M
ASTER
T
HESIS
IN
C
OMMUNICATION
S
CIENCE
CAPTURE OR EXPERIENCE: AN
EMERGING ADULT’S DILEMMA
Author:
Max Biglino
Graduate School of Communication
Master’s programme Communication Science
Student number: 11573023
Supervisor: Ine Beyens
An investigation into the underlying (de)motivators behind
emerging adults’ practice of capturing an experience
by means of smartphone photos and videos
Abstract
Smartphones cameras are ever-present in the pockets of emerging adults. Despite the growing
societal relevance, research on smartphone photography is relatively scarce. This qualitative
research set out to learn more about what motivates this age group to document an experience
by means of smartphone photos or videos. Through personal interviews, five sensitizing
concepts (memory, identity, enjoyment, sharing and social acceptance) were presented to 14
respondents. Their answers revealed a multitude of motivators, the most prominent being: (1)
to create a digital memory for future reminiscing; (2) to show them to their social circle in
person; (3) to share them online, cultivating one’s social identity through self-presentation; (4)
because it’s fun; (5) because others around them do it. The main demotivators are (1) a social
pressure to refrain from taking photos, (2) a concern for the impact this act could have on other
people’s enjoyment, and (3) the belief that this practice is accompanied by a loss of
engagement, which impacts their enjoyment of the experience. Most importantly, it emerged
that thoughts and attitudes on this practice vary greatly among individuals, each one being
guided by a heterogeneous and distinct set of principles that regulate the act of capturing an
experience through their smartphone.
Introduction
As smartphones become ubiquitous in modern society, they are becoming the established way
of documenting life around us. Whether the aim is to share photos with others or simply store
them for future reminiscence, mobile cameras are the tool of choice for recording experiences.
They are becoming a natural element of every environment—from family celebrations to
holidays, house parties to live concerts. This may be a consequence of the steady rise in
smartphone ownership and use in the past decade, especially among the younger generations
than their older counterparts (aged 55-64). Two thirds of them take photos every week (Smith,
2015), often in social settings (Jarusriboonchai et al., 2016). Image-sharing social networks
such as Instagram count more than 800 million monthly active users (Aslam, 2018), most of
which are young adults (Rainie, Brenner & Purcell, 2012); a quarter of them report using these
platforms multiple times per day (Duggan, 2013). Due to being permanent and public, shared
photos are prone to become some sort of digital heritage—that shapes our social identity
through self-presentation, and that serves us as a lasting memory of the past (Lewi, Murray,
Smith & Webber, 2015; Lux, Kogler & del Fabro, 2010; Van Dijck, 2008). Furthermore, as
the world settles into an experience economy (Pine & Gilmore, 1998; 2017)—where
experiences are valued over material products—it is important to understand how photo-taking
impacts the activities we engage in.
Given the societal relevance of the topic and its future implications, it is surprising how little
it has been researched. The few studies that have investigated this topic reported mixed results.
For example, while some studies found that capturing pictures of an experience with one’s
smartphone can improve mindfulness (Hughes & Moscardo, 2017), others warn about its
detrimental effect on enjoyment (Barasch, Zauberman & Diehl, 2017) and recall (Soares &
Storm, 2018). Furthermore, most studies focus on effects of such behavior, neglecting the
motivators behind it. This dissertation aims at filling this gap, focusing specifically on
emerging adults (18 – 26 years old). What drives them to take their phone out to record an
experience? In synthesizing the research, we identify theories important for the understanding
of the topic, and highlight findings on the benefits and risks of such practice. This research will
take an inductive approach, as “deductive logic alone can never uncover new ideas and
observations” (Stebbins, 2001, p. 8). Understanding the underlining (de)motivators behind the
drive to document an experience through smartphone photos—and general attitudes towards
chance to reflect on one’s behavior; (2) the academic community, by exploring virtually
uncharted territory and enriching the field with knowledge; (3) society at large: as the global
network shifts into an experience economy (Pine & Gilmore, 1998; 2017), we will benefit from
understanding what drives young users to document such experiences.
Theoretical background
Given the exponential rise in frequency and volume of smartphone pictures taken in the past
decade (Business Insider, 2017), it is surprising how little the field of smartphone photography
has been researched. The few studies that examine the use of camera phone photography, or
digital cameras in general, appear to be out of date and of little relevance to motivators (e.g.
Kindberg & Spasojevic, 2005; Lux et al., 2010; Murray, 2008; Rubinsen & Sluis, 2008; van
Dijck, 2008). Researchers have observed before the absence of a theoretical structure on
personal photography (Cobley & Haeffner 2009; Gye, 2007). The studies in which people
volitionally took pictures of their life experiences were more concerned about the organization
and structure of such experiences as an autobiographical timeline of memories (Brunec,
Chadwick, Javadi, Guo, Malcolm & Spiers, 2015; Burt, Kemp, & Conway, 2003, 2008;
Johnson, Foley, Suengas & Raye, 1998; Kemp, Burt, & Malinen, 2009; St. Jacques et al.,
2008). Furthermore, few studies separate participants into age groups and report results relating
strictly to emerging adults (e.g. Koutstaal, Johnson, Angell & Gross, 1998; Koutstaal, Schacter,
Johnson & Galluccio, 1999). The only account, in recent years, of a direct measurement of
motivators for taking smartphone pictures is an article by Stylianou-Lambert (2017)—which
is specific to taking photos in a museum. Despite this lacuna, numerous other articles have
touched related topics. Recent studies focused on the effects of such practice (i.e. capturing an
experience through smartphone photos) on memory (Barasch, Diehl, Silverman & Zauberman,
2017; Henkel, 2014; Soares & Storm, 2018), personal identity (van House, 2011), and
Broekhuijsen, van den Hoven, Markopoulos & Eggen, 2015). Copious research can be found
on the effects of sharing such photos with others through online social media (Hogan, 2010;
Seidman, 2013; Valkenburg, 2017), which can be a motivator for photo-taking (Munar &
Jacobsen, 2014; Whiting & Williams, 2013). Thus, the following relevant central concepts
have been selected: memory, personal identity, enjoyment of experiences, and social elements
(such as sharing on social media).
Besides Stylianou-Lambert (2017)—who’s study is specific to museums—no research so far
has strictly monitored what motivates young adults to take their smartphone out during an
experience to take a photo. This paper aims at filling this gap—its main research question
being: “What are the underlying motivators that drive emerging adults’ desire to capture a
memorable event or experience by means of smartphone photos?”. To further understand the
phenomenon and explore what might prompt them to refrain from such act, a second research
question is added: “What are the underlying demotivators that drive emerging adults’ desire to
capture a memorable event or experience by means of smartphone photos?”.
Memory
When personal photography emerged in the late nineteenth century, it was considered mostly
a tool for families to save a memory of their life experiences for future reminiscing (Sarvas &
Frohlich, 2011). Much has changed since the spread of personal photography, but taking photos
as an aid to memory and future retrieval remains a frequently reported motivator for such
practice. People take photos to better recall life events that occur to them (Chalfen, 1998;
Harrison, 2002). Among visitors of the Smithsonian Museum, for example, one of the six main
motivators for taking pictures is to aid memory—the others being: to share, for further research,
to inspire, as building material for self-identity, and as an art form in its own right
(Stylianou-Lambert, 2017). More specifically, people report taking digital photos to capture fleeting
Spasojevic, 2005). Recalling earlier life experiences and reflecting on them is in fact a common
trait in people throughout society, starting at an early age (Edwards & Middleton, 1988; Tessler
& Nelson, 1994). Several studies have found that revisiting previously taken photos can
facilitate retrieval of personal experiences (Berry et al., 2007; Deocampo & Hudson, 2003;
Hodges, Berry, & Wood, 2011; Koutstaal et al., 1999; Schacter, Koutstaal, Johnson, Gross &
Angell, 1997; Seamon et al., 2014; St Jacques & Schacter, 2013) although distorting the
memory in various ways (Hashtroudi, Johnson, Vnek, & Ferguson, 1994; Lam & Buehler,
2009; Suengas & Johnson, 1988). Younger adults specifically (18-30 years old) remember
more details about everyday life events if they later review a photograph of such events
(Koutstaal, Johnson, Angell & Gross, 1998; Schacter et al., 1997), although this seems to be
counterbalanced by decreased recall of non-reviewed events (Koutstaal et al, 1999).
However, a growing number of recent studies claim that capturing photographs of one’s life
experiences can have a negative effect on memory. Henkel (2014), for example, showed that
observing an object and then taking a photo of it makes us remember it less than if we had
simply observed (i.e. photo-taking impairment effect). The author argues that this could be due
to cognitive offloading—i.e. the knowledge that the photograph they just took is safely stored
on a camera, and can be revisited when needed, causes them to “offload” the event from their
personal memory (Risko & Gilbert, 2016). In other words, when people take photos they trust
that their smartphone will “remember” the experience, saving them from the effort of
remembering it themselves. Similar effects were reported in people who save data on a PC
(Sparrow, Liu, & Wegner, 2011), write down facts (Eskritt & Ma, 2014), and look up
information on Google (Ferguson, McLean, & Risko, 2015; Sparrow et al., 2011). Although
offloading memories gives us the ability to focus more on other tasks (Storm & Stone, 2015)
it causes us to rely more and more on external sources, reducing our recall of information when
long-term storage of photos makes their retrieval difficult and often digital photos “get lost”; parents
who try to find photos taken at family events more than a year before, fail 40% of the times
(Whittaker, Bergman & Clough, 2010). The authors speculate that this might be due to
individuals storing too many pictures, organizing them poorly and forgetting to maintain their
photo library (Whittaker et al., 2010).
A recent study by Soares & Storm (2018) also concluded that photo-taking impairs overall
memory of an experience, but observed the same effect among respondents who knew that the
photograph they took would not be stored for future review. Thus, the authors propose a more
drastic explanation: taking a digital photo disrupts people’s process of encoding the objects in
question (Soares & Storm, 2018, p.158). This alternative is referred as the
“attentional-disengagement hypothesis”: the act of capturing a photo causes the individual to disengage
from the experience to better handle the task, resulting in more shallow memory encoding
(p.155). In the same line, a recent study showed that the photo-taking impairment effect is only
present among individuals who manually take the photos, instead of wearing a camera who
takes them automatically (Niforatos, Cinel, Mack, Langheinrich & Ward, 2017).
Barasch, Diehl, Silverman & Zauberman (2016; 2017) reported more nuanced results:
photographing an experience causes individuals’ attention to shift toward visual aspects and
away from auditory aspects, changing their recall of the experience. In other words, when
participants were left free to take photographs, they recognized what they saw during the
experience more than what they heard. Further studies report that zooming-in when
photographing an experience moderates the photo-taking impairment effect (Henkel, 2014).
It is clear that memory impacts the experience in varied ways. But does it impact their
motivation to capture the experience? This leads us to the next research question: “Which role
Personal identity
Since its emergence as a social practice and throughout its history, personal photography had
memory as its main purpose; nonetheless, secondary uses were acknowledged by early
scholars—such as being a tool for identity formation (Sontag, 1977; Barthes & Howard, 1981).
This secondary purpose grew in importance after the spread of digital and phone cameras, at
the expense of its use as mementos (Harrison, 2002; Gary & Gerrie, 2005). Already decades
ago, Barthes highlighted the close relationship between memory and identity formation:
looking back at photos of past experiences not only reminds us of what has been, but also
shapes our impression of how we should remember our past lives (Barthes & Howard, 1981,
p. 80). Indeed, van Dijck (2008) echoes this observation and applies it to modern digital and
smartphone cameras; he argues that the individual remodels his personal identity to fit the
photographs he took in the past (p. 8). Other cognitive psychologists have chimed in,
commenting that the photographs we took in the past influence our memories (Strange, Gerrie
& Garry, 2005)—which are a fundamental part of our present identity (King, 2000;
Schechtman, 2011). The great majority of smartphone cameras include default tools to
manipulate and edit photos as we take them, as well as the possibility to select some and delete
others rapidly (Gye, 2013); we are thus gaining more control over our past memories, and the
opportunity to adapt them to our “ideal self” (Siibak, 2009). Van Dijck (2008) comments that
“[i]n this day and age, (digital) photographs let subjects take some measure of control over
their photographed appearance, inviting them to tweak and reshape our public and private
identities” (pp. 15-16). Others propose that this phenomenon is moderated by the act of posting
them online, which makes them more reflective of the individual’s actual personality (Back,
Stopfer, Vazire, Gaddis, Schmukle, Egloff & Gosling, 2010).
Van House (2011) also includes self-expression and self-representation as integral functions of
photos as a reflection of how the user sees and interprets the world (Sontag, 1977). Nowadays,
many smartphone users see their photos as a way to express their viewpoint and aesthetics
(Gye, 2013; Van House, 2011). Personal photography is ever more a way to capture small and
mundane aspects of our daily life to share them with the people around us (Murray, 2008). As
Gye (2007, p. 282) eloquently describes it:
“What do the photographs we take tell the world about who we are? Presumably, that
our view of the world is unique and interesting and that, by virtue of this, so are we. At
least that is what we hope. […] Photographs which are taken or used for
self-presentation reflect the view of our selves that we want to project out into the world”.
Lastly, in a recent research conducted at the Smithsonian Gallery in Washington DC, museum
visitors reported “building material for self-identity” as one of the six main motivators for
taking photos during the experience (Stylianou-Lambert, 2017).
Most of the research on the link between photography and identity concerns traditional and
digital cameras instead of smartphones. Is is unclear, then, whether this remains a valid
motivator for today’s young adults. The research question “Which role does identity play in
their motivation?” aims at clarifying this lacuna.
Enjoyment of experiences
Experiences shape our identities, influence our life satisfaction and our well-being (Carter &
Gilovich, 2012; Nicolao, Irwin & Goodman, 2009; Ryff, 1995; Van Boven & Gilovich, 2003).
Individuals sacrifice time, effort and money to engage in experiences—from movies to
vacations (Bhattacharjee & Mogilner, 2013). Along with special events, people are starting to
document any kind of experience and more mundane moments of their life, such as eating their
lunch (Murphy, 2010). Understanding whether taking a smartphone photograph has an effect
on our enjoyment of experiences is thus important. Research explored in particular how
People reap multiple benefits by recounting their experiences to others: it makes them more
satisfied with the experience (Gilovich, Kumar & Jampol, 2015), makes them perceive the
experience as more positive and meaningful (Lambert, Gwinn, Baumeister, Strachman,
Washburn, Gable, & Fincham, 2013; Reis, Smith, Carmichael, Caprariello, Tsai, Rodrigues &
Maniaci, 2010), and strengthen interpersonal bonds with their audience (Beike et al., 2016;
Gable, Reis, Impett & Asher, 2004). Those who take photos during experiences with the intent
to share them later may anticipate future benefits and rewards of the sharing process (Lambert,
Gwinn, Baumeister, Strachman, Washburn, Gable & Fincham, 2013); this may increase their
enjoyment of the photographed experience (Reis et al, 2010). Also, if post-experience sharing
is perceived as positive and rewarding, this positive affect may be linked to the act of taking
the photos (Fishbach, Shah & Kruglanski, 2004). On the other hand, intent to share may evoke
in individuals concern about their self-presentation and being judged by others. Trying to
present one’s ideal self-image to others (in this case, through photos) can be an impediment to
one’s well-being (Ariely & Levav, 2000). This self-presentation concern may also trigger
negative emotions by making individuals more self-conscious and decreasing their enjoyment
(Diener, 1979). Across five studies, Barasch et al. (2017) consistently found that when people
take photos with the intention to share (vs. for one’s own memories) they enjoy the experience
less; this effect is mediated by feelings of self-presentational concern. The authors paraphrase
this well: “[t]aking photos to share with others increases feelings of anxiety to present oneself
in a positive light, which in turn reduces enjoyment during the experience” (Barasch et al.,
2017, p. 1233). One important variable moderates such effect: when individuals plan to only
share with close friends, enjoyment decreases less (Barasch et al., 2017, study 5)—as close
friends are unlikely to change opinions solely based on the shared photos.
Another way photography can influence the enjoyment of an experience is by affecting
concern (i.e. worrying about how others will evaluate the photos and person taking them) may
reduce immersion in the experience and make them enjoy it less (Csikszentmihalyi, 1997;
Killingsworth & Gilbert, 2010). Furthermore, by withdrawing oneself from the experience to
take photos, individuals may feel more like an observer than a participant (Jones & Nisbett,
1987; Storm, 1973); this may cause them to become less engaged and not attend to their own
enjoyment (Hung & Mukhopadhyay, 2011). Those who are being photographed are also
affected: when they realize there’s a camera pointed at them, their actions become more of a
performance (Mols et al., 2015). Furthermore, engagement may be decreased by the
attentional-disengagement hypothesis, according to which people disengage from the
experience to focus on the task of taking a picture. Encoding of an event is more shallow when
individuals volitionally and manually take photos—vs. when photos are taken automatically
by a body camera (Niforatos et al., 2017). In a previous study, people have reported feeling
more disengaged with the experience when they had to document it using photography (vs.
other ways of recording) (Mols et al., 2015). This hypothesis is supported by the activity theory
(Engeström, Miettinen & Punamäki, 1999), according to which the dual task the individual is
engaging with (being immersed in the event and recording it) increases cognitive load and leads
to poor performance in both tasks. Attending to two tasks can be a distraction, dividing one’s
attention between two activities and decreasing enjoyment of the experience (Oviedo,
Tornquist, Cameron & Chiappe, 2015). Several entertainment venues ask attendees to refrain
from taking photos (or outright ban them), claiming that such act ruins the experience (Gander,
2016; Gray, 2013; Shortlidge, 2017; Stapinski, 2013).
On the other hand, some scholars argue that photo-taking makes people more engaged and
satisfied with the experience. Diehl et al. (2016) say that one’s intention and mental process—
rather than the mechanics of the act—makes the difference; as long as the act doesn’t interfere
entails directing attention towards the experience to better capture it, making the individual
more focused on what’s happening. According to this second hypothesis, capturing an
experience makes people appreciate the moment more by focusing more in it (Banks, 2011;
Larsson et al., 2001; LeBel & Dube, 2001; Killingsworth & Gilbert, 2010). Nonetheless, an
experimental study showed that this positive effect on enjoyment decreases the more taking a
photo interferes with the experience (Diehl et al., 2016).
It is unclear whether the user is aware of these effects on his enjoyment. In the face of these
ambiguous results, it is useful to inquire over how young adults take the enjoyment of
experiences into consideration when considering whether to capture an experience or not (RQ:
“Does the enjoyment of an experience play a role in their motivation?”).
Social uses and sharing
Already before the widespread availability of camera phones, participants in a study were given
prototypes and their behavior revealed they sent images to build group relationships, express
emotions and recount experiences (Lehtonen, Koskinen & Kurvinen, 2002; Mäkelä, Giller,
Tscheligi & Sefelin, 2000). Subsequent studies overwhelmingly report various social uses as
reasons to take camera phone photos and share them (Amichai-Hamburger & Vinitzky, 2010;
Van Der Heide, D’Angelo & Schumaker, 2012; Van House et al., 2005). Among other things,
smartphone users send photos to connect with friends, share experiences, build intimacy,
communicate with acquaintances and maintain social bonds when distant (Döring, Dietmar,
Hein & Hellwig, 2006; Gai, 2007; Oeldorf-Hirsch & Sundar, 2010; Villi, 2012; 2013). Young
adults have reported taking pictures to celebrate friendships and maintain relationships with
them (Hunt et al., 2014; Senft & Baym, 2015). Csikszentmihalyi (1981) in a notable article
mentions that most of leisure activities are expressive (vs. instrumental) experiences;
Research on the first digital cameras integrated in phones shows that adolescents and young
adults described an interesting occurrence: despite claiming that photos are a way to preserve
memory, their behavior revealed that it was used primarily as a form of social communication,
personal bonding and peer-group building (Harrison, 2002; Liechti & Ichikawa, 2000; Schiano,
Chen & Isaacs, 2002). Moreover, while the older generation still considers photography
primarily as a way to collect memories for future reference, younger generations prefer using
them to share experiences (Kindberg et al., 2005; Schiano et al, 2002). Since the early days of
mobile phone cameras, people reported “sharing them with family and friends” as a prominent
social use and motivator for taking pictures (Kindberg & Spasojevic, 2005). Research has since
recognized numerous personal benefits linked with sharing an experience with others via
photo-messaging (Hunt et al., 2014; Lambert et al., 2013; Reis et al., 2010; Tamir & Mitchell,
2012); for example, sharing an experience with people who are not present can enhance one’s
mood and make the event more meaningful (Diehl et al., 2017; Lambert et al. 2013; Reis et al.
2010). Today, about 80% of young adults use their smartphone to send photos to others, and
the numbers are rising quickly (Lenhart, Purcell, Smith & Zickuhr, 2010; Wang, Xiang &
Fesenmaier, 2014); this practice is especially commonplace among young women (Colley,
Todd, White & Turner-Moore, 2010). Despite the relevance of this phenomenon, the majority
of studies on the topic focus on the post-experience sharing effects, and few shed light on
potential effects during the experience. When photographing an experience with the intent of
sharing it later, the user might anticipate the aforementioned positive consequences of sharing,
thus boosting his present mood (Lambert et al., 2013; Reis et al., 2010). On the other hand, he
might also feel anxious to present himself in a positive light to others. People seek to present
themselves in a way that fits their ideal self (Goffman, 1959; Leary & Baumeister, 2000; Jones
& Pittman, 1982). In social situations, we are often being judged and evaluated by others
self-presentation, and we attempt to control the way we appear to others to leave a good
impression (Leary et al., 1990; Tetlock & Manstead 1985; Tedeschi, 2013). This may translate
in a feeling of anxiety and anticipation for a social judgment that follows the sharing. In fact,
users invest significant effort to manage their image on social media, and often worry about
leaving an impression that matches their idealized self (Gonzales & Hancock, 2011;
Mehdizadeh, 2010; Siibak, 2009; Zhao, Grasmuck & Martin, 2008).
Another social aspect in this practice involves the concept of mediated presence; in this case,
using the phone to convey the present experience to someone physically far (Licoppe, 2004).
Presence is mediated (i.e. communicated through a medium) to someone far, who can live it as
though he was there (Villi & Stocchetti, 2011). According to others, taking a photograph is not
a way to convey presence, but more “having-been-there” (Price & Wells, 1997). Barthes further
comments that a photo is a “certificate of presence” (1981, p.80). Photographing an experience
can thus be a way of authenticating that the person was living a certain moment, present there
and then (Barthes, 1981; Villi, 2015; Villi et al., 2011).
A last important aspect to consider is the effect of this act on others around, especially factors
such as ethics, annoyance, and awkwardness. Using a smartphone in a social setting diminishes
sociability (Turke, 2011), with negative effects on closeness and connection (Przybylski &
Weinstein, 2013). As the user captures a photo, he may decide to share it immediately instead
of doing it later; a third of people choose to send it immediately (Kindeberg et al., 2005). Many
people, though, feel uncomfortable when the person they are together with is looking at their
own phone screen (Nakamura, 2013). In subsequent work, Nakamura further examined the
social consequences of being focused on one’s phone screen while in company of others, and
found that “when the phone user is interacting with one or more acquaintances or friends,
gazing at a phone display can communicate that the user is rejecting said acquaintances” (2015,
common awareness of the other” (2014, p. 314). Other scholars argue that using a smartphone
in public creates new paradigms and spaces filled with sociability (e Silva & Frith, 2012), and
that adolescents and young adults are “reconfiguring the contract about what we thought was
appropriate visibility and public behavior for young people” (Jenkins & Ito, 2015, p. 40).
Nonetheless, intrusive photographic practices are frowned upon by many, who cite personal
privacy and unsociability as reasons (Gye, 2007). The weight of our peers’ opinion is strongest
during adolescence but it is still present during emerging adulthood (Clasen & Brown, 1985;
Duangpatra, Bradley & Glendon, 2009; Gardner & Steinberg, 2005; Monahan, Steinberg &
Cauffman, 2009; Steinberg & Monahan, 2007). Because of this, our perception of whether this
practice is accepted or frowned upon is expected to influence our photo-taking behavior.
These two social aspects seem to have repercussions on the individual’s perception of the
experience and possibly also on its motivation to record it. For this reason, we inquire whether
sharing intent and social factors (such as mediated presence, or annoyance for excessive use)
play a role in their motivations (RQs: “Do social factors affect their motivation?”).
Methods
Research design
As literature on the topic is scarce and devoid of a shared theoretical framework, a qualitative
method was used. Its explorative nature served as a first probe into the field. Furthermore, as
the subject of enquire is personal motivations, such design allows for more flexibility and a
better understanding of personal cases (Lundsten, 2017). The data was collected through
face-to-face interviews. More in-depth and insightful answers can be reached through personal
Selection of research units
Non-probability sampling was chosen for the sake of convenience and limited resources.
Respondents were gathered through purposive sampling; more specifically, maximum
variation sampling (Coyne, 1997). This method is most suitable for interview-based qualitative
research (Etikan, Musa & Alkassim, 2016; Robinson, 2014). Maximum variation sampling
includes perspectives and opinions as heterogeneous as possible, from the most typical to the
more extreme; its aim is to gain insights into a phenomenon by taking into consideration its
polyhedric nature (Patton, 1990). In the context of this research, cultural identity was selected
as a variable to maximize variation in (Sandelowski, 1995, p.181). The researcher attempted
to include respondents born in different countries, to gather an international sample and
increase diversity. Sampling stopped when it reached saturation, and no new insights were
presented. Data was collected between April 2018 and November 2018.
Sample characteristics
The population from which the sample was drawn was emerging adults (18–26 years old;
Arnett, 2009, p. 9). This age segment and its defining characteristics were thoroughly described
in Arnett’s (2007) review. This population was chosen as they are a group with high rates of
media use and smartphone ownership (Coyne, Padilla-Walker & Howard, 2013; Pew Research
Center, 2018; Vannucci, Flannery & Ohannessian, 2017), even in emerging countries
(Poushter, 2016). Growing financial independence and freedom (Arnett, 2009, p. 7) give them
more chances to ‘live’ experiences and attend events with higher frequency than their younger
peers (Arnett, 2000, p. 473).
The sample size was 14 people. The respondents were aged between 18 and 26 years (M =
22.5, SD = 2.24), equally distributed between males and females (50% male, 50% female). All
of them owned a smartphone with a photo-camera. Their nationalities vary greatly (1 Spanish,
1 Mongolian), but most of them live in Europe (7 in the Netherlands, 2 in Germany, 2 in Italy,
1 in France, 1 in Hungary and 1 in the USA). Among them, 12 were university students (8
bachelor’s, 4 master’s); of the remaining, one was working as a YouTube influencer, and one
was still in high school.
Interviews
The interviews were personal and face-to-face, lasting between 20 and 50 minutes each. They
were structured in five sections, relating to the sensitizing topic observed in the literature.
The first topic was personal motivations: the respondents were given the chance to explain
their personal motivators for photo taking before delving into more specific areas of inquiry.
The first question was a practical one, and served as a warm up: “When you’re attending an
event or living a cool experience, how often do you take pictures with your smartphone?”. Set
examples were given to clarify the definition of “event or cool experience”: being at a live
music concert, around a bonfire with your friends, at a house party, or more in general sharing
a meaningful and unusual moment in a social environment. Following this, they were asked
their motivations (“Why do you do it?”). To complete the picture, they were also asked “Why
do you think other people do it?”; this indirect question increased the cognitive load and
changed the perspective, giving them the chance to mention motivators that they might have
omitted before due to social desirability bias (Fisher, 1993; Stodel, 2015).
The second section examined a customary motivator: memory. It comprised of only two
questions, on which the participants were encouraged to give in-depth answers. “Some people
say they do it to remember better and be able to look back on the photos in the future. What do
you think about it?”. The second question, if not answered already, was: “Do you do it to aid
memory?”.
The third section probed into the relationship between photography and personal identity. In
one’s personality (“Some people say they do it for self-expression. What do you think?”; “Do
you do it for self expression?”). Drawing from knowledge on the conditional nature media
effects (e.g. Differential susceptibility to media effects model; Valkenburg & Peter, 2013), they
were also asked whether taking photos had an impact on their identity on the long run (“Do
you think that taking photos on such occasions has any impact on your identity?”). If they
asked for clarification, the following example was used: “If you often take many photos at
parties, will it reinforce that aspect of your identity and make you feel it’s an important aspect
of your personality?”.
The fourth section explored whether (and how) such activity has an impact on the perceived
enjoyment of the experience. The three questions were as follows: (1) “When you do it (or
don’t do it), does it influence how much you enjoy the experience?”; (2) “Does it have any
other effect on the experience?”; (3) “When other people do it, does it influence your
enjoyment?”. The scope of the questions covered both the potential effects of one’s act of
photographing, and the potential passive effect on the respondent of such behavior, when
performed by others. The second question was included to account for other unforeseen effects
worth noting.
The fifth and last section investigated social dynamics as a potential (de)motivator. The first
two questions (“Do you usually share such photos on social media?”; “Does the knowledge
that you will share a photo influence you anyhow?”) are related to the social act of sharing the
taken pictures with one’s social circle (be it through social media or other means). The second
two enquire over social acceptance of the practice and its influence (“How do you think other
people perceive the act of taking a photo with your smartphone at an event or during an
experience? Is it accepted of frowned upon?”; “A growing number of clubs are choosing to put
last question queries on its overall impact on society at large (“Overall, what do you think about
it, is it a good or bad practice for society?”).
Data analysis
The interviews were transcribed into text, and processed through the qualitative analysis
software “ATLAS.ti”. Salient quotations were highlighted, and answers were tagged with one
of more codes relating to their content. A total of 59 codes were identified, some of which
recurred numerous times. The codes which appeared more frequently were: Memory (53
times), Sharing (45), Enjoyment of the experience (35), Negative (35), Friends (30),
Engagement (29), Social media (29), Reminiscing (29), Self-presentation (27), Social
acceptance (27) and Self-expression (26). Following this thorough classification, the resulting
open codes were grouped in different dimensions based on apparent trends and associations.
Results
Some concepts matched the expectations, covering areas that the academic world postulates as
motivators for smartphone camera use: remembrance (memory), self-expression (identity)
enjoyment of experiences, sharing and social acceptance. Other concepts also surfaced: peer
pressure, crowd effect and convenience—as well as deterrents such as privacy concerns. Each
dimension will be explained in the following paragraphs.
Memory
Memory was the most cited motivator for smartphone camera use. Almost all respondents
reported taking photos to freeze present moments into visual memories for future reference.
Caner (20) eloquently notes that photos are “something unique, something personal, that's very
close to you; you can put it into matter, hold it in your hands or on your screen and revive it
whenever you want to. Press the button and you're back in the past, like a time window.
of time”. Similarly, Antoine (24) says: “I really like the past, it's really important for me. It's
like having a door to it.”. Be it for concerts, family reunions, travel experiences or mundane
events of daily life, the majority of respondents say that photos will help them remember their
experiences when their memory fails them (Tselmeg, 22: “our brain is weird, we will forget
most of the things in our lives; so pictures are like a reminder that helps us remember things”;
Anna, 22: “sometimes it feels like it's some kind of backup brain or backup memory”;
Stephanie, 22; “Your brain when you get older forgets, but if you take out and look at pictures
on your phone you'll always have it. You won't forget.”). Many take pleasure in reminiscing
(Natasha, 21: “It also reminds the good times. […] You have good times remembering.”). This
can be intentional (Tselmeg, 22, sees herself as a grandmother, reminiscing through old photos
and re-living the experience through them; Anna, 22: “I want to look back on it at some point
and remember, have a snapshot of that feeling I had there”) or accidental (Avital, 23:
“Sometimes we go through the phone and it triggers a memory”). In line with existing research,
reminiscing is an enjoyable activity (Avital, 23: “when you look back at your life, you'll see all
you’ve actually done, all these good things, and feel good. You feel happy and satisfied with
your life and what you have achieved”).
On the other hand, some acknowledge that although they capture with the intention of
reminiscing, they rarely look back at them (Alex, 18: “This is what I tried to do but I actually
never go back to look at the picture and often the memory fades away.”; Istvan, 24: “you have
more and more pictures and you don't really look back at them. You just have them on your
computer, on your cloud, somewhere, but you barely look back at them.”). Natasha (21) warns
about an unexpected side effect of reminiscing: “you forget about the hard times, so sometimes
you think ‘ah my life nowadays is not that good, not like yesterday’ ”; she adds that you have
Smartphone photos are preferred by all respondents over other forms of documenting
experiences, such as diaries or drawings. The main reasons are: (1) fidelity (Avital, 23: “It's a
more accurate picture of what was going on. You can see who was there, where exactly it was,
details that we don't always remember.”); (2) objectivity (Kees, 26: “recording gives you an
exact representation without subjective opinions […]; you might say ‘yeah it was amazing that
day, and it felt incredible it was so great’, and then you see this video where you look half
drunk and crazy. When you record stuff, you can see the exact moment back”; Caner, 20:
“Smartphones come closer to what we really saw. A diary is influenced by us and our writing
style, there are a lot of influences that don't completely transfer idea of the moment.”; Istvan,
24: “The picture is just one moment, but the diary has like a whole personality included.”) and
(3) convenience (Noe, 23: “You take your smartphone, press the button and it's done”;
Tselmeg, 22: “you don't really have to take much time out of your day, just pull it out and take
a quick snap”; Teresa, 20: “They take less time”; Alex, 18: “You can't write in the moment,
but taking a picture is very easy, very fast, more visual”; Riccardo, 25: “It’s the cheapest way”).
The low quality on smartphone cameras can demotivate some people from capturing the
moment for future reminiscing (Talking about concerts, Tselmeg, 22, remarks that: “The
quality of my phone camera isn't as good as the cameras of the band; they are taking their own
pictures and also recording it so you can look it up on YouTube if you want to see it again. It
will make no sense for me to make the same recording just in worse quality.”); this isn’t the
case, though, if they have sharing intention (Caner, 20, says: “Sometimes I make really s**t
pictures and send them anyway […].”).
Sharing
Sharing was the second motivator for number of mentions. Throughout all the interviews,
participants talked about sharing in one way or the other. Social networks such as Instagram
technology is booming, all these social media platforms and all these internet communication
things are just… such a big part of our lives”. Most note that this is a likely motivator (Caner,
20: “posting on social media, that could be a motivator”; Anna, 22: “it might also be to share
on social media, show your friends that you are living this experience—and having validation
as well.”). Sharing intention affects the photo-taking process (Anna, 22: “the way that I take
pictures is influenced by whether I will share them after.”; Antoine, 24: “I have a specific
intention when I take photos for Instagram.”). Remarkably, most of the respondents post
infrequently on social media (Riccardo, 25: “I haven't published too many pictures because
simply I don't care too much.”; Avital, 23: “Sometimes there are periods where I don't post
anything for a few months”; Teresa, 20: “I don't post pictures on social media that often”),
selective (Avital, 23: “Usually I don't share photos very often. If there something I'm very
excited about, I usually share it.”; Noe, 23: “I think I share less often than some people. I do it
when it has meaning for me.”) or even absent (Caner, 20: “I haven't uploaded pictures since
2013”; Istvan, 24: “I think about the pictures but I don't share them.”). The majority shares
them on Instagram or Facebook, but some don’t (Ainhoa, 25: “I only have LinkedIn”). The
most frequent way of sharing appears to be showing the photo to friends and family directly in
person (Istvan, 24: “I’m really not the photo taker guy, I barely do that, […] but if I do it's
because I want to show it to my friend's.”; Caner, 20: “I don't share it on social media but I
shared in other ways. […] I might show it to friends on my phone.”; Antoine, 24: “Sometimes
I take a lot of pictures but don't post them on internet. When I will go back to Paris and see my
family, I will make them watch the movies and pictures; it will help me illustrate all the
memories I had.”).
Self-presentation was often mentioned as a central concept of social media (Istvan, 24: “You
can present yourself in a cool way”; Alex, 18: “You want to show people what you like about
will know about that experience will make me happier, because people might see me as fun
and cooler.”) and negative way (Teresa, 20: “Also I hate saying this but I have a slight..
somewhere on the back of my head… a pressure to share it on social media and show people
I’m having fun”). This pressure to impress others comes up several times (Avital, 23: “[…] we
have the feeling that people think we are cool, that people are jealous of us, that we have a cool
life, and we're doing a lot of interesting things, and have a beautiful life, and we are skinny,
and successful, and have a good fashion sense and a lot of things like that.”; Noe, 23: “Taking
pictures conveys social integration, Within the group, within the sphere. Sometimes it's a bit
too much. it's quite obvious that people can get a bit crazy.”). This pressure is reported as
affecting the photo taking experience. For example, sharing on social media creates pressure
to dedicate more time to the act, to take “the perfect picture” (Teresa, 20: “if it has to go on
Instagram, I feel like it has to be perfect. It does affect my experience. I retake the photo of a
sunset twelve times to get it right. […] it does create some anxiety or pressure or stress, if it’s
going to be posted on social media.”). More importantly, the intention to show it to family and
friends actually increases the drive to capture photos and share them (Istvan, 24: “I have the
feeling through the whole journey that I have to take a picture. To show it at home to my mum
and to my family for example. […] I just have to have something. And if I don't take it I feel
some pressure in my chest that I need to do that.”). The respondents mentioned numerous times
that people around them have a tendency to capture and share photos to show off (Avital, 23:
“A lot of people like to show that they're doing cool things so they take a lot of photos choose
the best one and post it”; Riccardo, 25: “if you do it just to say ‘hey put some likes on my
Instagram because… you know I just want some likes’ or whatever… it makes no sense for
me.”). Stephanie (22) goes as far as saying: “sometimes it's just a show, you know. It's not
really who you are… you can fake whoever you want on social media but in real life you are
Thus for some respondents, intention to share appears to be a motivator. Noe (23) says:
“Sometimes I'm looking at something astonishing, and it's a great thing, and I should
not miss the picture. It could be something I want to show other people. So… I would
take more time to make sure that the picture is good. Not just press on the button to take
a picture, more looking how it looks on a screen. Maybe take a few pictures, and if I
like this, take four pictures and select the right one after.”
Others are more moderate (Avital, 23: “Sometimes it affects my photo taking. It depends how
I'm going to share it: if I’m just going to share with a friend then I will probably care less”),
while others more extreme (Stephanie, 22: “Sometimes I sneak in and get in trouble from the
police because I'm not supposed to film. I do it anyway for the views and to publish.”).
Social acceptance
Another dynamic that may (de)motivate emerging adults to take photos is the degree of social
acceptance (Teresa, 20: “I think it's perfectly ok to take a picture, as long as the situation is
appropriate.”). Most think that “it's socially acceptable and it's socially liked” (Caner, 20) and
that “[…] in the last few years it has become way more accepted” (Alex, 18).
The respondents know that people around may be annoyed by their photo taking (Avital, 23:
“I think that some people really don't like when people take photos.”; Stephanie, 22: “Someone
will get annoyed.”; Teresa, 20: “The last time I went out, one of my friends wanted picture
after picture after picture, and we spent at least five minutes in one spot. It's not necessarily
bad for us, but it's definitely an annoyance for everyone around us.”). Some don’t care (Kees,
26: “Some people don't like it but it's not frowned upon. you don't have to do it in the dark,
when nobody is looking. You can do it.”). But as Antoine (24) says, “sometimes there is a gap
between people who want to film everything, and people who want to see with their own eyes.”.
Thus, some others are demotivated by social pressure (Caner, 20: “I guess when you are at the
there. Then you are influenced by it.”; Anna, 22: “I feel like there is also shame in taking
pictures at concerts and public places. If I take pictures I'll do it really quickly and put my
phone away, because I don't want to be that girl who's on her phone at the concert.”). The
setting also determines social acceptance (Anna, 22: “If you are at a big concert or a big art
show, it's really acceptable to do that. But in other places where it’s cozy, it would be frowned
upon.”).
Another social motivator was reported by Noe, 23 (“Let's say I'm in a cool place and everyone
is taking pictures, I feel like it's a crowd effect and everybody does it without really wanting to
do it, just because it's like a social thing and everyone is photographing”), and Antoine, 24
(“Sometimes when I see somebody filming, it could influence me because I say ‘oh yeah this
is a cool moment I want to take a video of it’.”).
Identity
Several studies cited in the theoretical review point to photography as a way to express one’s
personality and identity, and potential self-effects. The data analysis produced mixed results.
Some concede that, for some artistic individuals, photography can be a way of expressing one’s
talent (Stephanie, 22: “I think it is true for some people. […] People who are trying to express
their identity more are more artistic”), but others note that these cases are the exception
(Tselmeg, 22: “if you're just a random photographer […] I don't really think that you are
expressing yourself.”). For some, though, capturing the reality around them through
smartphones is a way of expressing themselves (Alex, 18: “Sometimes I take pictures just to
express myself”; Avital, 23: “I express my feelings in the photo, in taking a photo […] I release
the feeling that is inside me.”), and is influenced by their personality (Avital, 23: “I do take
photos differently from other people, and this definitely has a connection to who I am as a
“The way you're going to take a picture is going to reflect the way you look at the scene in
front of you.”)
The smartphone photo library is cited several times as a reflection on one’s personality (Noe,
23: “It is the reflection of what I live, which is my personality. It's my choice of experiences I
had, places I've been, people I’m with, etc. This is all my life. […] If I will take all the pictures
I have on my phone or all my drive and pick the 100 I like the most, these could be my
personality.”; Natasha, 21: “If I look back and I think about how it was 3 years ago, I go through
the photos, and this can create an image about my identity. I think this is very strong. Yeah I
think for later on this is a very big reminder about who you are. The photos will show
everything that is really important.”). Some say it doesn’t have any influence on one’s
personality, but instead is a product of it (Istvan, 24: “You have more pictures of what you like,
because you spend more time with it and you're more focused on it.”).
Enjoyment of the experience
This concept was cities 35 times, and was often associated with parallel concepts such as
engagement and fulfillment. The opinions varied from those who feel it has a positive effect
on the experience to those who think it affects it negatively. Most are in between, citing both
positive and negative effects (Teresa, 20: “I think it has both a positive and a negative effect
on me, depending on the situation.”; Noe, 23: “Some people overdo it, like people looking at
the concert through the phone and filming everything. […] But taking your pictures takes 2
seconds, so you can take a bunch and still enjoy the moment.”). Tselmeg (22) talks about a
sense of fulfillment:
“It's most likely something you strive to do for a long time, and you are finally able to
do it… whether it's climbing the highest mountain, or see this specific place, or being
you've achieved it. And taking the pictures may be the last thing, like checking a box
almost. It might be a feeling of fulfillment that you have.”
Loss of engagement is cited in several cases as the culprit behind the negative effects of
photographing during an experience (Alex, 18: “When I take a picture I don't concentrate on
those few seconds, so I don't enjoy it to the fullest.”; Tselmeg, 22: “You have all these emotions
in that moment, in that moment you are so excited, the emotions are very high… and then
suddenly it's so odd for me to take a picture. It’s as if a flashlight, flashing and so unnatural…
you're just like ‘whoa what just happened’, and all the emotions just go down. So it takes away
from experiencing the whole thing. You are making a sacrifice by taking a picture.”). This
affects also the motivation for taking pictures (Tselmeg, 22: “It makes me take less pictures.
Because I know it's always a decision, ‘do I want to remember this in the future or do I want
to experience it now?’ You have to choose either one, and then it makes me think about it
more.”).
On the other hand, some enjoy the experience more if they take photos (Avital, 23: “Sometime
it's more fun. When other people take photos you are making faces and you all having fun
together”; Noe, 23: “If someone is taking a picture of an event and a particular moment, these
are the people who will be happier.”; Riccardo, 25: “I do stupid pictures just for fun, for a
laugh”). Stephanie (22) goes as far as saying “I don't like just being in the event and enjoying
it. I enjoy most when I capture something. That's me.”. Others report photo-capturing as an
indication of well-being (Riccardo, 25: “If you are at a party and the party is nice and you're
having fun, probably your mood is ‘ok let's do a picture together’.”; Istvan, 24: “It's just because
he feels good that he makes photos.”).
Snapping a smartphone picture can also affect the enjoyment of those around, as Natasha (21)
says: “If people see the camera it influences the situation. I am at a party, I want to keep the
you would really ruin the mood. Yeah it's cheesy but if you living in the moment and the
moment is just right and you take out the phone, you can a ruin the whole vibe and moment.”).
Some people report feeling uncomfortable when in the presence of a photo-taker (Natasha, 21:
“Sometimes people don't like to be on the pictures either, so they can feel uncomfortable and I
don't want to make them feel uncomfortable”; Antoine, 24: “Sometimes I feel uncomfortable.
But sometimes if it's my friend I want him to take a good video, I say ‘yeah’ and celebrate
twice as hard, because I want him to have a good video”). On the other hand, some like to be
photographed (Avital, 23: “Sometimes when you're at a party or hanging out with friends and
it's kind of going slow, some people start taking selfies and it makes you feel like something is
going on”; Natasha, 21: “is more like proudness, to be proud of being there and getting filmed
because it's something special”. For Kees (26), it’s a good sign that “the night is moving
forward.”).
Entertainment venues forbid pictures.
Users were asked to express their opinion about (and informed about, if necessary)
entertainments venues, such as clubs or restaurants, that ask customers to avoid taking
photographs (e.g. Antoine, 24: “I went to the concert of Kendrick Lamar. He said ‘for my
concert I forbid all the phones’.”), sometimes by placing a symbolic sticker on the smartphone
camera. Once again, the results are mixed: some are supportive of this measure (Alex, 18:
“They can enjoy the experience more because they know they cannot take pictures”; Tselmeg,
22: “I think it's very cool, I can respect that. […] sometimes it's necessary for the people to
have this outsider tell them ‘don't do it’—to experience what they are going to experience.”;
Ainhoa, 25: “it could also be good because it helps people think about the possibility of going
out without taking pictures”), while others are against (Noe, 23: “I don't necessarily like it; as
a consumer I would like to take a picture of the moment.”; Stephanie, 22: “Hell no, if I want to
demotivates some from taking pictures (Antoine, 24: “At the beginning I thought ‘if I want to
take a picture I’ll just take the sticker out’. But the fact that they kindly ask you not to do this,
I had to respect it.”; Caner, 20: “If you want to take your picture you have to make that action
of actually scratching off that sticker and become aware of what you're doing”).
Conclusion and discussion
This qualitative research set out to learn more about the factors that motivate emerging adults
to capture an experience through smartphone photos and videos. Their main motivator is
creating digital memories, with the intention of reminiscing on them in the future. This result
is in line with existing research, that shows individuals use photograph to “offload” memories
by storing them in digital form (Risko & Gilbert, 2016) and later reminisce on them in greater
detail (Berry et al., 2007; Hodges et al., 2011; Koutstaal et al., 1999; Seamon et al., 2014; St
Jacques et al., 2013). Fun and unusual situations are most likely to motivate the user to snap a
picture, as they are more likely to be regarded as worth remembering. Another important
motivator is the intention to share such photos with one’s social circle; this motivator is often
reported (Whiting et al., 2013). Contrary to expectation, posting them on social media was not
a priority for many, who prefer showing them personally to friends and family. Indeed, this has
been an important motivator since the early days of mobile phone cameras (Kindberg &
Spasojevic, 2005). Previous studies have shown that offline sharing of personal experiences
with family and friends increases the perceived value of the experience (Reis et al., 2010),
happiness and life satisfaction (Lambert et al., 2013). This could result in the anticipation of
said positive effects (Lambert et al., 2013; Reis et al., 2010), motivating emerging adults to
personally show photos to peers. It is ambiguous though why showing in person is preferred to
online sharing, as online social connectedness can be as strong as offline (Grieve, Indian,
Witteveen, Tolan & Marrington, 2013). This result could be explained perhaps by the feeling
Barasch et al. (2017) concluded “[t]aking photos to share with others increases feelings of
anxiety to present oneself in a positive light, which in turn reduces enjoyment during the
experience” (p. 1233). This feeling of apprehension is minimized when individuals intend to
only share photos with close friends, as intimates are unlikely to change opinions solely based
on the shared photos (Barasch et al., 2017, study 5). On the other hand, other respondents report
online self-presentation as a force that drives them to take more pictures; this in turn could be
explained by the individual propensity to prove to others that one’s life is exciting (Villi, 2015;
Villi et al., 2011). Some indeed report that the photo-taking act is a way to acknowledge an
achievement (in line with: Price & Wells, 1997), leading to a sense of fulfillment.
Almost none of them report artistic self-expression as a motivator; this might be because, as
reported by some participants, photographic self-expression is a prerogative of a small number
of artistic individuals—who dedicate significant time and resources to the purpose. Several
respondents, though, comment that their photo library is a reflection of their personality (in
line with: Gye, 2013). Other salient aspects were greater convenience, ease of use and speed
of smartphone cameras over other forms of documenting an experience (e.g. diary, drawing,
etc.). A new factor that emerged was a “crowd effect”: users are compelled to take their phone
out and capture the moment if everyone around them is doing the same thing. Emerging adults
might think “if everyone is doing it, it must be worth capturing”, using it as a simple conformity
heuristic to provoke their photo-taking behavior; Cialdini and Goldstein (2004) showed that
this kind of mental shortcut is common to all ages. This behavior has also deep roots in our
evolutionary past, as “[a] conformist tendency would facilitate acceptance into the group”
(Coultas, 2004, p. 329).
Their main demotivator is a social pressure to avoid pictures in specific situations (where it’s
not socially accepted to take the camera out, or outright forbidden). Some of the respondents
feelings of self-consciousness and ‘fakeness’ (in line with: Mols et al., 2015). They also refrain
from taking photos to avoid ‘ruining the mood’. Perhaps, they sense that dedicating too much
attention to one’s smartphone while in company of others has negative repercussions on the
social dynamics, significantly decreasing sociability and closeness (Przybylski et al., 2013;
Turke, 2011), provoking feelings of rejection (Nakamura, 2013) and even offending (Roman,
2014). Thus, some report not wanting to be identified as “the person who is always on their
phone”. Another central demotivator is a perceived loss of engagement that accompanies the
act of taking the photo, which negatively impacts one’s enjoyment of the experience. This is
well documented phenomenon (Csikszentmihalyi, 1997; Higgins, 2006; Hung et al., 2011;
Killingsworth et al., 2010). There are exceptions to this, though, as some people reported
enjoying the experience more when taking photos (in line with: Diehl et al., 2016).
Possible implications of this research are that: (1) emerging adults recognize the impermanence
of memory and seek to document their experiences for reminiscing; (2) contrary to common
belief, social media posting is not a top priority, and they prefer to show it in person to their
social circle; (3) they are susceptible to social pressures from those who view excessive photo
taking as an undesirable trait. The most important conclusion, though, is that thoughts and
attitudes on this topic vary greatly among individuals, each one displaying their own
heterogeneous and complex approach to the smartphone photo-taking act.
Limitations and future research
Due to limited resources and time constraints, the reader must consider several limitations to
the generalizability of this study. The sample was comprised in great part of highly educated
students, living in Europe and the USA; this may not be representative of the general population
of emerging adults. Furthermore, interviews come with their own set of limitations. Interviewer
respondents to refrain from more controversial opinions, or the expression of true intentions
that could be considered undesirable behaviors.
This explorative study is thus intended as a starting point for future research. From here,
quantitative studies are needed to consolidate these findings with a larger pool of empirical
data. Testing whether some individuals are more prone to social pressure, and how this affects
their motivation to take pictures during an experience, could give unexpected insight. Showing
pictures to family and friends may have important implications for such relationships, and point
to new societal trends. Delving deeper into the study of individual differences might show
similarities, or establish an inherent heterogeneity of this personal practice. Further studies on
the effect of smartphone photography on engagement and enjoyment could pave the way to
new technologies that allow the user to remain engaged in the experience without forgoing the
photos. Lastly, as our society progresses into an experience economy (Pine & Gilmore, 1998;
2017), we will benefit from a better understanding of the dynamics behind the act of
