03/04/17], BBC [15/07/18], The Guardian [11/05/19], accessed on December 8th_{, 2019). It refers to}

independent professionals, who make use of digital technology to work, and, by having the possibility to work remotely, without needing a fixed location, they engage in a nomadic way of living. These people tend to work in the creative industry but can also be freelancers from diverse fields.

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A Landing Pad and the “Padders”

That is how the co-living where I conducted this research, called A Landing Pad, presents itself. 10_{It is located in Barcelona, Spain, a recognised economic and tourist centre, offering} a vibrant cultural scene, historical architecture and diverse museums. The Catalonian capital also attracts many people because it hosts recognised musical and sporting events. These aspects are significant when considering why people are attracted to this city.

“The Pad”, as staff and residents fondly nicknamed the co-living, used to be a hostel but it was repurposed as a co-living in June 2018. The house has 12 en suite bedrooms and common areas such as a kitchen, laundry, workplaces, and terraces (figure 1).

Figure 1: One of the main terraces’ area on which residents usually gather to socialise.

The Internet connection is one of the most valued aspects of the house. There are six different Internet hotspots to guarantee that people can be connected anywhere (figure 2).

10_{See www.alandingpad.com accessed on December 8}th_{, 2019.}

“A hub community for like-minded location independent professionals, Masters students, artists, remote workers visiting the wonderful city of Barcelona to work and be creative”.

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Figure 2: One of the routers placed throughout the house, and one of the many Wi-Fi signs placed in the residency, revealing the significance of the Internet connection.

People in the co-living have times of socialising and of privacy. On the one hand, time spent in a common area is a chance to get to know others. On the other hand, the bedrooms serve as an individual’s private sphere. However, most bedrooms have a window facing onto the house’s corridors or terraces, making it hard for people to experience total privacy even when inside their rooms (figure 3). If residents need privacy, they must keep their curtains or blinds shut.

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The minimum stay is one month, allowing most people to engage in the communal way of living, developing genuine relationships. During the summer of 2019, when this investigation was conducted, people lived at The Pad for between one and three months. The fact that new residents are coming and going every week influences the dynamics in the house. At the same time, people are excited to meet the new arrivals and sometimes sad that their new-found friend will soon be departing.11_{Apart from focusing on their work,} residents usually engage in social activities in the house and throughout the city. Thus, while my initial setting was the co-living, the research was expanded beyond the residency. As the co-living attracts foreigners, the primary language is English. I was aware of this before arriving because the website and social media are all in English. All the signs in the house are also in English and this is the most heard language in communal spaces. However, two of the staff members’ native language is Spanish.12_{As such, I conducted} interviews in both languages.

During my time in the co-living, apart from the two staff members, who were there the entire period, 25 people inhabited the house.13_{Following “The Pad” nickname, residents} also refer to themselves and to other residents as “padders”.14_{I encountered individuals} from ten different nationalities, of whom twelve were women and fifteen were men.15_Their ages varied from 20 to 50 years old, and the majority were between 28 and 35. Four were students, three had a job in Barcelona, and the others were digital nomads - remote workers, entrepreneurs, or freelancers.16 _{Most were single, and no one had kids. They were} either university graduates or were currently studying and seemed to be financially independent.

11_{Since all the participants I interact were living away from their home countries, in some cases the difference in}

time zones could interfere with people’s daily activities, regarding both personal and work-related communication. Also, an issue people constantly dealt with was managing distant relationships, while also building ties in-loco. While the former usually constituted of stronger bonds, such as family and intimate friendships, the latter could be seen, at first, as temporary acquittances. Towards the end of the research, after experiencing longer periods with participants, I noticed how such initially short-term ties were turning into possible long-term friendships. And digital technology would play a significant role for people to further sustain their newly formed bonds from distance.

12_{While one of them is fluent in English, the other understands but does not speak it. I usually talked with them}

in Spanish and with the others in English.

13_{Usually, the house was simultaneously inhabited by 12 residents, but sometimes there could be a minimum of}

10 and a maximum of 13 people living there.

14_{From now on, every time I use the term “padders” I will be referring to the co-living residents.}

15_{Residents’ nationalities: eleven U.S. Americans, five Australians, two English, two French, two German, one}

Russian, one Canadian, one Norwegian, one Argentinian (staff), one Venezuelan (staff).

16_{Within all residents, six were newcomers to the city and chose the co-living as their first residency. Most}

people stayed at the co-living for one month. Six extended their stay for longer, remaining in total for approximately two months. Three residents settled for more extended periods (3-6 months).

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A WhatsApp group which included the current padders was used as the main tool for communication in the co-living.17_{Every time a new person was due to arrive, the manager} added them to the group and introduced them. Therefore, all residents were informed, and they could welcome them in advance. When people left the Pad, after a short online farewell, the manager deleted them. The group was mainly used to organise activities within and outside the residency, to share general notices, jokes, practical information, and pictures. Apart from this group, while I was there, people created four other parallel WhatsApp groups.18_{It was interesting to see how the creation of such groups contributed to} delineating the relationships. Furthermore, because I was also participating in the groups from within, I could have an additional perspective on how people interacted online.

Methodology & Positionality: Being a resident in the co-living

The main methodologies I engaged with were participant observation and in-depth interviews. The former sometimes leaned more towards observation, while, in other circumstances, towards participation. I also held a group discussion and I asked some participants to write a one-day-diary and to install an app to track their phone’s activities, so we could discuss them further.

Paying attention to how people used their digital devices in various circumstances was crucial to comprehend their practices and the way they interact with digital technology. The situations varied from socialising, cooking, and having meals, to working and resting. The places ranged from the house’s spaces – kitchen, terraces, working room, corridors, laundry area - to the city – beach, cinema, bars, restaurants, public transport, streets, pool, and co-workings, among other. My observations during the day lasted from early morning to late evening. The only occasions I was not able to observe was in the privacy of people’s bedrooms. Apart from that, every moment, activity, and place I shared with people was an opportunity to observe and participate.

Although it was difficult to detect what exactly people were doing on their devices most of the time, it was possible to witness how they acted – I could observe gestures, facial and bodily expressions, but not directly associate them with what individuals were dealing with

17_{The WhatsApp group was called ‘A Landing Pad 2019’.}

18_{These four groups were the ones I knew existed. One was set up by a girl who left and wanted to keep in touch}

with some people. Another was created by a resident, who wanted to organise things but didn’t want to invite everyone, so she selected those with whom she was closer. The third group was set to invite people to a party. The last one was created to distribute duties among a reduced group of people to organise the same party.

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through the devices. During informal conversations, many shared spontaneously what they were doing online - who they were talking to, via which apps, the content of conversations, and their reactions to it. I also engaged in communication with some people through WhatsApp, Instagram and phone calls, having the chance to actively participate in some of their digital communication experiences.

The central answers of my research started to appear when I began conducting in-depth interviews.19_{These were crucial to getting people to open up and to express their views on} digital devices’ usage. Overall, people seemed eager to reflect and to share their experiences. In total, I conducted eleven interviews, each lasting approximately 2 hours. The interviewees’ ages varied from 21 to 48 years, five were men and six women. The following table help visualise who were the main participants.

Name20_Age _Nationality _Occupation _{Digital devices} Time we shared

in the co-living Vicky 46 Argentinian _{and freelancer}Co-living staff Two smartphones (one spare), _{one tablet and one laptop} 3 months Daniela 23 Venezuelan Co-living staff One smartphone 3 months Kyle 31 U.S. American Self-employed Two smartphones (one spare), _{one tablet and one laptop} 3 months Bernard 34 German Entrepreneur One smartphone and one laptop 2 months Clarice 29 U.S. American Remote worker One smartphone and one laptop 2.5 months

John 48 Australian Entrepreneur Two smartphones, one basic _{phone, and one laptop}₂₁ 2.5 months

Tim 35 Australian allocated worker Physically (in Barcelona)

One smartphone, one tablet, one laptop, two monitor screens, and

one smartwatch 2.5 months Sarah 28 Australian Remote student One smartphone and one laptop 1 month Anna 30 Norwegian Remote worker _{laptop and one personal laptop}One smartphone, one work 2 months Carrie 40s U.S. American Entrepreneur One smartphone, one iPad and _{one laptop} 1 month

Nick 21 English Self-employed One smartphone, one tablet and _{one laptop} 1 month Table 1: Overview of the main participants.22

19_{During interviews, the purpose of the investigation was explained in detail to participants, and their consent}

was given through a verbal agreement. This thesis was shared with participants who were interested in following the study’s results.

20_{All participants were anonymized through the use of pseudonymous. Their real ages and nationalities were}

maintained, since this wouldn’t interfere with their recognition beyond other co-living residents.

21_{A basic phone is a mobile phone without smart technology.}

22_{Apart from this overview of the main participants, to better help the reader throughout the thesis, when}

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Additionally, I did follow-up interviews with four participants who agreed to install a tracking app in their phones, for us to later discuss their usage, what they were doing at each moment and their reactions. Moreover, four participants committed to writing a one-day-diary in which they took notes of their digital device’s interactions, paying special attention to how it made them feel. The follow-up conversations were essential to further develop participants views on the CCC.23

Rapport was built along several informal moments of socialising, in which, apart from getting to know people better, I could explore through casual conversations topics related to this study. I also organised a group discussion with five participants to debate topics on digital devices usage and how it has been transforming people’s lives.24_{It was exciting to see} how someone’s ideas inspired someone else’s, contributing to the generation of significant insights.

Living in the co-living was positive in various ways. Firstly, it allowed me to develop meaningful relationships, mainly because I could spend a lot of time with participants. Also, as we became closer, they were more open and willing to share their opinions and experiences. Moreover, by experiencing numerous situations with the residents, I could triangulate what they shared with what I observed, which allowed me to raise more meaningful questions.25

An ethical consideration that I must address is that the topic investigated has been an increasing concern of mine. I find myself constantly connected through digital devices, and I have been trying to ‘disconnect’ as much as possible since it is something that disturbs me. As it became an issue for me, I began to notice how others use and deal with their smartphones. Reflecting on this, my awareness of my bias enabled me to mitigate its influence on my research. Rather than internally criticising people for their smartphone usage, I tried to engage with their perspectives.26

23_{In total, I conducted eight follow-up interviews, each last approximately one hour.}

24_{Four participants on the group discussion were current residents, while one of them was an ex-padder. She is}

a former resident, who became close to the current group of people living there at the moment, and she would usually join us on social activities.

25_{Nonetheless, it is important to point out that living with participants also presented challenges. Being a}

researcher 24/7, as well as being kind to people most of the time, since I wanted to build good rapport, decreased my energy level. To deal with this, apart from frequently engaging in personal activities outside the house, leaving the co-living for a few hours, every three weeks I travelled for 2-3 days to recharge from the intensity of being continually in ‘research mode’.

26_{Furthermore, I must emphasise my husband’s presence in the co-living and his participation in the research.}

Whereas at first I was concerned that I would have to acknowledge him as a participant, his presence ended up being of great help during the process. He contributed as a co-researcher, constantly paying attention to how people use their devices, and helping me to recollect situations we both witnessed.

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Finally, it is important to recognise that asking people to reflect on their usage of digital devices may have made them more aware of their behaviours throughout the research. In fact, some participants said that they were not used to talking about the topics I raised and that it was the first time they had considered and expressed their feelings about them more deeply. Especially after interviews, some people would approach me to share how they had been reflecting on their use, or how they had been more watchful of their own and others’ behaviours regarding digital devices. I interpreted their attentiveness as a positive effect, since it further contributed to expanding their views on the topic, and, consequently, to enhancing this study.

Outline & Theoretical inspirations

Aiming to understand how people are affected by the CCC, I organised this thesis into three chapters. In this subsection, I briefly introduce the central theoretical framework, which will be further discussed throughout each chapter.

The first chapter introduces participants’ everyday digital practices through how they view their digital devices. As a theoretical frame, I will use Bourdieu’s (1977) concept of habitus, the social shaping of technology perspective (Baym 2015), and the notion of affordances (Hutchby 2001). Following Horst & Miller’s (2012b) discussion of how digital technology is transforming our lives faster than we can make sense of such change, in the first chapter I look at people’s current practices and reflections within the context of these rapid digital transitions. I structure this section around three types of devices – smartphones, laptops, and tablets. Although smartphones are a central subject in this investigation, a comparison to other devices is necessary to position the former within people’s lives. Understanding individuals’ perceptions of their daily digital practices is crucial to investigate the current CCC further.

In chapter 2, I look more closely at the dynamic established between people and their smartphones to comprehend how being in the CCC affect individuals and generates affect. Inspired by the notion of Affective Space (Navaro-Yashin 2009), I delineate a similar proposition considering the context of humans’ relationships through and with their devices. I also use the concepts of social expectations and of connection cues (Bayer et al. 2016) to identify the affects emerging in the CCC. Based on participants’ experiences, reflections, and feelings, this chapter lays the groundwork for the final chapter.

In the last chapter, I propose a comparison between the classical conceptualisation of reciprocity (Mauss 1990[1954]) and what I call ‘online reciprocity in message exchange’.

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Contrasting relevant characteristics of reciprocity through participants’ reflections on online message exchange, I discuss the implications of how such practice is incorporated in contemporary life. Whereas in this chapter I examine the effects on humans’ lives at a micro-level perspective, the final conclusion of this thesis is dedicated to discussing and reflecting on other implications of the CCC.

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CHAPTER 1 Everyday digital practices: “My life, my work, my luxury”

The constant presence of digital devices

To comprehend how people are experiencing the Condition of Constant Connectivity (CCC), it is crucial first to understand how they view technological devices in their everyday digital practices. Thus, I will provide an overview of how smartphones, laptops, and tablets are part of people’s lives and how are these devices regarded in distinctive ways. 27_{Even though} individuals do many things with their devices, communication is the central purpose of this investigation due to its direct relation to the conceptualisation of constant connectivity. When referring to digital practices, it is important to consider Pierre Bourdieu’s (1977) concept of habitus. According to sociologist Karl Maton:

[H]abitus focuses on our ways of acting, feeling, thinking and being. It captures how

we carry within us our history, how we bring this history into our present circumstances, and how we then make choices to act in certain ways and not others.

27_{Initially, I intended to include smartwatches in the investigation. However, since they had no real presence,}

appearing only in one case, such devices have no further role in the research.

The co-living’s terrace was where most of my observations happened. People often gathered there to socialise, especially in the evening, when it was humanly possible to be there without melting from the summer heat. I felt that these moments of interaction were a mixture of will and obligation. While people wanted to be there to socialise, at the same time they also seemed to be uncomfortable, especially the newbies.

Conversations were usually complemented by food, drinks, and music. But what was always guaranteed was the presence of smartphones. They were apparent by people’s sides, on the table, or in their hands. At first, they might have been hidden in pockets, purses, or backpacks, but sooner or later devices would be brought out. Phones would often become part of the conversation, supporting an argument with information, illustrating a story with a picture, or setting the musical mood on the background. But they would also drive people away from the chat, by the simple repetitive act of turning to the device.

Sometimes I could hear a sound or a buzz, but in several instances, I didn’t notice anything calling their attention. Not knowing why people would often check their devices and what they were doing on them intrigued me. Nonetheless, these moments of socialising with new people, each of whom had another world to go to in their smartphones, were key to my research, especially because this pattern repeated itself every night.

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This is an ongoing and active process – we are engaged in a continuous process of making history, but not under conditions entirely of our own making (2008: 51, emphasis in the original).

Maton explains that practices result from “relations between one’s habitus and one’s current circumstances” (ibid.: 50-51, emphasis in the original). However, although habitus is formed by ongoing contexts, in Bourdieu’s view, this process is gradual and unconscious (ibid.: 58). While Bourdieu recognises that in some occasions the context (“field”) may change faster than individuals’ habituses, he does not advance beyond the possibility of seeing actors’ practices as “anachronistic, stubbornly resistant or ill-informed” (ibid.: 58). Considering the current context, in which the rapid advance of digital technology is changing the way people make sense of their practices, Horst and Miller state that, “with the pace of change connected to digital media and technology, the same processes can be remarkably effective within only a couple of years” (2012b: 108). Accordingly, Horst and Miller reinforce the significance in digital anthropology of studying the rapidity of how things become mundane, suggesting: “What we experience is not a technology per se, but an immediate culturally inflected genre of usage or practice” (ibid.: 108, emphasis in the original). Diverging from Bourdieus’ perspective, rather than individuals being antiquated, resistant, or uninformed, Horst and Miller suggest that in the present context practices are being incorporated at a faster speed. Whilst taking for granted continuous transformations, individuals don’t have the time to acknowledge them. In other words, in the current climate of technological acceleration, individuals’ habituses are also being rapidly transformed. Aiming to understanding how humans are living such transformations, I look at their digital practices, and at how people reflect on them in the CCC.

Through their narratives of digital practices, participants revealed that the quick appropriation of technology was as a challenge. It was hard for them to make sense of it, especially concerning smartphone and apps’ usage throughout a regular day. For instance, during interviews, all participants at a certain point, picked-up their devices to help them reconstruct their usage. This simple and frequent act of holding and unlocking a smartphone was significant and also occurred beyond interviews. It is a regular practice, easy to identify just by observing any smartphone owner. In light of Horst and Miller’s arguments above, I consider this as an example of how rapidly people are incorporating practices in their daily lives without taking the time to reflect on such incorporation.

To investigate people’s everyday digital life, it is important to comprehend not only their digital practices, but also their acknowledgement of the possibilities offered by devices and

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applications. The concept of affordances, as presented by sociologist Ian Hutchby (2001), can help us understand these possibilities:

The affordances of an artefact … set limits on what it is possible to do with, around, or via the artefact.… there is not one but a variety of ways of responding to the range of affordances for action and interaction that a technology presents (ibid.: 453, emphasis in the original).

In other words, Hutchby proposes that artefacts’ affordances influence both humans’ perspectives and practices regarding the possibilities for action that can emerge from such objects. In addition, it is crucial to acknowledge that in this study I consider the social shaping of technology perspective. According to scholar Nancy Baym, this perspective “sees technology and society as continually influencing one another” (2015: 22). Thus, considering this mutual influence, and the numerous affordances of digital devices, is vital in order to comprehend people’s digital practices.

Overview: Devices & Connectivity

Almost all the interviewees have at least one laptop and one smartphone.28_Three participants have a tablet, and only one has a smartwatch. Also, three others keep one or more spare phones, and two have an extra computer they use only for work. Many refer to their devices by the brand name – ‘iPhone’, ‘iPad, ‘MacBook’ -, especially when it comes to Apple. Some have older versions than others, but people regard their devices as significant possessions. Kyle demonstrates this perspective in our interview:29

Andrea: If your phone breaks down, what would you do now?

Kyle: Oh, don’t! [he grabs his phone with both hands and brings it closer to his chest as if he was protecting it, almost hugging it, and laughs] I’m kidding, I’m kidding. If my phone broke down, I’ll just go to the store and buy a new one.

A: Right away?

K: Uh-huh. (3) I have a backup phone. Another iPhone.30

28_{. The only person who didn’t carry a laptop was Daniela (23), the co-living’s cleaning lady. She moved from}

Venezuela, where she used to have a desktop computer that she didn’t bring with her. Also, different from the others, her work is in loco, and mostly done without the need of a device. However, she mentions using her smartphone for things that others would use their laptops, like watching Netflix, writing her CV, or reading books.

29_{Kyle is a 31 years-old U.S. American. He is self-employed, working in the financial sector. He has two}

smartphones, one tablet and one laptop.

30_{In the transcription of passages, I mark the length of pauses in seconds by introducing the number of seconds}

between brackets. In this passage, for instance, Kyle made a pause of three seconds while speaking, so I used (3) to mark the pause. In some cases, pauses can help the reader to follow the rhythm of the conversation, indicating times of reflection, for example.

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A: Yeah? Is it here? K: Uh-huh.

A: So, you wouldn’t have to go and buy.

K: I would put the SIM card into that one. And then go to the store and buy a new one. Yeah, wouldn’t use that phone. It’s an iPhone7 [laughs].

We have been talking about his devices for some time, but that was the only moment in which he reveals he has a ‘backup phone’. His actual smartphone is an iPhone X, at that time the last version of its kind, and two generations ahead of the spare one. However, Kyle emphasises that it wouldn’t be sufficient, and even laughs about his explanation. This interview extract shows how both the brand and the most updated technology are significant to him.

The Internet connection is one of the most important aspects of residents’ lives. After all, if it wasn’t for the Internet, participants would not be able to live in the way they do. The quality of the Internet connection was a recurrent topic in conversations about where people have travelled and when thinking on the next destination. For instance, individuals asked me about the quality of the Internet in Brazil and Uruguay. They considered these countries as destinations but heard the connection wasn’t that good. As co-living resident Julia, who has been a digital nomad for two years, states, the Internet connection “is really important, because if it doesn’t work, I can’t travel, because I can’t work”.31_{Especially for} people working remotely, having excellent and reliable connectivity is crucial to support their lifestyle.

Aside from Wi-Fi connectivity, most people mention that they have a smartphone data plan, so they can be connected when leaving the house. For instance, in the group discussion and in other circumstances, participants emphasise not being able to leave the residency without their device.

Tim: I wouldn’t be able to leave the Pad [co-living] without my phone because I wouldn’t know where I’m going [laughs]. I need my maps.32

Vicky: Yeah me too!33

Kyle: You get a phone stolen, and you have to get to the store to buy another one, you’re like ‘how do I get to the store? I’ll draw myself a map on a piece of paper?’

31_{Julia is a U.S. American in her forties, who works remotely for a company in the U.S. She has a smartphone, a}

smartwatch and a laptop.

32_{Tim is a 35-year-old Australian. He moved to Barcelona to work at a company, and first settled in the}

co-living. He has one smartphone, one iPad, one laptop, two monitor screens, and one smartwatch.

33_{Vicky is a 46-year-old Argentinian. She works as the co-living manager and is also a freelancer. She has two}

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Tim: I’ll just give up. Everything’s over, I don’t have my phone now [laughs].

Tim, Vicky and Kyle address the eventual possibility of not having a phone with a humorous intonation. They laugh and joke, but they were actually serious when debating the idea of how to live without a phone. In contrast, in other cases people mention restricting their data access on purpose. Clarice clarifies she keeps her data plan from the U.S. and doesn’t buy a local SIM card intentionally.34_{Thus, when leaving the house, she isn’t able to have good} connection. Even though she says it is a positive thing, I nevertheless observed how she would complain about having “poor connection” on several occasions.

John is another example of someone intentionally creating time away from Internet connectivity.35_{Apart from his primary smartphone, he has a second one with no data and a} pre-paid basic mobile. John shares that he sometimes goes out with the no-data-smartphone so that he won’t get distracted. This gives him a sense of ‘security’ because he can still make calls. When going out with people, he mainly uses his device to take pictures. When he wants to reach someone, he asks others to send a message, explaining he has no connection or no phone.

Some people see the possibility of being connected as both essential and something they try to avoid in specific circumstances. Particularly in John’s case, creating spaces in which he purposely can’t be connected was revealed as a way to better enjoy his time, without “worrying about WhatsApp”. In other words, not prioritising communication with those who are not physically present.

Despite the similarities, digital technology usage is personal

As noticed by scholars, the way each person uses their digital devices is singular (Broadbent 2012; Ito et al. 2005). From how people hold them and where they place it, the different uses they attribute to each device, to how they organize their applications, and how they refer to digital technology. Additionally, some people share going through a regular specific ‘cycle’ each time they use their phones. Clarice, for instance, mentions, “if something’s taking a while, I go through the same cycle, I go on Instagram …, e-mail, Bitcoin, whatever, Reddit”. Calling it ‘patterns’, John says that his cycle involves checking WhatsApp, e-mail and Instagram.

34_{Clarice is a 29-year-old U.S. American. She works remotely for a U.S. company, and after travelling for one}

year around Europe, she decided to move and settle in Barcelona. She has a smartphone and a laptop.

35_{John is a 48-year-old Australian. He has been travelling for the past year, while also managing his business}

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Moreover, individuals’ smartphones’ settings, particularly regarding notifications, may change over an extended period, but also through the day. Some people share that in the past (months or years before), they would have had their phones beeping at all times, giving them notifications from every app. However, at some point, they set it up according to their needs. As suggested by Baym: “From the social shaping perspective, we need to consider … what specific possibilities and constraints technologies offer, and actual practices of use as those possibilities and constraints are taken up, rejected, and reworked in everyday life” (2015: 45). Such capabilities can influence a change in settings, depending on the context. Vicky, for example, shares putting her phone in “moon mode” when going to bed so that she won’t be disturbed by beeps or buzzes during the night.36_{Although some participants} mentioned that they always had their notifications silenced, I noticed specific times in which their phones were beeping. For instance, while Kyle had previously told me he always leaves his phone on silent mode, he also shared how he changed this configuration for a specific circumstance. When asked about group messages’ notifications, he says:

“It has been horrible for this last couple of weeks, because the group is all chatting.

And I’m like waiting for Javier to text me back. And I like that.

And so, even, even, like I almost never do, I turn this on [notifications’ sound alert]. So, I was like, waiting to hear that ‘ding’.37 And I hear the ‘ding’.

And then, oh! [he smiles and moves his eyebrows up, revealing an excited face expression]

and then ‘oh, Landing Pad’ [he makes a sad face expression]. It troubles me [laughs].”38

Kyle was expecting a reply from a potential romantic partner, but instead, his phone repeatedly emitted alerts from the co-living WhatsApp group, which he finds annoying.39

36_{By “moon mode” Vicky is actually referring to the Do Not Disturb function, in which a smartphone is set to}

not emit any kind of sound, vibration, or light to alert a notification.

37_{When saying ‘ding’ Kyle is referring to the sound emitted by the smartphone, alerting an incoming message.} 38_{I present the quotes divided in lines, inspired by Hymesian ethnopoetics. According to Blackledge et al., Dell}

Hymes revealed how oral narratives are “organized in terms of lines, verses, stanzas, scenes, and what one may call acts” (Hymes 1981, cited in Blackledge et al. 2016: 656). The “intonation contours” in which lines are structured, contribute to the analysis, and help guide the reader through the narrative. For instance, repetitions, or pauses can be easily identified.

39_{It is important to underline that during interviews people are usually reflecting on their thoughts while they}

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Even though the way people relate to digital devices is singular, there are also various similarities. Through the investigation, I was able to analyse where their considerations converged. During interviews, I investigated how digital devices would appear in participants’ daily lives. I first asked where their devices were when waking up, and throughout the day, and in which moments people used them and for what. It seemed to be a challenging exercise for participants to follow, so I had to actively guide our conversation, going through their daily activities to gain a better understanding of their digital practices. For instance, I asked them to describe their usage while having lunch, or when practising sports, and so on. I identified this difficulty of thinking about and sharing digital practices as a significant indicator of how such devices are so deeply embedded in people’s lives. In the following sections, the way smartphones, laptops, and tablets are used and regarded by participants will be examined in detail.

‘My smartphone, my life’

Towards Clarice’s last days at the co-living, her laptop broke down. She got annoyed about it, mainly because she needed it to do her work. However, that made her reflect on how it would be worse if it was her smartphone instead. We were going through her diary notes and discussing her thoughts when she shared:

“This is why I clutch it in my hands like a claw.

You’ve noticed like, I’m like, I was like this with my phone [she grabs her phone with her hand like a claw, as she had just described it].

Because it’s like, it’s my life source. I feel, I don’t know,

I know, I’ll be fucked if I lost this … Like how much anxiety I imagine

I would lose my phone and like, how dependent, how dependent It’s, it’s such a, it’s such a valuable source of my life …

And it’s like this external thing for my body to what it feels like. Now it’s like an extension.

Is super valuable! I don’t know. That’s about to get dramatic …

If you’ll never get to use a phone ever again, like this resource’s gone from your life. Or like chop off your pinky …

I’d be like, take my pinky! [laughs]

And is a hundred times more useful than my fucking pinky! [laughs] … Oh, it’s like a super brain.

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Like Clarice, all participants expressed the significance of smartphones in their lives. However, the difficulty they had recalling their daily practices accurately increased when talking about smartphones. Many interviewees asked me if they could, or simply grabbed their phones, to help them recall their practices throughout a regular day. The fact that everyone had their smartphones in the interviews was evidence of how they are perceived differently to other devices. Furthermore, the instinct to rely on them to explain their use, also revealsthe complex relationship people have with their phones.

Participants could describe with some clarity their phone usage right after waking up and sometimes during the morning, before leaving their bedrooms. They could also share in detail what they did on the device before going to sleep. However, when talking about the rest of the day, it was hard for people to describe their practices. The boundaries between daily activities and smartphone usage were blurred. Trying to obtain more information on this, I helped participants to recall specific situations by giving examples of what I had previously observed. I also assisted them by building a connection of daily events, to then situate phone usage within their day. However, it was common that participants would quickly get distracted, deviating to a different topic. While my interventions were useful in some circumstances, they also reiterated the blurred boundaries between people and their phones. Since the mobile was present and continually used through the day, it was hard for people to rationalise and verbalise when, why and for what they were using the device. Almost all participants share that they sleep with smartphones turned on and placed on their nightstand at the bedside.40_{Some mention that sometimes the phone ‘sleeps’ right} next to them, on their bed. With only one exception, individuals say they wake up with smartphone’s alarm and the first thing they do after waking up, is check for new messages. When describing such a practice, some people try to explain why they do it. Bernard, for instance, mentions, “so, I wake up rather late, so, when I wake up, some things already happened in work life. So, the very first thing I do is check my phone”. 41_{Bernard associates} checking the phone right after waking up to dealing with possible work emergencies, which he portrays as “urgent things”. However, later on, he shares that such happenings are quite rare.

40_{The only exception was Nick, who purposely charged his phone away from his bed so that he wouldn’t check it}

in the middle of the night.

41_{Bernard is a 34-year-old German. He is self-employed, working in the creative digital sector. He started to}

travel around the world in the previous year, when he realized he didn’t need to be fixed in one place anymore. He has a smartphone and a laptop.

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Similarly, Vicky also rationalises her behaviour, connecting the act of checking to family matters: “When I wake up, first, um, I have my sister who is super sick in Buenos Aires. So, I have to be quite attentive to the phone.… The first thing I do is check if I have an urgent message”. Differently, Kyle also explains his behaviour, saying the “phone is the first thing I’m grabbing … I can grab it out of reflex”. Although his explanation reveals he does it without thinking, it is still a justification for his actions. Like Bernard, Vicky, and Kyle, it was usual that people would clarify their behaviours throughout their narratives.

Some people had a level of awareness about their practice, mentioning that even though they would grab their phone immediately after waking up, they knew it wasn’t good for them. Bernard illustrates this when saying, “I know it’s not the best thing to do. And it might be better for me for starting the day if I didn’t. But the first thing I do is just scroll through my notifications on my phone”. Nick also reveals being conscious, mentioning:42

“I know some people … don’t use their phone for like an hour before [sleeping] … and after they wake up, which I feel like that’s a good thing to be doing. But I don’t really do that. I would usually, that’s the first thing I do when I wake up, just grab my phone”.43

Participants made sense of their acts also by categorising themselves as a kind of person who behaves in a certain way. Nick illustrates that in the previous quote, when mentioning that he knows “some people” don’t check their phone straightaway. John also exemplifies this: “I’m one of those people that reaches for their phone as soon as I wake up”. John is positioning himself as one of “those people”, giving the idea that there are others who act differently. While trying to make sense of how they act, these three approaches – justifying, showing awareness, and categorising – reveal how people are moralising their action of reaching for the phone as soon as they wake up. This moralizing can be comprehended through the notion of moral stance, described by Ochs and Capps, as “a disposition towards what is good or valuable and how one ought to live in the world” (2001: 45). By critically contemplating their behaviours, interviewees used the “looking good” principle (ibid.: 48). However, instead of portraying themselves as what they believe could be socially acceptable, they recognise their practice as the opposite. The fact that they depict themselves in a negative light, reveals the acceptability of the behaviour that they critique.

42_{Nick is a 21-year-old Englishman. He is self-employed and was planning to move to Barcelona. He has a}

smartphone, a tablet and a laptop.

43_{Some quotes are presented without line split. In some instances, such as shorter passages, or more direct}

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Another example of justification is seen in Tim’s verbalisation of his smartphone usage while commuting: “I’ll listen to music and messaging, and whatever, checking out posts. Doing that kind of thing for half an hour, cuz I know when I get to work, I won’t use my phone probably”. Differently, when I asked Clarice if she takes her phone when going to the kitchen, she says:

Clarice: Oh, yeah! I have my phone on me no matter what. Everywhere.

It’s glued on me.

Go to the toilet, go to the shower, go to the, anywhere. It’s coming with me.

Not in the shower.

I mean, in the kitchen. That’s like the thing I take with me.

Like, right now, I took it with me [she grabs and shows me the phone]. Keeps track of time too.

So (3) [laughs].

Andrea: So, in the shower, in the shower C: No, no. It’s a little bit far away.

A: You don’t have like a case? But it’s in the, in the bathroom, or do you leave it in

C: No, I, I don’t get, I leave it in the bedroom. I don’t take it to the toilet with me [laughs].

A: [laughs] Yeah, I heard from many people. They take it like to C: I actually am not one of those people.

I hate bringing my phone to the toilet.

Clarice reveals her awareness, while also categorising people under a specific behaviour when mentioning she is “not one of those people”. Additionally, we can notice how Clarice was correcting herself. While expressing her thoughts, she first says something but then goes back, reflects, and changes her answer. What Clarice actually means is that, even though she sometimes brings her phone to the toilet, she doesn’t like doing that. This constantly working and re-working on answers was frequently observed during interviews, since the kind of questions I posed made people reflect while talking.

In these passages, beyond the approach used to convey their acknowledgements, both Tim and Clarice are imprecise when describing their smartphone usage in occasions happening along a regular day. The words “whatever”, “probably”, “everywhere” and “anywhere” demonstrate the vagueness of their perceptions. This imprecision can be better comprehended through Sarah’s description:44

44_{Sarah is a 28-year-old Australian. She follows an online Master, which allows her to travel while studying. She}

The condition of constant connectivity : dealing with reciprocity in a context of continuous expectations