Expats mobility behaviour when moving to Amsterdam

Expats mobility behaviour

when moving to

Amsterdam

Master Thesis by Laura Aydin

Expats mobility behaviour when moving to

Amsterdam

Master’s Thesis written by Laura Aydin

University of Amsterdam

Graduate School of Social Sciences

Master Human Geography

Academic Year 2016-2017

Laura Aydin

11193662

laura.aydin@hotmail.de

15

of June 2017

Supervisor: Dr. Cody Hochstenbach

Second Reader: Dr. Marco te Brömmelstroet

Abstract

Mobility behaviour can change, especially when moving and living in another socio-spatial context. Transport choices in particular important in growing cities all over the planet. Due to global urbanisation, many cities are struggling with transport issues and are looking for ultimate sustainable solutions. This is where Amsterdam with its vibrating cycling culture is seen as an example.

Amsterdam is a city where cycling is not only part of the big image but also part of the culture of everyday life. Citizens of Amsterdam are almost obliged to cycle and, even though for locals, the cycling practice might seem normal, for expats, who are moving to Amsterdam from other countries around the world, it is one of the biggest changes they go through. In this thesis, I develop a framework that offers a deep understanding on how and why expats’ mobility behaviour might change when moving to Amsterdam. The findings mirror how various factors, such as the socio-spatial context, attitudes or experiences in the city influence mobility behaviour and vice versa.

Research has been conducted via semi-structured in-depth interviews with expats who recently moved to Amsterdam. The results found that within this sample, expats are likely to adapt to the local mobility practice of cycling, especially when having a positive attitude towards cycling already. However, the purpose and reasons for cycling vary between all respondents.

Acknowledgements

Looking back when I started studying my Bachelors in Cultural and Social Sciences in Germany I had no idea I would end up studying Urban Geography at the University of Amsterdam one day.

However during the years I clearly developed my interest in the social dimensions of urban life as well as a love for cycling.

For this thesis, I am very happy to be able to combine these two passions.

I have very much enjoyed doing this research project in the city of Amsterdam and getting to know the city and its residents while talking to many different people from all over the world. Also I have the feeling I have a different view on the city and its dimensions through the eyes of all my respondents. I very much enjoyed every single conversation I had.

When writing this thesis, which was some days more difficult and frustrating than on others, I never lost the interest and drive to fulfil this project.

Finally I would like to thank some people for their constant support during the time that I have been preparing and writing my thesis. I am thankful for my supervisor Cody Hochstenbach, for his continuous suggestions and critiques, which helped me finding the right path to write this thesis. I also want to thank all my respondents without whose time and cooperation I would not have been able to conduct this research.

My Mum and Dad for making it possible for me to study at the University of Amsterdam in the first place and for always supporting my decisions! Gabriel, for always pushing and believing in me! And Fenna and Sarah for making the long library hours and thesis writing challenge an unforgettable time!

Table of Content

Chapter 1. Introduction ... 4

1.1. Introduction ... 4

1.2. Problem Statement ... 4

1.3. Societal and scientific relevance ... 5

Chapter 2: Theoretical Framework ... 6

2.1. Concept of mobilities ... 6

2.2. Social practices and behaviour ... 8

2.3. Influences on a change in mobility behaviour ... 10

2.4. Spatial factors ... 13

2.5. Dutch cycling culture and behaviour ... 14

Chapter 3: Data & Methodology ... 17

3.1. Research Questions ... 17 3.2. Operationalization ... 18 3.3. Methodology ... 20 3.3.1. Data collection and methods ... 20 3.3.2. Sampling ... 21 3.3.3. Data Analysis ... 22 3.4. Advantages & Disadvantages ... 23 3.5. Ethical aspects, positionality, biases ... 24

Chapter 4. Case description ... 25

Chapter 5. Empirical Results ... 28

Chapter 6. Discussion and Analysis ... 39

6.1. Sub question 1 ... 40 6.2. Sub question 2 ... 41 6.3. Sub question 3 ... 42 6.4. Sub question 4 ... 44 6.5. Comparison with Dutch cycling behaviour ... 45 6.6. Research Question ... 45

Chapter 7: Conclusion ... 47

References ... 54

Appendix ... 57

Chapter 1. Introduction

1.1. Introduction

The quality of life in many cities around the globe is being affected by the negative impacts of increasing traffic levels. Transportation has always been a basic human need but it affects people’s lives everywhere increasingly. In growing urban metropolises, there is a necessity to search for more sustainable solutions.

Car use is still the most used travel method worldwide, although cycling is becoming more and more popular as people are interested in ways to live a sustainable and healthy lifestyle. The city of Amsterdam, where the bicycle is by far the most widely used means of transport, can serve as an example for alternative mobility options. With cycling representing 36% of traffic movements (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2017), it is clear that bicycles play an important role in this city.

However mobility practices are not only of interest for statistics, but rather with “being a social and embodied practice, mobility in part influences the sense of being connected to people and places through which an individual travels” (Te Brömmelstroet et al., 2017, p.4). Amsterdam’s transport infrastructure as well as the cycling culture build the spatial context where even people who have been living in other environments and are used to different modes of transport can go through a change. Many foreigners experience this change in transport choice and, therefore, this research tries to find explanations how the spatial context, social environment and embodied and everyday practices are connected to and influence expats’ mobility behaviour.

Reasons - such as provided infrastructure, social contacts, economic situation, national standards or previous experiences - influence the new built attitudes and behaviour of individuals (Van Acker et al., 2010), which lead to following research question:

How and why does expats’ mobility behaviour change when moving to Amsterdam?

1.2. Problem Statement

Amsterdam has been attracting foreigners for decades. This is now reflected in its population, which is about 50% non-Dutch (Amsterdam Population, 2016). Many of those have lived in cities, which have been developed only around personal automobile usage or public transport. Living, working, shopping and recreating are spatially separated activities. People have to travel in order to participate in these activities. Policymakers try to control and manage this daily travel behaviour (Van Acker et al., 2012). More cycling could offer a solution to the

transport dilemma – being sustainable but also innovative, quick and effective (Handy et al., 2014). With these people living in the metropolitan area of Amsterdam, more people are travelling everyday in the city. Cycling has been the preferred transport mode by the Dutch in Amsterdam for a long time. But this mode is not being practised as a way of travelling through urban space in many other cities on the globe. To ensure a sustainable city and find solutions for the transport dilemma, it seems necessary to explore mobility behaviour not only of the Dutch population, but also, young professional workers who are increasingly coming from other countries to live and work in Amsterdam.

To understand the dynamics of possible mobile behavioural changes of expats when moving from another national context to the Netherlands, this research investigates why these changes might happen and how several different factors influence expats’ mobile choices.

1.3. Societal and scientific relevance

With regard to societal relevance, this research provides a detailed insight into expats’ mobility behaviour. The transport dilemma in growing cities all over the world puts a quite negative view on mobility. Association with pollution and other harmful characteristics are usual. To improve this situation, sustainability of transport becomes a more popular trend. Multiple cities aim for a car-free inner-city zone. Here cycling provides an alternative to public transport. Bicycles have a variety of advantages including environmental sustainability, cheap infrastructure and increases in public health. Moreover the bicycle seems to be a very accessible and inclusive way of transport, which all kinds of people can adapt to their daily lifestyle.

In addition to transport related issues, this research offers the ability to gain insight on migration studies by asking whether cycling, as a mobile practice, is connected to a national context, (in this case, the Netherlands) or if it is a global practice which can travel over borders and nations.

My main proposition in this paper is that research into cycling (and mobility more broadly) has theorised mobility often either as meaningless, or as the practical outcome of decision makers. Even though transport geography has investigated people’s daily mobile practices, they have been primarily using quantitative methods to explore this niche of society. This thesis aims to go beyond seeing mobility as ‘something to get from A to B’ and contributes to qualitative transport geography research. Several studies about Dutch cycling behaviour and

trends and patterns have been completed (Harms et al., 2014). With Amsterdam’s population being 50% of non-Dutch descent, it seems to important to conduct more research on expats’ cycling behaviour and contribute to knowledge about urban sustainability, transport research, migration and behavioural studies. Constructing liveable and inclusive cities is an urgent issue and in a more globally connected world, increased cycling practice can present one step in the right direction.

Chapter 2: Theoretical Framework

This chapter aims to explain the academic context in which the research project is situated. Three major academic debates will be the focus of this part. These key concepts are part of the new mobility studies (Scheller & Urry 2006), studies about social practices (Shove, 2012; Van Acker et al., 2010), and academic studies about the Dutch cycling context (Harms et al. 2014; Kuipers 2012). It is important to obtain an understanding of the academic context where the research is situated, to be able to follow the reasons for choosing this special case.

2.1. Concept of mobilities

Many current environmental and societal problems are attributed to the growth of mobility, especially car-based mobility. However, mobility also means accessibility, which leads to a dilemma: how can we achieve accessibility and sustainability at the same time?

Ferreira et al. (2012) give a definition of mobility: “a relational concept characterized by the overcoming of physical, mental, conceptual or other types of distance, or by the transgression of a state or condition”(p.690). This is a quite general definition and can include physical travel of people, or movement of objects as well as imaginative and virtual forms of travelling.

For some people mobility brings positive effects, such as social well-being and economic success, social inclusion and equality or the overcoming of boundaries whereas for others it has a negative meaning in terms of environmental, social and financial costs or consumerism (Smith, 2012; Ferreira et al., 2012).

According to Cresswell (2006), the simplest explanation of mobility is the way of moving between locations. He sees mobility as a product and part of meaningful world of social space and social time. He tries to explore the line between A and B, to understand what is happening while “travelling” through the city. Cresswell thinks of mobility as an involvement

of movement, representation, and practice. Mobility connects the urban space and gives travelling to the city a meaning.

In his book “Sociology behind societies”, Urry (2000) develops the idea that contemporary mobility studies question the sense of the nation-state-society but also sees a strong connection between being human and being a member of a society. There is an indivisible duality between citizens and societies. This is contradictory and raises the question if mobile practices are fixed to one social context or not. He argues, that, on the one hand, social and mobile practices help to connect and globalize social practices and society but, on the other side, he says, that there is also a strong bond between social practices of individuals and the spatial context they are embedded.

Additionally, it is “argued that thinking through a mobilities “lens” provides a distinctively different social science productive of different theories, methods, questions, and solutions” (Urry, 2009, p.478). Overall the term “mobility” is used in different ways, but the most applicable one is something that is capable of movement, as with the mobile phone but also with the mobile person or house. Mobility is a property of things and of people (Urry, 2009). Urry introduces Simmel, who demonstrates how exceptional the fact is, that humans achieved to create a path between two places. Even if people or animals have gone backwards and forwards between places and connected these in their minds, it is only by “visibly impressing the path into the surface of the earth that the places were objectively connected” (Frisby & Featherstone, 1997, p. 171).

Scheller and Urry (2006) introduce a new topic of discussion with their article about the “new mobilities paradigm” and proclaim its existence not only in social sciences, but also in anthropology, cultural studies, geography, migration studies, science and technology studies, tourism and transport studies. The intention with this new paradigm is contributing to a broader theoretical project with the aim of going beyond the imagery of territories as spatially fixed geographical containers for social processes.

They critique the ‘static’ in earlier social science, which comes from a concentration on “...post-national de-territorialisation processes and the end of states as containers for societies”(Scheller &Urry, 2006, p.210).

Part of this research’s question - if mobile practices are strongly connected to local social practices or if national practices can be overcome through mobility - cannot be answered simply. Both authors (Cresswell and Urry) agree on the centrality of mobility in a globalized

world marked by time–space compression. They focus on the production of sociality and identity rather through the movement and networks of people, ideas and things than the inhabitation of common space like a nation state or a region (Cresswell, 2010).

Cresswell focuses more on studying mobilities on a local level and gives weight to the dynamics of mobilities and how they evolve, which can be connected to mobile practices, such as cycling. Urry and Scheller (2006) concentrate more on the global scale, where migration plays a big role.

2.2. Social practices and behaviour

According to Spotswood et al. (2015), to be able to understand cycling behaviour, it might be useful to add the Social Practice Theory (SPT) as an alternative way of understanding the complex dynamics which can be seen between the parts that establish the practice of cycling and allow it to be recognized as being a social issue and not only a way of transport. A social practice can be described with a three elements model: material (technology, things, stuff from which objects are made), meaning (symbols, meanings, ideas, aspirations) and competences (procedures, know-how and technique) (Spotswood et al., 2015).

Figure 1. Shove el al.’s three-element Social Practice Framework in: Spotswood et al., 2015, p. 24

Furthermore is argued, that materials, which are often directly implicated in the reproduction of daily life, have, as a product alone, no value. They only gain value when they are integrated into practice and associated with much needed forms of competence and meaning. All three elements are needed to be able to perform a certain practice. Meanings are drawn from

Bourdieu’s concept of habitus, which proposes that understandings are shared amongst a group and bring the group together. Meanings lead especially towards a behaviour or thing (Spotswood et al., 2015; Shove et al., 2012). This embedded meaning takes form of an intuitive sense of which kind of behaviours are ‘right’ or ‘wrong’.

“Strongly related to this sense that a practice can be considered ‘right’ is the significance of the number of practitioners routinely performing the practice. If people do not engage with a practice and do not see others engaging with it, they come to understand the world as a place where the practice does not ‘fit’ (Spotswood et al., 2015, p. 24).

Competences are referred to as embodied knowledge, which are necessary to be able to actually perform the practice and are therefore also named as ‘skills’ (Spotswood et al., 2015; Shove et al., 2012). Each of these three parts play a significant role in building cycling practices and can be a reason for a possible change in mobile behaviour.

Bourdieu’s tools to explain social practice theory seem to be very important to be able to understand a change in mobility practice. In this context, Nettleton and Green (2014) bring up his concepts of habitus, field and doxa. Habitus is defined as the “subjective but not individual system of internalized structures, schemes of perception, conception, and action common to all members of the same group or class’” (Bourdieu, 1977, p. 86). Kuipers (2012) explains habitus in the Dutch cycling context as something natural and shaped by one’s culture and society so that it becomes ‘second nature’.

The concepts mentioned above are adaptable and perceptions are likely to change when people change the social space or field they inhabit. The relationship between the habitus and social fields develop social practice. The degree of conformity between habitus and field determines doxa, which is the taken-for-grantedness of the social world (Nettleton & Green, 2014). Habitus and field harmonize when people feel most comfortable, no matter which social space. However, Bourdieu also points out that practice, in being the embodied and physical way of the taken-for-grantedness, is only disclosed and questioned when it comes up against other transnational habits or traditions. Furthermore Nettleton and Green (2014) question the idea of one national habitus and propose that instead, practice is used in overlapping fields, where plural identities can have different sites of habitus.

Kuipers goes further and arises the question on how such a national behaviour can emerge and also how it can change. She argues that the first step was and is increasing inter-dependence of a nation, which leads to more awareness of others, identification with the other and adaption to others living in the same nation. Secondly, the countries’ density increased and people were more connected through various ways. This process established itself most noticeably in the expansion of nationwide institutions. He introduces the vertical diffusion of standards and practices as the third process. Often cultural practices are formed in the upper society and are imitated by the rest of the society. For example, cycling was promoted through the private General Dutch Cycling Federation (ANWB) and the bicycle producer Gazelle (Kuipers 2012). The fourth part of the process to achieve a national similarity is called the ‘we-feeling’, which means that people who are similar tend to identify with each other and imitate each other. This does not mean that people who are alike naturally identify with each other. Kuipers (2012) and Scheller and Urry (2006) point out that increasing interdependence nowadays leads to more connections beyond national borders and, with increasing globalisation, also to adaption on a transnational level. On the other hand she states that this globalisation process forces growth of social distance between groups. This phenomenon is also applicable to the Dutch cycling culture and will be discussed below. Practice can be seen as everyday practices as well as particular ones, such as walking, cycling and driving, but also the more theoretical sense of the social as it is embodied and habitualised. Human mobility is practised mobility, which is enacted and experienced through the body (Cresswell 2010).

2.3. Influences on a change in mobility behaviour

Mobility is a way of being in the world. The way someone walks or rides a bicycle says much about an individual. Cresswell (2006) identifies human mobility as an exclusive embodied experience. This means that mobile practices, whether physical or theoretical, have to be connected to an individual. A central aspect of this research is to examine people migrating to or moving through a city is. Individuals embody these mobile practices and, only through their existence, mobility is experienced.

In the article, “When Transport Geography Meets Social Psychology: Toward a Conceptual Model of Travel Behaviour", Van Acker et al. link theories from transport geography and social psychology to examine the relationship between travel behaviour and spatial, socioeconomic and individual characteristics. In addition to creating a conceptual model of

travel behaviour, as it is derived from locational activity behaviour, they also consider concepts such as lifestyle, perceptions, attitudes and preferences as an effect on behaviour. They argue that daily travel patterns are often a result from short-term decisions on daily activities and long-term decisions on lifestyle (Van Acker et al., 2010).

Fig. 2. A conceptual model of travel behaviour. Source: Van Acker et al., 2010, p.221.

These underlying values and preferences do not, however, directly influence a person’s travel behaviour because it is also influenced by spatial context they live in (Van Acker et al., 2010). Kirby (2009) states that social knowledge of, and movement through, a place is naturally connected to memory. Memory is always influenced by spatial and social practice and commitment to surroundings comes from embodied, memorized exchange with characteristics of a place in a community. Here he mentions Bourdieu who said that a life spent in the same milieu can lead to a recurrent cycle of practical adjustments that influence the distribution of social actors. These practices can continue even when moving to another “community”, but this very area becomes a social space embodied with history and practices. For example, someone may have the preference to walk to work, but if living in a car-oriented context, that person is less likely to walk and more likely to drive. Social practices, attitudes and perceptions, along with the spatial structure are the most important factors influencing a person's travel behaviour.

Bourdieu (1984) considered lifestyle as a pattern of behaviours, which demonstrates each individual’s social position. Each individual occupies a position in a three-dimensional social space, which on the other hand is characterized by capital. Capital not only refers to economic capital like money, but also to cultural capital like education and social capital like relations and social networks.

People show their social position through a certain pattern of behaviour, which is determined by lifestyle, which is furthermore influenced by preferences. These preferences evolve from available opportunities and curbs and lead to the actual behaviour of each individual or a group of individuals. This is determined by three dimensions: economic, cultural and stage in life. The first two dimensions are inspired by Bourdieu, the “third dimension originates from Bourdieu’s ‘space of social positions’, which is based on traditionally-used socio-economic variables. Ganzeboom distinguishes stable socio-economic background variables (e.g. gender) from changeable characteristics of stage in life (e.g. household composition, profession)” (Ganzeboom 1988 in Van Acker et al., 2012, pp. 226). He also argues that socio-economic dynamics can be seen in how humans make choices and how they influence each other: for example, how choosing a certain education may influence job prospects later. This adds up in the third dimension, which is called stage of life. This stage of life has a big influence on behaviour and preferences (Van Acker et al., 2012).

Jensen (2009) refers to urban mobility as an important everyday life practice, which produces meaning and culture. Jensen argues that mobility is made only through human interactions in time and space. On the other hand he also refers back to Sennett, who says that mobility destroys identity: “...the body moves passively, desensitized in space, to destinations set in a fragmented and discontinuous urban geography” (Sennett, 1994, p.18).

In a more and more globally connected world, it seems also hard to maintain cultural practices, which can lead back to John Urrys’ statement, when saying that “behaviour and motivation are less societally produced and reproduced but are the effect of a more globally organised culture that increasingly breaks free from each and every society”(p.32). In the new mobilities paradigm, Urry and Scheller (2006) assume that activities happen while we are on the move and claim that the time spent travelling is not dead time and cannot be distinguished from activities. They see the “corporeal body as an affective vehicle through which we sense place and movement, and construct emotional geographies. Various analyses show how means of travel are not only ways of getting as quickly as possible from A to B. Each means provides different experiences, performances, and affordances” (Urry & Scheller, 2006, p.216).

2.4. Spatial factors

As Fleming (2012) argues, the Dutch have first introduced most practical and planning infrastructural inventions concerning cycling. Research on protected bike lanes, bike parking, new bike inventions or the combined use of public transport with cycling has been completed in the Netherlands. With about 35,000 kilometres of cycle paths, the Netherlands cycling infrastructure is one the most accessible (CBS, 2015).

And even though it is a very well known fact, the answer to why there is so much cycling in the Netherlands cannot be answered easily. It is a combination of various factors:

“Morphological and spatial factors are obviously involved: cycling is easier on a flat polder than in a hilly area. And in the compact Dutch cities, many trips can more easily be covered by bicycle because of the short distance. Historical-cultural factors also play a major role. Cycling is so embedded in the Netherlands that virtually every child gets the first bicycle around the fourth birthday – and learns to use it” (Ministerie van Verkeer en Waterstaat, 2009, p.10).

Bertolini (2006) demonstrates that the interconnected characteristics of available transport (meaning its land–use characteristics and the characteristics of its users) identify a place as a mobility environment. This means that different areas are more likely to be travelled by bike, train or car depending on location and connection in the city, availability of transport and the choices of the people travelling.

Recent trends show that cycling is enjoying growing popularity, especially in urban areas. This growth is seen, on the one hand, as a new urban lifestyle and, on the other hand, as a key component in sustainable mobility. Another factor to influence travel behaviour is the density of an urban area. Due to the lack of space because of the high population density in the Netherlands, the Dutch government has always played a strong role in spatial planning. Bicycle use has very much benefitted from this density issue. Literature insists that higher densities account for short distances between the destinations, which, in many cases, can lead to more people using the bike or walk to go to school, work or for leisure trips, instead of using the car (Stead, 2001; Ministerie van Verkeer en Waterstaat, 2009).

Consequently, cities of various sizes are striving to provide adequate cycling infrastructures to make urban cycling even more attractive. Known factors that influence the impact of such investments are the quality of the road infrastructure, the accessibility and connectivity of bicycle networks, the topography, and traffic safety - all of which is already provided to a large extent in Amsterdam (Zeile et al., 2016; Pucher & Buehler, 2008).

Other countries often see cycling as a minor mode of transport and the areas for these transport modes and available facilities are often rather poor. Also due to the risk level of cycling, perceptions are often negative and its status is generally lower. Zeile et al. (2016) wrote a specific paper about how to identify places in urban environments, which are perceived as unsafe by cyclists.

Even though car and cycling use increased since the last 30 years, more traffic does not mean automatically more traffic danger. Figure 3 clearly shows that the risks for cyclists are lower in countries with a higher bicycle use. Compared to the UK and the US (roughly 2%), in the Netherlands 27% of urban trips are made by bike (Pucher & Buehler 2008). Tight et al. (2011) explain that this is often seen as a result of high quality facilities but, in countries like the Netherlands, cycling is also perceived as an example of status and national pride.

Figure 3. Relation between accidents and bicycle usage (in: Ministerie van Verkeer en Waterstaat ,2009, p.14)

2.5. Dutch cycling culture and behaviour

According to the Ministerie van Verkeer en Waterstaat (2009) and Pucher & Buehler (2008), the Netherlands is the country with the highest bicycle use in worldwide comparison with an average of 27%, with Denmark (19%) and Germany (10%) following.

Figure 4. Bicycle share of trips in Europe, North America and Australia (percentage of total trips by bicycle) in:

Pucher; & Buehler 2008, p. 498.

In all three countries, cycling levels are more than ten times higher than in the UK and US. There is no noticeable difference when it comes to gender and income and only slight decreases with age (Pucher; Buehler 2008). The average distance cycled per person in the Netherlands is 1,000 kilometres and the average daily distance cycled by the Dutch is 2.9 kilometres (CBS 2015). More than 40% practice cycling as a social recreational action, such as visiting friends and family or going to restaurants; about 25% cycle from and to work or use the bike for work related trips; 15% are trips to and from school or education related places; 17% are using the bike to go shopping and the last 6% are other motives such as sports or personal reasons (CBS 2015). The statistics also make clear that bicycle use very much depends on the distance to be covered.70% of all journeys by bike in the Netherlands are shorter than 7,5 kilometres, and only 15% of all journeys are between 7,5 and 15 kilometres (Ministerie van Verkeer en Waterstaat, 2009).

Kuipers (2012) shows that many things can change when crossing a national border and many of such national differences, like language, other colours of sign, buses or different newspapers, architecture or use of space, can be traced back to interference of national institutions. Some other things, as, for example, bicycle use in the Netherlands cannot be explained like this, since there is not the case of direct governmental intervention. Most people in the Netherlands simply use the bicycle because it is the common way to get around. “Cycling is part of the Dutch national habitus. It is neither a conscious lifestyle nor a political

statement. It is not associated with a particular social class or region” (Kuipers, 2012, p. 18). Even many immigrants have adapted to the cycling culture, but the gap between the more and less educated is growing. The typical Dutch cyclist is highly educated and over 25 years. This contrasts massively with usual patterns of many other countries’ 21st century transport choices, where the bicycle is mostly used by the lower classes. Even though cycling has been an unconscious habit, it seems to have become an informal exclusiveness of today’s upper middle class and turns into a very conscious lifestyle (Kuipers, 2012).

Cycling however has not always been a national practice in the Netherlands. Non-state institutions such as the private General Dutch Cycling Federation (ANWB) and the advertising campaigns of the bicycle manufacturer Gazelle had a huge impact in promoting the Dutch cycling culture (Kuipers, 2012). In the mid-1970s, transport and land-use policies shifted effectively to favour walking, cycling and public transport over the car. These policy reforms were a reaction to the rising, damaging environmental and safety impacts of the increased car use in the decades before (Pucher & Buehler 2008).

The overwhelming success of the bicycle in the Netherlands can partly be explained by the way the vehicle was constructed and used as a promotion for Dutch national identity. “To be Dutch meant to be cycling, and this viewpoint first expressed by Charles Boissevain in his article in De Gids in 1884 remained potent until the Second World War and, arguably, to a lesser degree, until today” (Ebert, 2004, p. 364). The image of the bicycle had a big impact on the process of building a national identity - not only in a geographical sense (using the bike as a tool for transportation) but even more in a cultural sense: seeing the bicycle as a part of everyday life. Cyclists in the Netherlands did not only use the bicycle as a vehicle to express their social distinction and show their explicit attitude towards modernity, with practicing cycling one could demonstrate being part of the national community (Ebert, 2004).

Harms et al. (2014) give an insight on variations on bicycle use between different spatial and social contexts and changes over time. Firstly, they argue, that due to an increasing urban population, cycling rates have increased in cities. Secondly they found that the elderly and non-Dutch part of the population cycles less. Third, cycling is growing among young adults living in urban areas and elderly baby boomers. In countries with high cycling levels, like the Netherlands, evidence shows that cycling rates are almost equal overall, no matter what age, income or gender. Ethnic background in contrast has been proven to be an influence. On the contrary an earlier research, which was carried out by Harms (2007), shows, that in countries

with high cycling rates, people with a migrant background cycle less often and shorter distances. They use cars and especially bikes less frequently, and choose public transport instead.

Chapter 3: Data & Methodology

This chapter explains the research methods and unfolds the abstract concepts used as influences on mobility behaviour. The chosen methods and instruments are described. Following a description of the target group of the research, the chapter shows how the data collection took place. The questions used for the interviews are attached in the Appendix.

3.1. Research Questions

When thinking about how to structure the research, an article written by Van Acker et al. (2010) is important to mention. It talks about the fact that travel behaviour is the outcome of spatial, social and individual opportunities. The first relates to the availability of infrastructure and the built environment, which makes Amsterdam an exceptionally good research site in terms of existing transport options. The second relates to socio-demographic, socio-economic and socio-cultural factors, like gender, age, income, education and ethnicity.

Referring to this research, this includes the choice of the research population, which will be discussed later. The socio-cultural network, in which the respondents are spending their time seems to be an important influence, as social behaviour of friends, colleagues and the overall society in expat environments might build a connection to preferred mobility choices and a possible change in behaviour and attitude.

The third includes personal socio-psychological factors like attitudes and perceptions, as well as the respondents’ previous mobile behaviour and preferences.

The main research question is formulated as follows:

How and why do expats’ mobility behaviour change when moving to Amsterdam?

In order to be able to answer the research question, several sub-questions need to be answered. These questions are derived from connections to cycling behaviour. They are stated as following:

1. How can personal embodied characteristics and accustomed everyday practices influence a change in cycling behaviour?

2. How does the social network of expats influence their cycling behaviour? 3. How does the spatial context have an impact on expats’ mobility behaviour?

4. How can experiences and everyday practices in Amsterdam shape cycling behaviour and vice versa?

3.2. Operationalization

As the research focuses on the change in mobility behaviour, it is important to operationalize the concepts, which influence, shape and build such behaviour. Following aspects are elemental to measure a change in mobile behaviour.

Behaviour is considered as the result of rational and choices, but individuals are not always conscious about their decisions. By interpreting and categorizing information on an issue, object or person, each individual forms specific perceptions, which lead to these choices (Van Acker et al., 2010). The following factors are used as indicators for a change in behaviour.

a) Personal characteristics

Individual characteristics, which are factors influencing cycling behaviour, bring together a lot of different elements of embodied abilities, such as the simple competence of cycling and the, therefore, connected mobile preferences. Car use is supposed to be higher for individuals with a driving license, for households owning several cars and in suburban neighbourhoods (Van Acker et al., 2012). Personal characteristics include also everyday practices, which were significant in the previous living environment, such as mobile practices - whether cycling, walking or other transport modes. Additional background information includes questions about education, individual opportunities and the previous social network or the meaning and use of cycling in the previous socio-spatial context.

b) Social network

The social dimension of travel has been ignored for a long time. But some recent studies assume that travel behaviour, such as cycling, cannot only be understood by individual characteristics. One must also consider the interaction and relationship with other social network members (van Acker et al., 2010).

To measure the impact of the social network on cycling behaviour, expats were asked about their actual use of bike and the mobile behaviour of their social contacts, as well as questions

about why and how they cycle. Reasons for change in behaviour can also be the acceptance and social norms connected to this practice in society. Social opportunities, lifestyles and previous activity behaviour as well as social networks can play a role for travel behaviour. This and the pre-determined native cycling behaviour, which has been already researched by Harms et al. (2014), are taken as the most important influences for a change in mobility behaviour.

c) Spatial context:

For the spatial context, two levels have to be distinguished. The spatial context is measured by asking each expat in which urban context they have been living in before. Each respondent’s perception of Amsterdam, as his or her current spatial context is considered as more important. This is then split up in hard and soft factors. Hard factors include the physical infrastructure and urban concept, whereas discussing soft factors leads to questions about national cycling culture and norms.

Some of these factors serve to explain why Amsterdam and the Dutch cycling culture is the research site. Amsterdam as the urban context is chosen because of its excellent cycling infrastructure. It offers good conditions for new middle class immigrants (expats) to adapt to the local mobility culture. If there is any context to make expats use a bike, it is the Amsterdam case (The Guardian, 2015). Some of these factors are being researched via interviews as well as through analysis of already existing documents about Dutch cycling behaviour.

d) Experiences

Van Acker et al. (2012) describe “...how individuals perceive the spatial environment in terms of paths, edges, districts, nodes and landmarks. This also relates to the issue of spatial cognition which can be defined as ‘the knowledge and internal or cognitive representation of the structure, entities and relations of space; in other words, the internalized reflection and reconstruction of space and thought’” (p. 231).

To measure experiences in a socio-spatial context, it is important to study the social environment as well as the influence of the situation, which further influences the perception of the environment and travel behaviour (van Acker et al., 2010). Expats attitudes towards cycling, transport preferences, experiences and feelings when cycling through Amsterdam can change the way a city is experienced. This section is measured by asking about the change the respondents went through when moving to Amsterdam, their everyday practices in the city as

well as about how cycling can influence the city experience. Everyday practices can include anything to which respondents refer (Shove et al., 2012). This section also includes the relation of the respondent to the city and how cycling has an impact on how respondents feel connected to the city through cycling, compared to other transport modes.

To measure these factors and assess how they influence a possible change in behaviour, interviews seem to be the most effective method as they are used to get deep and rich personal information. The questions, which are asked for each topic, are listed with each theme in the interview guide in the Appendix.

3.3. Methodology

3.3.1. Data collection and methods

The concept of the research is based on the grounded theory concept and is conducted with a case study research design (Bryman, 2012). The city of Amsterdam is seen as the location of the case with each respondent being equal parts of it. It is known that mobility behaviour can change, but this research investigates deeper impacts on this change and can be seen as a mix of an exploratory and explanatory case. There are generally two different theories to describe the connection between theory and research: deductive and inductive theory. The basic difference is the question whether data is collected in order to test theories or if the aim is to build up new theories from the conducted data (Bryman, 2012). This research is being carried out according to the deductive theoretical idea, where the researcher is posing research questions based on theoretical material and tests the possibilities and validities of these ideas by collecting data (Bryman 2012).

Bryman (2012) states that the collected data for research can either be primary or secondary. In this thesis, I use both primary and secondary data. The secondary data can be found in chapter 2 and provides a theoretical framework, which offers the possibility to discuss the analysed primary data with existing theories later on in chapter 7.

In order to understand each individual’s own story and have the possibility to give a voice to the subjects of the research, qualitative methodology is used to gather information. Even though the researcher has to be very flexible and can be accused of lacking of structure, this way of researching allows capturing very rich data about behaviour and attitudes (Bryman 2012).

As mentioned already, different factors can influence travel behaviour and attitudes. Therefore it is necessary to develop different themes, used by the researcher as a guide throughout the interviews. There are different approaches to qualitative interviews. Semi-structured interviews is just one of them, where the interviewer follows a pre-written guide or item list of topics, which the researcher wants to talk about. Semi-structured interviews are used as the main method of collecting data. These ensured that the respondents could guide the direction of conversation themselves and feel like their story is the subject of the research. This method of interviewing allows investigating the inner workings of the relationship between the different influences on mobility behaviour and is more flexible than structured interviews or surveys, and seems to be fitting for the aim of the research.

I conducted 26 semi-structured, in-depth interviews, which seems like a group large enough to get deep and valuable data. The emphasis was always on “…how the interviewee frames and understands issues and events […], patterns, and forms of behaviour” (Bryman, 2012, p.471). This emphasis explains that the interview guide/item list (which can be found in the Appendix) is used just as a guide with the researcher adapting the questions depending on the flow of the interview. 24 interviews of the 26 were recorded and transcribed to assure minimal loss of information and allowing for later data analysis. Two interviewees did not agree to record during talking, so the researcher made sure to write down detailed notes of the conversation.

3.3.2. Sampling

When referring to expats during the research, it is specifically referred to non-Dutch individuals, between 25-45 years, working and living in the region of Amsterdam (max. 5 years).

Expat in this case is defined as being a person who is working and living outside of their home country (Oxford Dictionary). Important to mention here is, that, additionally to this definition, my respondents are all part of middle class and most of them hold a University degree.

The time limit is set because, to investigate the experienced change (or lack of change) expats go through, when or after moving to Amsterdam, it seems like a timeframe to which respondents can still refer. According to Harms et al. (2014) cycling behaviour in mature cycling countries, such as the Netherlands does not differ much between gender and age but more significantly in ethnicities. Migrants seem to cycle less and shorter distances. It is important to keep in mind that non-western, non-middle class migrants are probably less

likely to change their attitudes towards cycling. However a change is probably more likely to happen with middle class expats, as is my research population.

Another important issue to keep in mind is the social network. Migration studies have showed that workplace and education play an important role for different preferences (Sleutjes & Boterman, 2014). With this in mind, it is more probable that expats, working in the creative industries, are more likely to adapt to the local mobile practices than someone who is working for example in an IT department.

As I am already been living in Amsterdam for about 6 months, when starting the research, snowball sampling via personal contacts is the first method of finding respondents. However, when applying snowball sampling it is very important to be aware of the danger of only having a very homogeneous group of respondents. Therefore only about one quarter of the respondents, are contacts from the personal network. Additional respondents are found via social media groups and by visiting expat events. With 15 female and 11 male respondents, the participants are quite equally distributed concerning gender. Age differs between 25 and 45 years, even though most of the participants are between 25 and 30 years old. With 10 respondents being from western European descent, this group represents the majority. Other information can be found in the appendix.

3.3.3. Data Analysis

According to Flowerdew and Martin (2005) “to start making sense of diverse types of

material from diverse people on diverse occasions can seem a colossal task” (p. 220).

During and after collecting the data, the respondents are assured to stay anonymous by creating pseudonyms. 24 of the 26 interviews have been recorded, so I was able to transcribe them later on. The circumstances did not allow recording for just two interviews, therefore most parts of the conversation were written down during and immediately after the interview. The transcribed data was then analysed with using the software Atlas.ti. Within this program, an open coding method is used to create key topics and be able to analyse the responses by paying attention to research question and sub-questions. These key topics include the key concepts mentioned above, but were also developed during the interviewing and coding process.

With help of this method, it is possible to identify reasons and motivations for a change in mobility behaviour on an individual level as well as to compare the respondent’s experiences and reasons between each other.

3.4. Advantages & Disadvantages

When carrying out qualitative research, the two concepts of reliability and validity are very important and serve as indicators for credibility of the research. Bryman (2012) explains that reliability and validity can be separated in internal and external approach. Internal reliability asks whether there is more than one member of the research team and, if so, to what extent they agree about what they see and hear. In this case, the research was only conducted by one researcher, which does not account for much internal reliability. External reliability represents the possibility to what extent the research can be replicated. “This is a difficult criterion to meet in qualitative research, since, as LeCompte and Goetz recognize, it is impossible to ‘freeze’ a social setting and the circumstances of an initial study to make it replicable in the sense in which the term is usually employed“ (Bryman, 2012, p.389). However, the researcher tried to achieve high reliability by describing the process of data gathering and analysing. In addition the interview guide can be found in Appendix 1. This detailed description increases the ability for other researcher to undergo a similar study under the same conditions and comparable results.

Internal validity indicates whether there is a good match between the researchers’ observations and the theories, which evolve during the research. Bryman (2012) argues with the fact that this has to be a relatively strong ability of social research, especially ethnography, because the long and deep participation within a certain social group, should enable high congruence. For this research, ethnographic observations were only partly done and the timeframe in which the research held place is not very far-reaching. However, during the conclusion and discussion part of the thesis, the findings are being compared with existing theories and agreements and contradictions are pointed out. External validity refers to whether findings can be generalized across social settings. This often turns out to be a problem of qualitative research, since the case and samples are rather small in number. However due to different social settings and environments this study is able to be very specific and goes in many details, which can be seen as a strength of social research.

When conducting semi-structured interviews it is always possible that the interviewer is drawn by the answers and stories of the interviewees and might be influenced by their opinions, when asking follow up questions. Another problem that can occur (but did not turn out to be a matter during this research) are misunderstandings or misinterpretations of questions or answers. This can occur when the language of the interview is neither the mother tongue of the interviewer nor the interviewees. In this case, most of the participants were able to speak English to a level where communication was not a problem.

According to Bryman (2012) a case study design involves detailed and intensive analysis of a single or few cases in which the case is studied in an intensive way. However, there are limitations concerning the case study design. The external validity is questionable, since a few cases cannot be used as a representative of a certain group of the society. Therefore the purpose of this research is not to generalize the findings, the focus lies more on the specific case (Bryman 2012) and to create a possibility to gain deep insight into each individuals story. Since each respondent is seen as an equally important part of the case, this research allows the author to compare the findings from different individuals as well as find similarities and contradictions.

3.5. Ethical aspects, positionality, biases

Since I am myself an international student who moved to Amsterdam from another spatial and social context, makes me very similar to her research population. I remain aware of my own positionality throughout the research process. On the one hand, my position allows me easy access to the field and makes it less complicated to identify well with the participants. But this can also lead to possible prejudices. I always stay open-minded throughout the whole research process and let every individual tell their story without referring to my own. This is also part of the reason why I chose to conduct the data with semi-structured questions in face-to-face interviews. Such interviews can help to ensure an open conversation. Furthermore during the data analysis, I stay open-minded, re-read the already coded sections and reflect continuing on my positionality during the whole process of the research.

The final variety of respondents turn out to be mainly European descendent with a high educational degree, which can be seen as a problem, when trying to integrate the data into a bigger picture. However, the majority of the people who call themselves expats and live in Amsterdam are mostly European and middle or higher class (I am Expat, 2015). The research population thus seems quite representative when comparing to the whole expat population living in Amsterdam at the time of the research.

Despite already mentioned issues, when the main data collection is conducted via interviews, one should be especially aware of ethical principles. As Blaikie (2004) describes in her book, the major ethical issue in most social research is related to the dealing of human respondents. Participants should be adequately informed about the nature of the project, what is expected of them, how the research might affect them, how their anonymity will be ensured and how theirs information is being handled with confidence. This is something I constantly did during

the whole period of the research. Since the topic is not seen as invading much of the respondent’s privacy, most the respondents were not worried about this issue.

Chapter 4. Case description

The world’s population is increasing and cities are growing more than ever before. The Netherlands is not an exception for this phenomenon. More people, more economic dependence and more globalisation lead to a growth in mobility and transport. On the other hand, global warming also affects this planet and a lot of criticism traced back to big cities and their pollution. These developments have significant consequences for urban planners (NWO, 2012).

Bike parking at Amsterdam central. Image by Laura Aydin

The spatial structure of Amsterdam supports certain opportunities in terms of transport supplies, which are dependent on geographical space and its topography, economic and demographic conditions of the city and urban density (Ifmo, 2013).

The rather limited space in Amsterdam leads to more alternative ways of travelling. Transport methods have developed in addition to the typical ways of travelling found in cities all over the world (via foot, trams, buses, cars and metro). Here, cycling is used as very unique and alternative way of travelling through the city. The crowds can often be very stressful and may even scare people who are not used to so many cyclists in public space. Dutch cyclists have developed their very own way of using their bike and often give the impression of ruling the

streets. However, this way of living gives Amsterdam a very accessible, healthy and sustainable image. Not only do the cyclists benefit from cycling but also does the city in various ways. Attributes such as sustainable, healthy and happier population describe this active city.

“There are many reasons why people in Amsterdam choose to travel by bike: getting to school or work, going out, or as a sports activity, to name just a few. Amsterdammers use their bikes to get them everywhere. Together, we cycle two million kilometres a day in Amsterdam. That’s equivalent to cycling 50 times around the planet. The average total of bike rides by all Amsterdam's 835,000 residents is 665,000 each day. Representing 36% of traffic movements, the bicycle is by far the most widely used means of transport in Amsterdam. The bicycle is also the fastest growing means of transport in Amsterdam.“ (Amsterdam, 2017) One might think that, since cycling is so deeply anchored in the Dutch culture, the government and population of Amsterdam do not plan or even think about improving the cycle situation. However this is not the case.

Amsterdam is constantly working on its new challenges and wishes to continue building a cycling metropolis. The city has made a long term bicycle plan (Meerjarenbeleidsplan Fiets – MJP) from 2017 until 2022, which is being implemented by the Bicycle Programme Team (Programmateam Fiets) in close cooperation with the city districts (Amsterdam, 2017)

To reach the aim, they developed a model with three objectives: comfortable, uninterrupted cycling, easy bicycle parking and new way of cycling.

They include 53 measures for a healthy, accessible and attractive city, which can be summed up as follows:

1. Comfortable, uninterrupted cycling

Spacious, fast and direct routes, which include wider routes and the idea that, mopeds will have to use the roadway in the inner city. Cyclists will have more space and priority at traffic lights. New bicycle connections to overcome obstacles and create new alternative routes are planned as well, which will decrease congestion and make bike routes shorter. New residential areas are being designed in a way that encourages residents to cycle and walk. Additionally the focus lies on smooth and recognisable routes, which includes more comfortable asphalt as well as the so-called Groennet (Green Network), which comprises comfortable routes through pleasant surrounds separated from traffic.

Street infrastructure. Clear separation of car and bike paths in Wibautstraat. Image by Laura Aydin.

2. Easy bicycle parking

More parking hot spots will be built in busy residential areas and busy spots in the city, while ensuring that pavement for pedestrians still remains accessible. In general the number of parking spaces in public as well as in private areas will be increased. Additionally, planners are constantly trying to increase bicycle sharing, which would reduce the amount of bikes and make the city even more accessible and parking more easy.

3. The new way of cycling

The new way of cycling indicates appropriate behaviour for cyclists in Amsterdam. Planners want to give cyclists (or those who would like to be some one day) new incentives, along with the idea of new bicycle routes and new parking possibilities. More residents on bikes increase the liveability of the city. Here, this research can contribute to a better understanding of new residents’ cycling behaviour and help to improve possibilities to encourage cycling.

With many cyclists on the roads, everyone in public space benefits from good behaviour. Adequate cycling behaviour can make the difference between a stressful or a relaxing journey and can encourage not very confident cyclists to cycle on a daily basis and make bikes more appealing to them.

Chapter 5. Empirical Results

To understand the dynamics of a change in mobility behaviour, the respondents were asked various semi-structured questions (which are listed in the Appendix). When comparing the responses, changes in mobility behaviour are noticeable for almost everyone since they have been living in Amsterdam. The reasons for these changes vary as much as each respondent's own story. Names were changed due to privacy issues.

Street traffic at Koningsplein. Image by Laura Aydin.

When beginning the analysis, it seems quite logical to tell about some points, which came up when looking at the background of the different participants.

The impact of personal, embodied characteristics as well as existing pre-conditions (such as, if cycling was practiced as a sport before or not and other everyday practices) seems to be quite significant.

Rupert: “…I have a friend who is from Sao Paulo but his issue is, he is also…quite extremely overweight, and he has a bike but that bike is mine right now, because he doesn’t have any interest in riding it, cause the barrier for entry I guess is too difficult, which is sad, but yeah…“

Respondents spoke about how existing pre-conditions are an influence, which make them more likely to cycle. Respondents who have been living a more active lifestyle embrace cycling as a way of transport much more than those who live a more sedentary life. The latter embrace other transport modes to a greater extent, but still practice cycling to some degree

due to higher levels of directness and convenience compared to other transport modes in Amsterdam.

Stephan: “…ehm before that, I worked, I used my social work degree in the outdoors. So I trained as an outdoor leader, so I was a trained mountain guide, kayaking, and I used this as my therapeutic work in Australia, ehm I, so therefore all of my fun things are outdoorsy, cycling, mountain biking, my sport is adventure racing, which is like dirty triathlons [...] one thing I love about Amsterdam is the cycling culture, I cycle all day every day and I have so much joy from it!”

This can be connected to another influence from the past. People said they practiced cycling not only at a young age but also in the years before moving to Amsterdam. Now they feel more comfortable to ride a bike in the city and use it for every day practice. Whereas people who stated that they did not practice cycling often before moving said they were more likely to choose walking or public transport over cycling. One of their explanations for avoiding cycling is not the built environment, but rather their discouragement by Amsterdammers’ way of riding a bike. The craziness and chaos of cycling in Amsterdam, which can happen especially during busy hours and in the center, was described as being scary. Respondents who mention this seem to have a more negative attitude towards bikes than others.

Sofia: “Cycling was very scary for me because of the traffic, people riding really fast also not stopping in the red lights and I was already very anxious and I thought ‘ok, I can not ride the bike here!’ But after I started using it to go around my place, but in the center or to go all the way to work, never (laughing)! “

On the other hand, a lot of interviewees name the Dutch cycling culture and the way people ride the bike in Amsterdam as one of the biggest influences on their own cycling practice. Even though many respondents agree on the fact that cycling in Amsterdam can be aggressive and brutal, they also agree that the this style empowers a never-stopping flow, which makes riding easy, when you allow yourself to become part of the flow.

Juan: “ja, ja, ja! The first, I would say the first 5 or 6 times, was really difficult, because you, when you start riding a bike you know all the signs that you have to make and all the things to take care but it is something that you usually do it in a different way than you do it here, because the bicycle is the way of moving, so all the people are crossing you, passing you, also the scooters and the tiny cars, so it was so active and so fluent the movement, that ehm, make me scared a lot of times. (Smiling), but once you get used to it, it's amazing!“

Sarah:“(...) Is definitely going with the flow because you just follow where everybody goes, also you have to watch out because there are many tourist everywhere, especially in Jordaan so ring your bell! (Laughing) make sure that you can pass the tourist.”

Going a bit further, Dutch cycling culture impresses many respondents who already practice cycling before they move to Amsterdam or connect to it in a positive way in terms of being the social environment of every day. It even changes their attitude positively and changes the purpose and reason for cycling in many cases.

Stephan: “...and so I went out and it was dark and wet and I was hovering over this, with my umbrella, riding through Amsterdam and I remember the first thing that really struck me was, that everyone around me was so upbeat and talking and there was a beautiful chillness in the Dutch voice, sometimes, there is a bit of a: dui! And I heard this going on around me and I saw everyone cycling and I just thought just: this is the thing, this is the quality of, the thing that cycling brings to that culture and it's about facing diversity and it’s just being in the moment, being practical. And I think that really changed my feeling about cycling in any weather and especially through the winter, so I think, from my perspective, it seems to create a sense of resilience in people here, which I think is a great quality.”

Certain people choose not to cycle because they feel embarrassed cycling alongside people who grew up with cycling and seem very confident. The Dutch cycling culture can be both encouraging as well as discouraging. It seems that foreigners, who are moving to Amsterdam, feel almost obliged to at least try to cycle in Amsterdam since it is something

traditional, which makes people feel as they are taking part in a cultural and very Dutch activity.

Lara: “... when I moved here I also had a lot of problems starting. I know how to cycle but it can be a bit intimidating here, the Dutch people are really good cyclists!”

Anton: “I…feel I should, because it is such a Dutch thing to cycle everywhere, but I still have that feeling that cycling is just not something that I am built for. Ehm, having said that I have tried a tiny bit, I have, I am too scared to try it in Amsterdam, the traffic, the bikes go too quickly here and eh, someone told me recently, that they feel it's like a video game and it’s like you are battling 5 different bikes coming at 5 different directions.”

The level of attachment to cycling or the cycling culture definitely differs between the different respondents and depends on how the bicycle is used and how the attitude is shaped. Some respondents argue that they cycle as a mode of transport and just use it to get from A to B. This factor is connected to whether cyclists think about continuing their cycling practice when no longer living in Amsterdam. Most respondents who are deeply committed to cycling and use it as a social and practical mode of travelling are planning on continuing cycling if the infrastructure allows so.

Sarah: Also when I meet with people I know that all are going by bike. Actually when you are in a group of friends and you do not have a bike, which was the situation of one of my friends last week, she really almost became an outsider (laughing) because she did not have a bike. Here you expect your friends to come with the bike, everything else would be strange.

Lisa: “...also because I have a different appreciation now for just being able to cycle ehm and especially when it's sunny and nice but I think if I have to go to like the complete opposite of town or if it's raining, I would still consider to take public transport, always depends on what is the fastest way to get around, here it's the bike so I take it most of the time, but in Berlin for example I think I would take public transport…”