Graduate School of Social Sciences MSc Conflict Resolution and Governance
Subcultures, State and Society: A Challenge to the London Grime Scene’s Socio-economic and Socio-political Circumstances
A Study of Cultural Practices as Sites of Politics Author: Christy Coulson
June 2017 Amsterdam Student ID: 11256923
Supervisor: dr. P.E. Polly Pallister-Wilkins Second Reader: dhr. dr. David Laws
Glossary
The Met – Metropolitan Police COLP – City of London Police
Scene – London-based community of actors that actively consumes and produces social and behavioural norms associated with grime music and the demographic of people that use grime music as a part of their identity in London.
Grime’s socio-economic circumstances – Poverty, violence, drugs, segregation.
Grime’s socio-political circumstances – Segregation, racial and aesthetic profiling, societal disregard, the harsh policing of the scene’s events.
CCCS – Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies Locked off – Shut down
Acknowledgements
This research and thesis would not have been possible without the educated, informative and passionate voices of those within the London grime scene. Their understandings of their own circumstances reinforced the importance of this research for me, as a researcher, and London society. I was genuinely shocked in my interactions with these people about the sophisticated manner in which these people articulated themselves and interacted with me, an outsider. It is with this knowledge that I commend my interviewees for their willingness to speak and their vast knowledge.
Finally, I’d like to thank dr. Polly Pallister-Wilkins for her willingness and ability to challenge my thinking, engaging with me in both the complex and seemingly trivial issues of this research project. I’d also like to extend my gratitude to my loved ones and friends, without whose support this would not have been possible. I hope that this final product, my research project, will educate future researchers and illuminate the intricacies of the interactions between the London grime scene, the state, and society.
GLOSSARY 3
ABSTRACT 5
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 6
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW 13
ARTICULATION OF GRIEVANCES 14
FROM THE SOCIAL TO THE POLITICAL 17
THE DEVELOPMENT OF SUBCULTURAL THEORY 18
SUBCULTURAL CAPITAL 20
‘AUTHENTICITY’ IN MUSIC 21
ILAN’S GRIME ASSERTIONS 22
FORM 696 AND RISK ASSESSMENT IN THE UNITED KINGDOM 24
FOUCAULT AND POLICING OF THE ABNORMAL 25
CHAPTER THREE: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 28
THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE SENSIBLE,AGENCY, AND STRUCTURATION THEORY 28
CHAPTER FOUR: METHODOLOGY 34
METHODS 35
SAMPLE 36
PROCESS 40
LIMITATIONS 41
CHAPTER FIVE: FINDINGS 43
DOES THE LONDON GRIME SCENE ARTICULATE GRIEVANCES? 44
BY WHAT MEANS DO THEY ARTICULATE GRIEVANCES? 52
WHAT ARE THE CATALYSTS TO GRIME’S ARTICULATIONS? 60
WHAT ARE THE OBSTACLES TO GRIME’S ARTICULATIONS? 64
IMPLICATIONS 67
CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSIONS 68
Abstract
This research sought to understand whether the London grime scene articulated grievances. In addition, it sought to understand how they do so. Finally, it examined any potential obstacles or catalysts to grime’s articulations. This project was undertaken to study the process from the social to the political, and point to any democratic developments we, in Britain, need to make to encompass a demographic of people that do not actively participate in formal political processes. Furthermore, this piece of work sought to understand how internal changes in a subcultures structure could affect how they are perceived by those outside said subculture. This research was conducted using a qualitative discourse analysis of 44 songs from 2004 to 2015. This was then cross-referenced with interviews with members of the grime scene and those that have been in contact with the scene over the last few years. This research found that the London grime scene articulated grievances concerning issues of poverty, segregation, violence, drugs, racial and aesthetic profiling, societal disregard, and the harsh policing of the scene’s events. Addressing these grievances will help alleviate the security threat of delinquency that is commonly associated with this demographic of people. Furthermore, the London grime scene uses lyrical content, social media platforms, protest and formal political engagement in order to articulate their grievances. Current institutionalised practices in Britain do not account for this wide repertoire of action and efforts must be made to develop our stagnant definition of democracy to align it with technological and civic advancements. This means that policymakers must be made aware of the platforms that icons of the London grime scene have. The transition into the digital age has acted as the main catalyst for grime’s articulations. Primarily, it negates artist’s reliance on record labels for exposure, hence allowing the reclamation of creative and lyrical autonomy. In addition, the internet provides a platform for the London grime scene to engage with its followers daily. This is evidence of continued politicisation, and contrasts Ilan’s assertions that commodification acts as the major obstacle to grime’s capacity and desire to be political. Furthermore, policing, not commodification, acts as grime’s greatest obstacle. An outdated link between grime and crime undermines grime’s ability to socialise and consolidate grievances. This research suggests policing resources could better be allocated elsewhere, allowing for the creative expression of grime and prudent reallocation of resources for the police.
S
ubcultures,
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tate and
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ociety: A
C
hallenge to the
L
ondon
G
rime
S
cene’s
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ocio-economic and
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ocio-political
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ircumstances
A Study of Cultural Practices as Sites of
Politics
Chapter One: Introduction
“People need to realise that people do this for fun, but it
becomes something more, something big, if you let us.
1”
The 1950s paved the way for a plethora of African-Caribbean migrants in London.2 With them,
they brought social and musical troupes that were set to dominate UK dance culture for at least the next 60 years. The most recent offspring from this long line of genres is grime. Taking influence from genres such as garage, drum ‘n’ bass, jungle and dancehall, grime’s growth and commercial success has been explosive.3 Grime is the newest genre on what music journalist
1 Cally. Personal Interview with C. Coulson, 9 April 2017.
2 Ilan, J. “’The Industry’s the New Road’: Crime, Commodification and Street Cultural Tropes in UK Urban
Music,” Crime Media Culture, 8(1), 2012, 43.
Simon Reynolds calls “the hardcore continuum.4” Grime features MCs rapping over fast-paced
garage, jungle, bashment or drum ‘n’ bass beats, differentiating itself from hip-hop which finds its musical origins in soul, funk and disco.5 A scene has developed around this new music
genre, but what constitutes a scene?
The term ‘scene’ was introduced into subcultural literature in 1991 by Will Straw.6 Scholars
originally questioned the usefulness of such a concept as such a term designates both the effervescence of a local venue whilst simultaneously addressing the total global phenomena of the music played in venues across the world.7 Such a concept does not put enough emphasis
on the local, and gives too much to the global. Straw adds that “‘Scene’ is used to circumscribe highly local clusters of activity and to give unity to practices dispersed throughout the world. It functions to designate face-to-face sociability and as a lazy synonym for globalized virtual communities of taste.8” Under this conception, the grime scene could refer to both the global
total of grime listeners whilst also addressing the local grime scene in London. Straw argues the term ‘scene’ is continuously utilized for its usefulness as a label for quasi-cultural groups whose precise boundaries are invisible and malleable.9 It is anti-essentialising and can hence
be employed without audiences drawing on assumptions associated with the term. Straw adds that the term scene connotes dynamism in group behavior. It recognizes the inner circles and intimacy of communities whilst addressing the fluidity of globalized urban life and identity.10
This situates it smartly in between postmodern and Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) ways of thinking about subcultures, which is aligned with where I locate myself within theoretical tensions regarding subcultures in sociology and criminology.
For the purpose of this research, the term ‘scene’ refers specifically to the local London community of actors that actively consumes and produces social and behavioural norms associated with grime music and the demographic of people that use grime music as a part of
4 Reynolds, S. “The Wire 300: Simon Reynolds on the Hardcore Continuum #7: Grime (And A Little
Dubstep) (2005),” The Wire, February 2013, https://www.thewire.co.uk/in-writing/essays/the-wire-300_simon-reynolds-on-the-hardcore-continuum_7_grime_anda-little-dubstep_2005_, (last accessed 27 May 2017).
5 Karon, T. "'Hip-Hop Nation' Is Exhibit A for America's Latest Cultural Revolution". Time. 22 September
2000, http://content.time.com/time/arts/article/0,8599,55635,00.html, (last accessed 27 May 2017).
6 Dedman, T. “Agency in UK Hip-hop and Grime Youth Subcultures – Peripherals and Purists,” Journal
of Youth Studies, 14(5), 2011, 509.
7 Straw, W. “Scenes and Sensibilities,” Public, (22/23), 2002, 248. 8 Ibid.
9 ibid. 10 ibid.
their identity in London. This helps focus on the sociological, psychological and political elements of grime’s interactions with state and society.
However, some contestation occurs over whether there is a grime ‘scene.’ Bennet & Peterson note that scenes are “kept in motion by a series of gigs, club nights, fairs and similar events where fans converge, communicate, and reinforce their sense of belonging to a particular scene.11” Dedman notes that much of grime musicians’ cultural creative activity occurs “within
closed collective groupings, rarely in public spaces.12” Hence, Dedman contests the legitimacy
of grime music as a ‘scene.’ I contest this assertion. Grime musicians often refer to their own musical community as ‘the grime scene.13’ Actors identities centre around the production and
dispersal of grime music and its associated cultural, social and behavioural norms. In addition, these artists and their associates attribute the lack of activity in public spaces to the policing of their events and hesitant venue owners who associate their music with trouble.14 Grime uses
musical events as cultural sites that might provoke politics. Hence, I believe it wise and appropriate to refer to those associated with grime music in London as within the London grime scene as it facilitates discussions about a subcultural continuum from postmodernist to CCCS scholars whilst accurately addressing some of the issues that grime faces in its consolidation.
If you make your way to a dimly lit underground club in south east London, what do you see? Cally, an up-and-coming grime artist thinks you’ll see “tracksuits, all black, one mic, 50 MCs battling for the mic, everyone trying to spit their album, I mean, you just getting in there, saying 'fuck this, it's my turn now.15’” Black tracksuit, black cap, swagger, slang, this is grime. Grime
is as much an aesthetic as it is a music genre, it is as much as much an identity as it is an interest.
The aforementioned description is how the grime scene is pictured by some inside the scene and most of those without a detailed knowledge of the scene. However, mainstream financial success for grime and the circumstances of the people who associate with the scene have led
11 Bennett, A., Peterson, R, A. “Music Scenes: Local, Translocal and Virtual,” Nashville: Vanderbilt
University Press, 2004, 11.
12 Dedman, T. 2011, 509.
13 Hancox, D. 6 December 2012 ; Wot Do U Call It Grime Documentary [online video], 11 April 2009 ;
Akala shares his thoughts on the UK Music Scene | Link Up TV [online video], 6 April 2012 ; The Police vs Grime Music - A Noisey Film [online video], 29 May 2014.
14 Ibid.
to questions concerning the direction of grime, its aesthetic, its impact, and its purpose. Developments of grime have not been acknowledged by elements of society, including by agents of cultural conformity and authority. A current struggle for grime is challenging the stereotypes associated with it in order for the scene to develop, transform and grow.
This is not a musicology project. This project regards people for whom grime is a part of their daily lives. Grime is the focal point around which these people identify, but they have much more in common than an interest in a genre of music. Generally, those involved in the London grime scene share experiences, socio-economic and socio-political circumstances arising from their class, race, and relationship with state and society. It is these experiences and circumstances that unite the grime scene as much as the music produced and the aesthetic displayed. This project concerns a group of people who actively associate with grime, but attribute their identity to class, locale and disengagement as much as the musical troupes that circulate throughout the estates. The ‘scene’ then, is defined as a group of people from similar geographical locale, with shared experiences and shared circumstances, who socialise and identify with grime music. These shared experiences are ones of poverty, of urban segregation and of political alienation. This project focuses on a group of people whose identity is constituted by grime. This project concerns a demographic of poor young, inner-city, disenfranchised people who occupy the boroughs of London that actively consume and reproduce the social and behavioural norms associated with grime music and the culture of their demographic within the spatial boundaries of London. Grime music is the focal point around which these people socialise and gravitate. The London grime scene incorporates elements of London and inner-city culture such as ‘road’ culture that consolidates the grime identity in London. It is so much more than just music and style.16 It is an identity that continues
to develop and challenge itself and others around it. This project sought to understand how the development of the grime scene has affected its ability and likelihood to articulating grievances concerning their socio-economic and socio-political circumstances as a poor, inner-city, and disenfranchised group of people confined to the spatial boundaries of London’s boroughs.
Broadly, this research project concerns cultural practices as sites of politics. It studies the grime scene in London in order to find out whether the articulation of grievances occurs in quasi-cultural groups that are unstudied or dismissed by political scientists and policymakers. It is
important to understand where and how articulation takes place as our understanding of grievance articulation develops with technologies, in order to appropriately develop our definition of democracy in Britain.17 This project became of interest to me as a researcher
because I questioned the notion that disengagement with politics for the poor and young is inevitable. A huge turnout spike amongst young people in the most recent 2017 snap election is evidence of this not being the case.18 Why then, does this specific demographic not engage
in formal politics? This research seeks to illuminate any evident catalysts or obstacles to subcultural grievance articulation, which provides further insight into how subcultures interact with the state and society, as well as alternative objects of interest. In doing so, this project seeks to understand how socialization might lead to consolidation of grievances and the affirmation of a collective political identity and purpose. If grievances are not articulated, this research wants to know why a group of people who socialize frequently and share similar socio-economic and socio-political circumstances do not consolidate and articulate grievances associated with these conditions. Hence, the primary research question for this project is ‘Does the London grime scene articulate grievances?’ Additionally, two sub questions are required. The first is ‘By what means does the London grime scene articulate grievances?’ and the second is ‘What are catalysts or obstacles for the London grime scene’s articulations of grievance?’
Research and experts often compares the grime scene with hip-hop in the US and punk in the 70s and 80s in Britain.19 It is from these comparisons that I felt the London grime scene was a
prudent example for studying the link between cultural practices and politics. Music acts as a focal point around which like-minded individuals or those with shared experience gravitate and socialise. The same could be said about the anti-establishmentarian hip-hop movement, headed by seminal tracks such as N.W.A.’s “Fuck Tha Police” and Tupac’s “Trapped.” In the same
17 Gomart, E., Hajer, M. “Is That Politics?”, in B. Joerges & H. Nowotny (eds.) Social Studies of Science and
Technology: Looking Back Ahead, Netherlands: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2003, 33-36.
18 Travis, A., Barr, C. “‘Youthquake’ behind Labour Election Surge Divides Generations,” The Guardian,
20 June 2017, https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2017/jun/20/youthquake-behind-labour-election-surge-divides-generations, (last accessed 29 June 2017) ; The Guardian. “Young Voters, Class and Turnout: How Britain Voted in 2017,” The Guardian, 20 June 2017, https://www.theguardian.com/politics/datablog/ng-interactive/2017/jun/20/young-voters-class-and-turnout-how-britain-voted-in-2017, (last accessed 29 June 2017).
19 The Business of Grime: Full Documentary | British GQ | [online video], 26 July 2016,
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3_2AVogIb5c, (last accessed 9 March 2017) ; Ilan, J. 2012, 39-55 ;
Akala shares his thoughts on the UK Music Scene | Link Up TV [online video], 6 April 2012,
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qwl9RD86EhQ, (last accessed 1 March 2017) ; Dedman, T. 2011, 507-522 ; De Lacey, A. “Deeper Than Rap: Grime is not a Subgenre of Hip-Hop,” Pigeons and Planes, 3 November 2015, http://pigeonsandplanes.com/in-depth/2015/11/grime-hip-hop, (last accessed 15 February 2017).
manner, punk rockers actively aligned with the lyrical content found in songs such as the Sex Pistols “God Save the Queen” or The Clash’s “Know Your Rights.” In similar fashion the London grime scene might articulate grievances, although the extent of their sophistication was unknown prior to this research. Much like punk and hip-hop, grime captures “an attitude of fearless innovation,” and has, for some people, become the voice of the anti, of the unheard.20
Conversely, subcultural scholars have asserted that too much credit is given to the political potency and agency of subcultures.21 Hence, it is my desire to fully grasp the extent of grime’s
articulations without assuming the use of political agency.
My goal for this research was to acquire a data set that facilitates the examination of the grime scenes perceptions of its own activity and ideas as well as the perceptions of the scene by those outside of the grime scene. In addition, I wished to understand any external or internal factors that facilitated or hindered the articulation of grievances by the grime scene. I also generated a data set that reflected changes and consistencies in the grime scene since its initial inception. Development over time is one of the key reasons for my selection of London as my location of study. Grime’s creation and development occurred in London. Born in East London, it has grown organically over almost 20 years. London puts me in the privileged position of access to individuals who have witnessed the scene develop and change over time. Grime music is prominent in areas of Manchester, Birmingham and Blackpool. However, the genre hasn’t had an entrenched scene for a long time in these cities and hence I would be unable to study the development of said scene. Focusing on grime in London also expedites the study of interactions between the grime scene and an entrenched mainstream societal culture. In addition, London has the greatest number of grime listeners and the inflective interpretation of grime by outsiders is usually focused around a London-based accent. It is with all of this in mind, namely the logical and logistical factors, that I have chosen the city of London as the spatial boundaries within which I define my research. Hence, when referring to the ‘grime scene’ in this works, the reader can assume this definition refers to the grime scene within the spatial boundaries of London.
20 Hancox, D. “The Triumph of Grime,” The Guardian, 14 February 2009,
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2009/feb/14/music-grime-dan-hancox, (last accessed 26 May 2017).
21 Thornton, S. “The Social Logic of Subcultural Capital [1995],” in K. Gelder & S. Thornton (ed.), The
Subcultures Reader, London: Routledge, 1997, 201 ; Bennett, A. “Subcultures or Neo-Tribes? Rethinking
This research finds that the London grime scene articulates grievances concerning issues of poverty, segregation, violence, drugs, racial and aesthetic profiling, societal disregard, and the harsh policing of the scene’s events. These themes can be categorised into socio-economic and socio-political issues. The first regards their socio-economic circumstances and the troubles that arise from said circumstances. The second category addresses the London grime scene’s interactions with state and society. These two categories are prominent throughout this research project. Furthermore, the London grime scene uses their social media platform, their lyrical content, formal political procedures and protest to articulate these grievances. This wide repertoire of action is a challenge to current institutionalised practices of political engagement, and attests that a reassessment of the means of identifying grievances should occur in government. This research’s main argument then, is that more attention should be paid by policymakers to alternative means of articulating, such as in lyrics and via social media, to engage a demographic of people often associated with delinquency, and who do not actively participate in formal political processes. This will work to negate the democratic deficit that can be currently attributed to British democracy, as current political procedures have not adapted with technology in order to develop our idea of democracy. The transition into the digital age and a shift in the means for accumulating subcultural capital both act as catalysts for the London grime scene’s articulations. The digital age halts the reliance of grime artists on record labels for exposure, hence enhancing creative autonomy for these artists. The internet also allows grime artists to operate their own social media platform, where they actively articulate concerns and opinions, influencing millions. An internal counter-movement over the last 15 years against the glorification of grime’s connection with crime has facilitated the scene’s ability to articulate grievances as their reactions and commentaries on their socio-economic and socio-political circumstances are more critical and less celebratory. Finally, it was the harsh policing of grime, not commodification of their music genre, which acted as the major obstacle to grime’s ability to articulate grievances. This contrasts with Ilan’s previous assertions about voluntary dilution of content as a result of commodification being the main reason for a lack of association between grime and political potency.22 This ‘policing’ of grime
also works to exclude the London grime scene and it’s associated cultural norms from mainstream London society.
22 Ilan, J. “Commodifying Compliance? UK Urban Music and the New Mediascape,” Tijdschrift over
There are numerous practical and theoretical implications of this research. Primarily, this research finds that policymakers should look outside institutionalized formal and informal channels of interaction in order to identify grievances. This will facilitate the development of a holistic democracy that changes in alignment with technological and civic advancements. In addition, shifts in the means for accumulating subcultural capital are indicative of how the inner-workings of a quasi-cultural group can affect said groups interactions with state and society. Hence, researchers should study subcultures over greater periods of time in order to gain insight from internal transformations and how that affects public articulations. Those concerned with the effective policing of marginalized groups should take note of the internal fluidity of subcultural structure and seek to reassess threat associated with these groups on a regular and case-by-case basis in order to avoid unjustly stigmatizing groups.
Primarily this project addresses the importance of the articulation of grievances, followed by a brief outline of current subcultural theory and tensions within the field. It then employs musicology to explore authenticity in music-based groups. Following this, it draws from grime’s primary academic theorist, Ilan, and summarises his contributions.23 Furthermore, it
outlines my understanding of Foucault’s ideas of policing and the abnormal individual. I then summarise a Rancièrian framework which is coupled with Giddens’s Structuration Theory in order to interpret findings later in the paper. This research then outlines and justify the methodology used and present any relevant findings with necessary analysis. Conclusions and implications are then drawn from this process, resulting in a holistic view of the London grime scenes articulations and the means and objects that affect it.
Chapter Two: Literature Review
In order to address my research problem, this research must first address literature that denotes why the articulation of grievances is important. This utilized an interpretation of theory in subcultural literature in order to explain primarily why articulations of grievance matter. Secondarily, it addresses why these articulations within this specific subculture matter. Following this, this project should seek to understand the internal workings of other quasi-cultural groups that have become political. For this, this research summarises Schwartz’s works on the links between the social and the political. Furthermore, in order to understand grime as
a subculture, research must address the development of subcultural literature and reconcile arguments in order to approach this research holistically. After using Sarah Thornton’s assessment of subcultural literature to reconcile these differences, we examined her concept of ‘subcultural capital.’ This is important as changes in subcultural capital actively affect the way subcultures interact with themselves, as well as state and society. As this is a music-based subculture, this project must draw on musicology and the importance of ‘authenticity’ for dictating the actions and reactions of those within the scene. This links to subcultural capital as authenticity in a music-based group, according to Thornton, often results in the accumulation of subcultural capital.24 Following this is an outline Ilans’ assertions concerning grime’s
capacity and intention to behave politically. Next, we address the governance of the grime scene by the Met Police and City of London Police (COLP), again identifying an analytical node where the scene and state interact. This is then followed by a summary of Foucault’s work on police and the ‘abnormal,’ this acts as a bridge between current understandings of grime’s interactions with the police and the theoretical framework that is employed for the analysis of this project’s findings. All of this is done in order to 1) address the significance of this research problem, 2) illuminate current understandings of internal interactions within subcultures, and 3) create a foundation for understanding how the grime scene currently interacts with both state and society.
Articulation of Grievances
I chose to focus on the articulation of grievances in the London grime scene to examine whether such a subculture has the ability and desire to express informed political, economic and cultural desires. Why does this articulation matter though? Paying attention to the grievances of a subculture that is commonly associated with a demographic that consistently fails to engage in formal and informal political practices has its benefits.
Primarily, there are security-based implications associated with crime that are evident when addressing the articulation of grievances by drawing on Albert Cohen’s concept of ‘status frustration.25’ Policymakers looking to bolster social cohesion and reduce criminal activity and
24 Thornton, S. 1997, 203.
25 Cohen, A, K. “Delinquent Boys: The Culture of the Gang,” New York: Free Press, 1955 ; Ilan, J. 2014, 77
; Roach, J, L., Gursslin, O, R. “The Lower Class, Status Frustration, and Social Disorganization,” Social
delinquency should pay attention to these articulations. Evidence of links between a lack of addressal of economic and political grievances and criminal behavior can be seen in prime examples such as the 2011 London riots.26 Some people blame the inception of the riots on the
suppression and subjugation of a group of people who are in status competition with the middle-class and as such utilize delinquency as a means of rebelling or accumulating wealth that they have not been able to obtain due to the dismissal of their prior articulations.27
Cohen also asserts that delinquency within a given subculture associated with the working class is a response to general disenfranchisement with political and economic systems of governance and an inability to express these dissatisfactions through alternative means.28 Hence,
criminologists should take interest in the articulation of grievances by subcultures as a means of negating any perceived criminal intent associated with a subculture. By addressing articulated grievances policymakers can actively engage with subcultures through means credited with more social merit than criminal or delinquent activity. As a result of this perceived connection between grime and delinquency by the general public, as asserted in LBC’s interview with Stormzy, policymakers should utilise grime’s articulations to address concerns that might otherwise be expressed through alternative, less socially merited means if these grievances are ignored.29
The potential articulation of grievances within this specific subculture is important to those concerned with boosting political engagement. Renowned people within the scene have a major influence on those who associate actively or passively with grime. The demographic that is said to actively engage with the scene are working class, young, disadvantaged people, typically associated with housing estates and disenfranchisement. The group that grime represents also happens to be a demographic of people that are not inclined to voting, as shown
26 Kawalerowicz, J., Biggs, M. “Anarchy in the U.K.: Economic Deprivation, Social Disorganization, and
Political Grievances in the London Riots of 2011,” Social Forces, 94(2), 2015, 673-698 ; Lewis, P., Newburn, T., Taylor, M., Ball, J. “Rioters Say Anger with Police Fuelled Summer Unrest,” The Guardian, 5 December 2011, https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2011/dec/05/anger-police-fuelled-riots-study, (last accessed 13 June 2017) ; Lewis, P., Newburn, T., Taylor, M., Mcgillivray, C., Greenhill, A., Frayman, H., and Proctor, R. “Reading the riots: investigating England's summer of disorder.” Reading the riots, London: The London School of Economics and Political Science and The Guardian, 2011, 4.
27 Reiss, A, J., Rhodes, L. “Status Deprivation and Delinquent Behavior,” The Sociological Quarterly, 4(2),
1963, 135.
28 Cohen, A, K. 1955.
29 Omari, M. “Stormzy v Shelagh Fogarty,” LBC, 1 March 2017,
http://www.lbc.co.uk/radio/presenters/shelagh-fogarty/stormzy-called-out-lbc-on-his-album-invited-him-on/, (last accessed 17 May 2017).
by voting statistics at every general election for 18-24 year olds, except 2017.30 By engaging
with articulated grievances, those concerned with political engagement could effectively address issues of politics and culture that are not articulated through mainstream political processes. In addition, addressing these articulations might contribute to the melding of grime and the mainstream, encouraging said group to engage in formal and informal political practices more often and more vigorously.
Gomart & Hajer assert that it is a constant state of flux and reflective practice that facilitates the transformation of democracy in response to changing demands, technologies and times.31
A constantly changing democracy should be able to negate the democratic deficits acquired from stagnant institutions or when current political practices do not suit current contexts or involve all people. It is with this in mind that I suggest that the articulation of grievances by the grime scene must be paid attention to as, if they do articulate grievances, it might be clear that current political institutions do not account or facilitate involvement from this specific demographic and hence our concept of representative democracy must change so as not to inhibit their political agency. Constant reflection and renegotiation must occur to ensure that the current state of democracy is what best suits the state of society at a given time. As such, if the grime scene is perceived to articulate grievances through new or alternative means, then policymakers must seek to identify these grievances and take these articulation practices into account when attempting to identify political agency in the future. This must be done to ensure proper democratic representation.
The articulation of grievances by this subculture also matters because the state considers the London grime scene a problem, as evidenced by the policing of said community. Articulations concerning police practice will inform policing practitioners on the potential issues with their practice, hence facilitating reflection and improving service provision for London communities. Addressal of these articulations might also facilitate a step towards an amicable working relationship between the London grime scene and policing agents so as to potentially promote cohesiveness between state and society. In addition, if it is found asserted that the link between grime and crime has become tenuous over time, this research might suggest a reallocation of police resources in order to address more prominent threats.
30 Ipsos MORI. “How Britain Voted in 2015,” 26 August 2015,
https://www.ipsos.com/ipsos-mori/en-uk/how-britain-voted-2015?view=wide, (last accessed 27 June 2017).
It is important to study the London grime scene as a quasi-cultural and potentially political entity, allowing its inclusion into political arenas. To do so, one must seek to understand the processes that lead it from the social to the political, to facilitate the study of future quasi-cultural groups that seek to involve themselves politically. I have employed the works of Schwartz to gain further insight into the continuum that is the social to the political.
From the Social to the Political
Schwartz’s study on cotton tenancy and the Southern Farmers’ Alliance (SFA) analysed the transition for those who worked on the cotton farms from a work-based social group to a highly politicized cohesive alliance that articulated grievances and acted to nullify concerns.32
Schwartz piece is interesting as he studies the factors that affected the consolidation of shared grievances, the articulation of these grievances, and the actions the SFA took to address these issues. The main factor affecting the consolidation of grievances was the rate at which farmers socialized.33 He also studies the disintegration and failure of the movement in lieu of structural
and social restraints. Although these restraints were context specific, structure might also affect how the grime scene articulates grievances. His work informs my understanding of the process I seek to examine and the grime scene as a social and potentially political entity. I kept his case in mind when examining the London grime scene. It too was formed from a group of people who experience shared circumstances. Socialisation occurs everywhere, from bedrooms, to events, to online. Has there been the development of any incipient consolidation and articulation of grievances from this socialization? If not, why? If so, in what form? Gomart & Hajer tells us we don’t need to limit ourselves to only a few forms of politics, instead we must ask those involved whether they perceive themselves to be political.34 Hence, by studying the
potential consolidation and articulation of grievances, one can attempt to understand whether those involved in the grime scene make their grievances known via pre-existing or new forms of articulation. This contributes directly to literature on where politics does and does not occur, as well as providing a subcultural insight into the development of this articulation. If found to
32 Schwartz, M. “Radical Protest and Social Structure: The Southern Farmers’ Alliance and Cotton
Tenancy, 1880-1890,” Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988.
33 Ibid.
be articulating through new means, this case would be a prime example of policymakers needs to pay attention to grievance rhetoric in avenues other than formal politics.
The political and cultural dismissal of subcultures in the past has led to ignorance over how quasi-cultural groups, particularly subordinate ones, can develop into entities with a great deal of political potency. In order to fully grasp the extent to which subcultures exist and interact with state and society, one must delve into subcultural literature and attempt to reconcile any potential theoretical conflicts.
The Development of Subcultural Theory
Hebdige, a scholar of subcultures, claims he is interested in “in the expressive forms and rituals of those subordinate groups … who are alternately dismissed, denounced and canonized; treated at different times as threats to public order and as harmless buffoons.35” In addition,
Hebdige notes that a subculture is an opposition to culturally accepted normalcy, a direct or indirect nature of criticism to the dominant societal culture.36 He also asserts that subcultures
are occupied by individuals who are like-minded or share experiences, who feel forsaken by societal standards, and hence consolidate a group identity within a given subculture.37
Dedman, a subcultural scholar and criminologist ascertains that the grime scene is a subculture due to their unheard nature in mainstream cultural dialogues and their sub-status with regards to their socio-economic and socio-political circumstances.38 There is a tension to be confronted
and settled before one can solidify the interpretive position this research places itself within subcultural scholarship. The tension lies between CCCS scholars and Postmodern theorists, who occupy either end of a spectrum that links ‘politics’ to subcultural behavior.39 Postmodern
subcultural theorists claim that the fragmentation of society directly links to the fluidity of cultural boundaries and identity.40 Hence, postmodernists argue the term “neo-tribes” might be
a more accurate definition of what CCCS scholars call ‘subcultures.’41 This term is used to
35 Hebdige, D. “Subculture: The Meaning of Style,” London: Methuen & Co, 1979, 2. 36 Hebdige, D. 1979.
37 Ibid.
38 Dedman, T. 2011, 507-522. 39 Thornton, S. 1997, 201.
40 Ibid, 507 ; Blackman, S. “Youth Subcultural Theory: A Critical Engagement with the Concept, its Origins
and Politics, from Chicago School to Postmodernism,” Journal of Youth Studies, 8(1), 2005, 1.
describe groups which facilitate the entry and exit of individuals in a fluid system of identity salience relevant to context. Individuals change their group membership dependent on context, and hence are not fixed in specific group identities by socio-economic and socio-political circumstances. As identity is increasingly fluid as society fragments, postmodern scholars claim that neo-tribes are not typically political when interacting with a dominant culture as individuals can enter and exit with ease, meaning that there is no continuity of personnel or socio-economic or political circumstances in a neo-tribe as individuals can come and go as they please.42
My understanding of the literature, music, and videos produced by grime scene members leads me to question this assertion.43 Socio-economic and socio-political circumstances limit
members of the grime scene’s ability to enter and exit their designated identity grouping. Socio-economic and socio-political circumstance dictate that these member’s identities are more fixed than postmodern scholars would assert.
The Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies,’ (CCCS) founded in Birmingham, historically associated subcultures with politics and ‘resistance.44’ These subcultural theories have been
primarily developed in Britain and tested on British subcultures.45 The CCCS asserted that to
understand a subculture, one must interpret its creation of meaning as a collective force.46
Blackman claims “the basic assumption is that youth subcultures belong to the working class, deriving from the experience of subordination.47” CCCS scholars claim that subcultures are
inherently linked to class and are inherently subordinate to a dominant culture, and as such adopt an oppositional stance to mainstream or ‘subterranean values’ found in a dominant mainstream culture.48
42 Bennett, A. 1999, 599-617.
43 Hancox, D. “A History of Grime, by the People who Created it,” 6 December 2012,
https://www.theguardian.com/music/2012/dec/06/a-history-of-grime, (last accessed 25 March 2017) ;
Wot Do U Call It Grime Documentary [online video], 11 April 2009,
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2cyNn_MW81k, (last accessed 1 March 2017) ; Akala shares his
thoughts on the UK Music Scene | Link Up TV [online video], 6 April 2012 ; The Police vs Grime Music - A Noisey Film [online video], 29 May 2014, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eW_iujPQpys, (last
accessed 20 March 2017).
44 Dedman, T. 2011, 509 ; Hall, S., Jefferson, T. “Resistance Through Rituals: Youth Subcultures in
Post-war Britain,” 2nd edn., London: Routledge, 1993. 45 Ibid.
46 ibid.
47 Blackman, S. 2005, 6.
48 Matza, D., Sykes, G, M. “Juvenile Delinquency and Subterranean Values,” American Sociological Review,
However, Sarah Thornton, a subcultural scholar, notes that while postmodern scholars do not attribute enough potency to subcultural identity, CCCS scholars always sought to associate subcultures with resistance due to their inherent subordinate nature.49 Thornton claims that
CCCS scholars give too much merit to subcultural ideology as the driving force behind the development and maintenance of a subculture.50 She claims “where young people have
denounced the ‘commercial,’ scholars have criticized ‘hegemony’; where one has lamented ‘selling out,’ the other has theorized ‘incorporation.51’” The CCCS’s constant strive for
associating subcultures with resistance applies too much merit to what subcultures claim as their ideology, and less to what they actually do. I seek, like Sarah Thornton, to place myself somewhere in the middle. I attribute meaning to grime’s norms for member’s identities whilst trying not to apply too much merit to subcultural ideology, instead attempting an unbiased project whereby I study how grime members behave rather than what they say they think. Hence, identity is fixed but ideology should not be overstated. The phrase ‘actions speak louder than words’ would be a sufficient way of explaining how I’ll assess grime’s desire and capacity to articulate grievances. It is not whether they say they do, it’s whether they actually do it.
Using subcultural theory to understand the London grime scene is crucial. In addition to Thornton’s observations on the development of subcultural theory, she makes an insightful connection between what is valued within a subculture, how members behave, and how that might affect the perceptions of said subculture by mainstream cultures. Her concept of ‘subcultural capital’ is important because it, as a concept, affects how those within a subculture behave. Hence, any changes in said subcultural capital might influence behaviour, which this research is primarily interested in.
Subcultural Capital
Thornton contributed to subcultural literature with the concept of ‘subcultural capital.’ Borrowing from Bourdieu’s cultural and social capital, Thornton observed “sub-species of capital operating within other less privileged domains.52” ‘Hipness,’ she claims, is a form of
subcultural capital within the British raving communities.53 Those seen as knowledgeable
49 Thornton, S. 1997, 201. 50 Ibid. 51 ibid. 52 ibid, 202. 53 Ibid, 200.
about the rave scene such as DJs, producers and alternative pockets of niche rave-related activities have accumulated subcultural capital and as a result are respected, maybe even revered, within this specific subculture.54 The accumulation of subcultural capital within any
given subculture “confers status on its owner in the eyes of the relevant beholder.55” Much like
cultural capital, subcultural capital can be objectified in the form of relevant subcultural objects, such as rare vinyl records or a fashionable haircut, in conjunction with alternative objects.56 In addition, in can be embodied by a fluent command of slang terms, by behaving in
a way deemed status-worthy amongst subcultural members or with a vast knowledge of a subculture and its workings, among other things.57 Subcultural capital matters when studying
the grime scene because it dictates what members do and how they do it. Fluctuations in what subcultural capital is attributed to throughout the development of the grime scene might affect whether grime articulates grievances, hence it is important to understand the inner subcultural workings to interpret their outward articulations.
In music-based groups, ‘authenticity,’ and being ‘true’ to a specific genre or style could be conceived as a means for accumulating subcultural capital.58 But what does ‘authenticity’
mean? What does it mean to be an authentic grime artist? If what it means to be authentic changes, how does that effect the behavior of those that associate with that music genre? My findings will address this, but first, I need to explore the concept of authenticity in music.
‘Authenticity’ in Music
‘Authenticity’ as a concept has deep roots in music scenes, especially those associated with a particular demographic of people. ‘Authenticity’ within a music scene is associated with status, with respect and with being acknowledged for contributing to a music genre.59 Within
American hip-hop communities, authenticity is discussed around a number of issues that include “racial identification, the music industry, social location, individualism, and gender and sexual roles. Profanity and slang are used in discourse often to emphasize the claims about
54 Ibid. 55 ibid. 56 ibid, 203. 57 Ibid.
58 ibid, 203 ; Barker, H., Taylor, Y. “Faking It: The Quest for Authenticity in Popular Music,” London: W.
W Norton & Company, 2007 ; Hill, P. “‘Authenticity’ in Contemporary Music,” Tempo, 159, 1986, 2-8.
authenticity.60” With grime, authenticity touches on elements of location, associations with
crime, the music industry, socio-economic and socio-political circumstances.61 The promotion
of authenticity within a music scene is an attempt to counter assimilation into mainstream pop musical cultures.62 The same can be said about authenticity and the grime scene’s attempts to
preserve cultural norms associated with the subculture. Changes in authenticity and what is considered authentic might therefore alter the proposed ways in which the scene might seek to combat assimilation. Hence, authenticity alters the behavior of those within the grime scene which ultimately addresses the research problem at hand. The inner-workings of the grime scene, with regard to authenticity, affect how and what is publically expressed and is hence important when studying the articulation of grievances.
To be authentic then, it seems, has something to do with using discursive tools that are relevant to the context of a specific music genre. In addition, relating to the economic and socio-political circumstances of the demographic associated with a specific music genre bolsters the authenticity of an artist. Authenticity within a music-based subculture seems also be a desired characteristic. Why then, according to Ilan, have grime artists diluted their lyrical content in order to accumulate financial wealth?
Ilan’s Grime Assertions
Ilan asserts that grime artists have voluntarily surrendered their artistic autonomy to record labels in order to accumulate financial wealth.63 Grime music has become a financially viable
product, hence the commodification of said genre. The commodification of grime has resulted in a lack of autonomy in track production and hence a dilution of content typically associated with grime, such as references to poverty, drugs, violence and other social realities that these individuals face. With this surrender in mind, Ilan claims that the grime scene cannot be accurately associated with ‘resistance’ as they do not actively resist an identifiable entity.64
60 McLeod, K., “Authenticity Within Hip-Hop and Other Cultures Threatened With Assimilation,” Journal
of Communication, 49(4), 1999, 138 ; Pennycook, A. “Language, Localization, and the Real: Hip-Hop and
the Global Spread of Authenticity,” Journal of Language, Identity & Education, 6(2), 101-115 ; Solomon, T. “‘Living Underground is Tough’: Authenticity and Locality in the Hip-Hop Community in Istanbul, Turkey,” Popular Music, 24(1), 2005, 1-20.
61 Frere-Jones, S. “True Grime: A Genre’s Magic Moment,” The New Yorker, 14 March 2005,
http://msl1.mit.edu/furdlog/docs/2005-03-21_newyorker_grime.pdf, (last accessed 23 May 2017).
62 McLeod, K., 1999, 138. 63 Ilan, J. 2014, 74 64 ibid.
Instead, commodification of grime has reduced grime’s political agency to ‘defiance,’ a passive form of resistance that is not articulated as resistance and not perceived by many as vocal opposition to a specific object, institution or organisation.65 He claims, “the word ‘defiance’
does not share with ‘resistance’ its implied association with transformative politics.66” My
research addresses whether grime does actively contribute or involve itself in the pursuit of politics, hence Ilan’s assertions are addressed.
The second observation Ilan made was both informative and accurate. He claims that ‘road culture’ is inextricably linked to the grime scene, and hence it’s associations with crime and delinquency are celebrated and pronounced. He drew on a blatant connection between the grime scene and ‘road culture,’ which he refers to as “the British accented variant of street culture.67” Ilan claims this culture calls for a “display of tough, rugged masculinity,
consumerist acumen and distinction, as well as crimino-entrepreneurialism to produce the means of participating in it.68” Gunter also notes the importance of ‘badness’ within London
youth subcultures, a concept that celebrates violence and associations with criminal enterprise.69 Road culture is celebrated in grime music, and is referred to constantly. Road
culture also interacts with authenticity and subcultural capital as Ilan assumes that authenticity and subcultural capital is attributed to those who actively engage in behaviour associated with road culture, such as violence or drug distribution.70
The ‘road culture’ that Ilan refers to has resulted in the London grime scene being the target of tight policing, risk assessment and regulation. The use of infamous risk assessment ‘Form 696’ has, in the past, been used to shut down grime events in and around London. Form 696 acts as the most noteworthy object via which the London grime scene interacts with the state and police. As such, it is important to understand said relationship to examine how grime is affected by these regulations. These regulations could either act as an object of their articulations, an obstacle to their articulations, or both.
65 Ibid, 69. 66 Ibid, 76. 67 ibid, 70. 68 Ibid.
69 Gunter, A. “Growing up Bad: Black Youth, ‘road’ culture and badness in an East London
Neighbourhood,” Crime Media Culture, 4(3), 2008, 349-366.
Form 696 and Risk Assessment in the United Kingdom
Many journalists and grime enthusiasts have pointed to the improper and racist use of ‘Form 696’ by the Metropolitan and City of London Police for policing events associated with grime music.71 This form originally requested information regarding the ethnic groups that were
expected to attend events and the music style to be performed, among other things, whilst specifically targeting events involving DJs and MCs. These musical troupes are typically associated with African-Caribbean origins and hence the targeting of these particular styles of expression has been deemed racist by journalists, lawyers, politicians and those within the grime scene.72 Grime events have been shut down in the past or, despite a lack of violent or
criminal activity, events associated with grime have been branded ‘high risk.’ As a result of such risk, grime events require more financial capital to create. This has led to exclamations such as “I want to know why the police are suppressing our culture,” and “When I was at school… I was in the choir and I performed at the Barbican, but obviously I was in my school uniform and it was bless, now I wanna go there in my hoodie and my hat and it’s not bless.73”
The policing of grime is imperative to the study of the scene’s articulation of grievances because it actively affects what grime’s articulations identify as the source of their grievance. In addition, the policing of grime events as cultural sites might affect grime’s ability to consolidate grievances during socialisation and hence affect the actual articulation of grievances. Risk assessment in the United Kingdom has been used to deal with organisations, individuals and events. It’s use in policing Orange Order marches is well-documented, as is its
71 Ilan, J. 2012, 46 ; The Independent. “How Form 696 Could Pull the Plug on the Capital’s Music Scene,”
The Independent, 21 November 2008,
http://www.independent.co.uk/arts-
entertainment/music/news/how-form-696-could-pull-the-plug-on-the-capitals-music-scene-1028240.html, (last accessed 13 March 2017) ; Hancox, D. “Public Enemy no 696,” The Guardian, 21 January 2009, https://www.theguardian.com/culture/2009/jan/21/police-form-696-garage-music, (last accessed 13 March 2017) ; Lowkey. “The Met Police are Stigmatising Hip-hop with the 696 Form,” The
Guardian, 10 January 2012,
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2012/jan/10/police-stigmatising-hip-hop-696-form, (last accessed 13 March 2017) ; Taylor, M. “Culture Minister says Met’s 696 Form Discriminates Against Grime Artists,” The Guardian, 27 March 2017, https://www.theguardian.com/music/2017/mar/27/matt-hancock-mets-696-form-discriminates-against-grime-artists, (last accessed 23 May 2017) ; Olutayo, V. “Form 696 and why Grime is not the Enemy,” 6 April 2017, http://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/music/features/form-696-police-uk-music-venues-grime-music-discrimination-comment-a7670436.html, (last accessed 23 May 2017) ; Izunda, C. Furst, J. “Form 696: Concern Over ‘Racist’ Police Form to be Raised,” BBC News, 27 March 2017, http://www.bbc.com/news/entertainment-arts-39181672, (last accessed 23 May 2017).
72 The Police vs Grime Music - A Noisey Film [online video], 29 May 2014; Taylor, M. 27 March 2017. 73 The Police vs Grime Music - A Noisey Film [online video], 29 May 2014.
use during anti-globalisation marches.74 The policing of said events is done through regulatory
channels, enforcing legal structures in order to ‘reduce risk’ and control populations. It is interesting that risk assessment is so prominent in the policing of said competing organisations in the United Kingdom despite such little success in predicting violent offences.75 This research
drew on a history of risk assessment when analysing findings in order to fully understand the policing of the London grime scene and its associated events.
If form 696 acts as one of the primary interactions between the London grime scene and the state, Foucault’s concepts of police and the ‘abnormal’ individual should be examined in order to demonstrate how the state constructs this regulatory relationship between state and subculture. Foucault was chosen here as he illustrates state intentions and the means for obtaining results. This then interacts with the theories of Rancière and Giddens. These three are simultaneously utilised during analysis to paint a holistic picture of the relationship between the London grime scene and the state, and how this relationship affects the scene’s interactions with society.
Foucault and Policing of the Abnormal
Foucault develops his idea of what constitutes ‘abnormal’ in a given society, and how the ‘abnormal’ is policed and maintained outside a dominant culture. The development of his concept of the ‘abnormal individual’ is a crucial part of this interrelationship between what is accepted behavior and nature and the policing of those who behave outside that domain.76
Foucault comments on the construction of the “dangerous individual” by the state and its developed social structures.77 Individuals that are different to the socially accepted way of
being and acting are labelled abnormal, and are hence shunned by society.78 This abnormality
74 Braiden, G. “'Fragile relations' with Orange Order at risk over police parades demands, says Government
report,” Barhead News, 4 October 2016,
http://www.barrheadnews.com/news/trendingacrossscotland/14779704._Fragile_relations__with_Ora nge_Order_at_risk_over_police_parades_demands__says_Government_report/, (last accessed 24 May 2017).
75 Fazel, S., Sign, J, P., Doll, H., Grann, M. “Use of risk assessment instruments to predict violence and
antisocial behaviour in 73 samples involving 24 827 people: systematic review and meta-analysis,” BMJ, 2012, 1-12, doi: 10.1136/bmj.e4692
76 Foucault, M. “Abnormal: Lectures at the Collège de France 1974-1975,” trans. G. Burchell, V. Marchtti.,
A. Salomoni (ed.), London: Verso, 2003.
77 Foucault, M. 2003, xix. 78 Ibid.
is related to the notion of danger, of the “dangerous individual” against whom it is necessary to employ regulatory and legal institutions so as to nullify the threat from these dangerous abnormalities.79 The state’s employment of these strategies seek to normalize cultural, social
and behavioral norms so as to entrench the exclusion of those they deem abnormal or dangerous.80 Hence, Foucault comments that the state and its associated institutions and
practices seek to criminalise the nature and behavior of individuals and groups “on the basis of what is no more than an imperfection, a deviation.81” This deviation is one away from a
state-sponsored normative view of society. Upon criminalizing these groups and individuals as abnormal, the state has created a socially acceptable apparatus of exclusion through the normalization of accepted culture. Thus begins the process of reproduction within society, as society consumed and produces norms that have been historically entrenched. However, the presence of these abnormal or dangerous individuals affirms the need for a body to police it.
Foucault notes that the definition of police has changed substantially since the 16th century.82
Foucault’s latest understanding of police refers to the management and regulation of what is desirable and what is not. Policing does not refer simply to organisations occupied by police officers, an example of which might by the London Metropolitan Police (Met). The Met is an institution that is actively involved in policing, but is just one element of the process. Police refers to the state employing tactics such as regulation, suppression, discipline, exclusion etc. to maintain the desired order of things within a given society. As such, the function of police is to maintain optimum productivity within a society by excluding abnormal or dangerous groups and individuals. Foucault states that “what police has to govern, its fundamental object, is all the forms of, let’s say, men’s coexistence with each other.83” The difference between
Foucault’s concept of police and Rancière’s concept of police is that Foucault only refers to state apparatus when conceptualizing police, whilst Rancière’s definition is broader. Although Foucault’s definition informs this research, it is Rancière’s concept that is primarily utilize due to its flexibility, which will be explained further in the following theoretical framework.
79 ibid, 34. 80 ibid, xix. 81 Ibid, 73.
82 Foucault, M. “Security, Territory, Population: Lectures at the Collège de France, 1977-78,” trans. G.
Burchell, M. Senellart (ed.), London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007, 407-409.
This research seeks to understand the London grime scene’s internal workings and its interactions with state and society. This research has highlighted why these articulations matter. There are security, democratic, and practical implications of dealing with the London grime scene’s articulations of grievance. Schwartz’s work illuminated the link between the social and the political, and how sites of socialization might affect a group’s ability and desire to be political. Hence, it is relevant for understanding any potential obstacles or catalysts to grime’s articulations. CCCS scholars and postmodern scholars oppose each other’s conceptions of subcultures, subcultural identity and the nature of subcultures concerning entry and exit. Sarah Thornton notes this and this research seeks to reconcile these differences by noting the fixed nature of subcultural identity whilst not attributing too much merit to subcultural ideology. It is more important to understand what subcultures do rather than what they say they do. This understanding of subcultural theory and this research’s position between subcultural theory’s two polarities informs this research’s methodology, hence enabling this project to address both internal interactions within the scene and the scene’s interactions with state and society. Subcultural capital dictates how people behave within a given subculture. The accumulation of subcultural capital is linked to authenticity within a music-based group, the more authentic, the more subcultural capital. However, what is ‘authentic’ can change from group to group. In hip hop, ‘Authenticity’ is attributed to social commentaries with social merit. Hence, drawing on these two concepts might highlight how internal changes in authenticity or the means for accumulating subcultural capital might affect the London grime scene’s external articulations. Ilan, in his previous research, asserts that grime has voluntarily sacrificed political agency to commodification. He claims that commodification acts as the major obstacle to grime’s association with ‘resistance.’ One seeks to test these assertions. If one found that an alternative object is a greater obstacle, this will add to the limited understanding of grime as a social and potentially political entity. Addressing Form 696 is important because it is the newsworthy object by which grime interacts with the state. As such, this research seeked to examine its effect on grime’s interactions with state and society. Foucault and his concepts of police and the ‘abnormal’ effectively link Form 696, an actual practical document, to theory. In addition, it acts as a bridge for which to connect Rancière’s distribution of the sensible to current policing practices in the United Kingdom regarding grime. Hence, all the above literature is interlinked and works in tandem to address the research questions proposed.
Chapter Three: Theoretical Framework
The literature review set a foundation upon which one can analyse the London grime scene’s behaviour. This section seeks to illustrate an understanding of theory that has been applied to findings to gain further insights. It links to the above literature as it seeks to understand the London grime scene’s external interactions with state and society, hence highlighting key analytical nodes in the relationship between the scene, state and society. From this, one can further explore grime’s conception as a ‘sub’ culture, which inherently refers to the links between the group, governance of said group, and societal understandings of said group.
The Distribution of the Sensible, Agency, and Structuration
Theory
One wished to examine the London grime scenes articulations in a way that compliments how they perceive themselves and how others perceive them. In order to address the research problem at hand, one must understand what takes place inside the scene and how the scene then articulates itself outwardly as a sentient subculture. Following on from Foucault and the policing of the abnormal, this research found French political theorist Rancière to be enlightening when comparing his work to my gathered empirics. Rancière is relevant due to his cultural understandings of inclusion and exclusion and the means for that society to maintain said distribution. With reference to Rancière, the cultural, social, political and behavioral norms of mainstream London society acts as the ‘distribution of the sensible’ that he conceptualizes. This concept is crucial to understanding how grime, as an excluded subculture, interacts with mainstream London culture. In addition, this research utilised the works of Giddens to fully understand how articulations made by the grime scene actively challenged or affirmed current societal structures. One chose Giddens’ structuration theory as it illuminates how political agency can work to alter grime’s economic and socio-political circumstances, which are key themes throughout this research project.
Rancière formulates the concept of the ‘distribution of the sensible’ as “the system of self-evident facts of sense perception that simultaneously discloses the existence of something in
