Migration and development in Chandigarh, India
An inclusive study of the perception of migrants and locals in a middle class residential area
Tripta Ranjna Biekram (tripta.biekram@gmail.com)
Supervisors: dhr. prof. dr. M.A.F. (Mario) Rutten & mw. drs. S.B. (Sanderien) Verstappen Second readers: dhr. dr. G. (Gerben) Nooteboom MSc & mw. dr. S. (Shanshan) Lan August 2015
Table of contents
Acknowledgements ... 5
1. Introduction... 6
1.1 Motivation and relevance... 6
1.2 Research question and sub questions... 8
1.3 Literature review ... 9
1.3.1 Migrants as agents of development and remittances... 9
1.3.2 Migrant perceptions regarding migration and development ... 11
1.3.2.1 Social commitment ... 11
1.3.2.2 Social distance ... 13
1.3.3 Local perceptions ... 15
1.3.3.1 Celebration of migration... 15
1.3.3.2 Social distance ... 16
1.4 Theoretical framework: an inclusive perspective ... 18
2. Fieldwork in Chandigarh, sector 40-A ... 19
2.1 Access into the field... 19
2.2 Methods... 22
2.3 The setting: Sector 40-A, Chandigarh ... 23
2.4 The Indian middle class ... 26
2.5 Meaning of migration for the Indian middle class... 27
3. The migrant perceptions on development ... 34
3.1 History of migration... 34
3.2 Social commitment among the migrants... 35
3.3 Sense of social distance among the migrants... 38
4. The local perceptions of the role of migrants in development... 42
4.1 The perceptions of the locals regarding the migrants ... 42
4.1.1 The distinction between low-skilled and high-skilled migrants. ... 44
4.2 Local perceptions on migrant contributions ... 46
5. Conclusion ... 54
References... 57
Acknowledgements
I would like to use the opportunity to thank the people that supported me during my fieldwork and writing process.
In the first place many thanks go out to the people of Chandigarh sector 40-A and the migrants who participated in my research. Thank you for the stories you shared, your
kindness and openness. My gratitude goes out especially to Kamlesh, Sheel and Swarna, who took me in as a family member. Without you this research would not have been possible. I am very thankful to my supervisors dr. Mario Rutten and drs. Sanderien Verstappen. Thank you Mario for your expertise and advice during this research and thank you Sanderien for your extensive feedback, support, enthusiasm and encouragement. I also want to thank my sisters for always being there for me during my fieldwork and afterwards. Thank you, guys! Last, but not least I want to thank my parents for their sacrifices and support. You never doubted me and always believed in me.
Figure 1: Kamlesh, myself and Sheel
1. Introduction
1.1 Motivation and relevance
India has always played an important role in my life. Together with my sisters and parents I have visited India frequently, especially during our summer breaks. My mother has always mentioned how important it is to her that her children would be introduced to India. To my mother, the trips to India meant going back home and they served as an opportunity to introduce her family to ‘her’ country. I quickly fell in love with India and the culture I was introduced to. The culture of Haryana, the hometown of my mother, is comparable with the culture in Chandigarh, the city of my fieldwork. The same castes and classes as in Haryana were present in the neighbourhood I conducted my research in. The international migration interest of both the culture of my mother and the culture of the neighbourhood I conducted my research in were comparable. I purposely say ‘’the culture I was introduced to’’, since I believe that there is not solely one culture in India. India is a dynamic country, where people speak different languages, have different religions, customs and manners. I was motivated to understand the culture of my mother as much as possible. This research gave me the opportunity to go ‘into the field’ and therefore experience a particular community in a different way.
This research can be categorised under the umbrella theme migration. Migrants are seen as important actors in the development process for their left behind country. Migrants can function as the ‘’agents of change’’, and bringers of ‘’new ideas and resources’’, which can be helpful for the economy of the left behind country (Xavier 2011: 34). Migrants are regarded as important in India, since they can be helpful actors for the Indian economy and for the development of the country.
I wanted to get to know more about the migration development debate by giving an inclusive understanding of the perceptions of both migrants and locals. There have been several studies that focused on the contributions of migrants in the development process. Within this research I want to study the role of migrants in the development process from a local point of view as well as the migrants’ point of view. In my opinion the voice of the local community should be included in discussions about developmental processes, since perceptions of locals are important for the development process. This bottom up approach exposes the needs of the local community: What kind of development is necessary according to the local community? What do they regard as important? What should change? But also: what do the locals think about migrants, and about the migrants’ contributions to development? Do they think that the contributions are important and perhaps most important, helpful? There is room for improvement in the development process in India and the migrants may be a good source for affecting this change. However, at the moment the help of migrants
is not used most effectively. An effective solution for this issue could be created by listening to what is required according to the Indian middle class and by listening to what migrants could offer.
This research focuses on the perspectives of the middle class community in the North Indian city Chandigarh, which is a modern, developed and, among professionals, popular city. Chandigarh is also attractive to many migrants. The research population were middle class Indians, a recently increasing population group of Indians. Former expats were also included in this pool of local middle class Indians. The opinions and perspectives of the Indian middle class in Chandigarh are not a representation of the opinions of the middle class in India. However, their views and opinions give an insight in the perceptions of a specific group and community.
There have been other researches that focused on local perspectives. However, these researches were case studies of different communities in one specific city of India. These researches did not give a clear understanding of India’s nationwide migration. Since this research is a case study of a community in a Northern city in India that has not yet been researched on migration it can be regarded as a contribution to the better understanding of India’s nationwide migration processes. This research can therefore be seen as another piece of the, perhaps never-ending, puzzle.
1.2 Research question and sub questions
What are the perceptions of migrants and the local middle class residents of Chandigarh regarding the subject of migration and development?
Sub questions:
How do the migrants in Chandigarh perceive their own and other migrants’ contributions? How does the local middle class community in Chandigarh perceive the migrants and the contributions of the migrants?
What are the differences and the similarities in the perspectives of migrants and locals regarding the contributions of migrants?
1.3 Literature review
The literature review gives an insight in the discussion on migration and development. Most studies have dealt with the perceptions of migrants, but in India there is an interesting discussion on how locals perceive the migrants’ relation to development of India. To give an inclusive perspective both the views of migrants and locals are discussed here.
Important themes mentioned in the literature are social commitment and social distance. Social commitment is the feeling of connectedness that migrants have with their left behind country, while social distance can be regarded as a sense of separation from the left behind country.
1.3.1 Migrants as agents of development and remittances
There have been many development policies in India that focused on ending poverty, inequality, and focused on guarantying other basic needs. However, most of these programs have been unsuccessful, since poverty and inequality are still growing problems and basic needs are not available to everyone yet (Raghuram 2009).
Migration and especially migrants, have been rediscovered in the development process. Nowadays migration and migrants are seen as important key factors for solving global inequalities. However, the ideas about the role of migrants in the development process have changed over the years. I use the three phases as described by Thomas Faist to explain how the nexus between migration and development has changed over the years (Faist 2008).
The first phase (1960-1970) is the migration and development phase. During this period the discussion focuses on the remittances and return of the migrants. This phase describes the influence of the remittances sent by labour migrants to their home country. It was believed that especially temporary labour migrants remit a large amount of their income to the family back home. These remittances were believed to be a useful contribution to the development process. People migrated especially from underdeveloped areas with labour shortage in the North to the developed areas with labour surplus in the South (Faist 2008).
The second phase is the underdevelopment and migration phase. This phase focuses on poverty and the brain drain (ibid.). During the 1970s and 1980s migration was seen as a negative influence on the development process. Migrants were accused of embodying the problem that development tried to solve. This was linked to the so-called ‘brain drain’. High skilled migrants left their home country to work abroad. The return of remittances as mentioned in the previous phase were believed to create inequality in the left behind country, due to the asymmetric distribution of benefits and resources (Martin 1991; Delgado-Wise and Márquez Covarrubias 2007).
For the last five years the positive role of both low and high skilled migrants in the development process has been recognised. The third phase that Faist describes is the
migration and co-development phase. Since the 1990s immigration countries have public policies regarding the migration development nexus (Faist 2008:26).
Migration and migrants are seen as important keys for solving global inequalities. Governments and non-governmental organisations are convinced that migrants can contribute to development (Bakewell 2008).
In the previous years the financial remittances were seen as one of the most important contributions migrants brought to their left behind country. Over the years the migrants were often regarded as transnational agents. However, since the 1990s the social remittances and human capital are also regarded as important contributions in the developmental process (Faist 2008: 26). Human capital investments are investments for health, education and improved nutrition. Social remittances are the transfers of ideas or attitudes. The transfers often occur when the migrants return to their home country. The impact of the social remittances is often ambiguous. On the one hand it can have a positive impact, for example by empowering young women by motivating them to complete their education. On the other hand it can have a negative influence. In some cases the attitude of the migrants clashes with the traditional ideas and attitude of the locals (Maimbo and Ratha 2005: 63, 91-92).
Migrants are now often seen as agents of development because of different reasons. Due to the migrants’ relationships with people in the rural areas migrants are able to reach places and people that most NGOs and governmental development programs cannot reach. Due to this, migrants are attractive actors for governments and NGOs.
Another reason why migrants are seen as agents of development is the distribution of wealth and reverse flows. The remittances that the migrants provide are believed to have a positive influence on the development process in the home countries of the migrants (Faist 2008: 21). Remittances distributed by migrants are even considered to be more successful than other developmental approaches, for instance governmental financial aid (Keely and Tran 1989: 500; Raghuram 2009). For example, remittances have been a more effective action for poverty reduction than government programs or other development aid from NGOs.
Migrants voluntarily transfer money, which does not only support their family, but also the country the family lives in. It is believed that the aid from migrants reaches the people who are in need of it. For the migrants it is more beneficial to send money through remittances since they are not confronted with the costly government bureaucracy. And as a consequence the remittances will not end up in the pockets of corrupt government officials (Kapur 2003).
The amount of remittances that is transferred to developing countries has significantly increased over the years. The discussion cited here is highly relevant in India. In
India the flow of remittances is notably high. In 2013 the amount of remittances was estimated at $70 billion (World Bank 2014), while in 2009 the amount of remittances was estimated at $20 billion (Panda 2009:169). These remittances are important for the economy of the country and the welfare of the recipient (Sriskandarajah 2005:4). The remittances enabled migrant families to have improved health prospects and they improved the education opportunities of their children (Panda 2009: 171). Most of the money that is remitted to the home country is meant for the family. The remittances are usually meant for improving the living standard and social standing of the family in the home country. The remittances are also used for building a prestigious family residence and for investment in agricultural land and machinery (Ballard 2002). But remittances are also used for the development of new roads, electricity networks and water supplies (Taylor 2007: 335-6). However, an unknown portion of the remittances is used for social investments for the public good, such as financing the development of schools, community centres and health clinics (Johnson 2007: 3).
1.3.2 Migrant perceptions regarding migration and development
Insofar as empirical research has been done on the relation between migrants and development, this has mostly focused on the perceptions of migrants regarding migration and development. Insights of the literature on the perceptions of the migrants are introduced here. Why do migrants connect with their left behind country after migration?
1.3.2.1 Social commitment
One of the reasons why migrants remit money is to feel connected with their home country. When people migrate, the ties with their home country are often maintained (Johnson 2007). I use the concept transnationalism as described by Nina Glick Schiller and Linda Basch, that focuses on the feeling of connectedness and social commitment migrants have with their home country, to further elaborate on social commitment.
According to Glick Schiller and Basch the previous conceptions of migrants were no longer sufficient, therefore transnationalism was introduced as a new concept. In the old concept migration was seen as abandonment of the old patterns and the adoption of the new culture and language. However, transnationalism describes migration as the merging of the left behind country and the host country (Schiller et al 1992: 1). Migrants act out their feeling of connectedness and social commitment by supporting their home community and home country, which can be in the form of investments they make, remittances or other resources. These investments and remittances are also known as reverse flows. (Upadhya and Rutten 2012; Schiller et al 1992:1,6). The reverse flows are a sign of the importance of maintaining these ties and transnational relations for the migrants.
There are different reasons why migrants stay involved with their left behind country. One of the reasons is economic in nature. Investments are an example of economic reasons. Many migrants who settled abroad return to India as capitalist investors. They are attracted to the potential for profit in the cheap skilled labour market and growing middle class consumers (Lessinger 1992: 53). The economic interest of migrants is related to the growing rights of migrants in the Indian economy. In 1991 the government liberated the economy, which made it attractive and easier for migrants to invest in the Indian economy (Walton-Roberts 2010: 55).
Social reasons can also be another possible explanation why migrants get involved in development activities. These involvements are sometimes influenced by social pressure from community or family members: since migrants work and live abroad it is expected that they can afford to support the home community financially. The migrants support their home community with philanthropic donations and remittances. These donations and remittances express the attachment of the migrants with their home community. Solidarity and attachment is also reflected in the hometown associations created by migrants. The hometown associations provide multiple resources for the community, for example improved sewage systems or improved education services (Faist 2008: 28). The donations of the migrants can be used to improve the home community. These philanthropic donations are given in the form of a gift, which means that the migrants do not expect to receive anything in return. However, the migrants do expect respect from the home community members. This gives the home community members a symbolic lower position (Dekkers and Rutten 2011: 3).
Political reasons can also be a motivation for migrants to get involved in development activities. Migrants have obtained an exclusive and influential position in Indian politics. The government is aware of the fact that they can profit from migrants, since these migrants are transnational capitalists and possible reformers (Lessinger 1992: 54). The Indian government recognises the relation of migrants with the home nations. They have therefore created a status for these migrants. Nowadays migrants, have an important position in India. The Indian diaspora community is generally referred to as Overseas Indians. The use of the word Indian in this term is interesting since it shows that the migrants are regarded as Indians and not foreigners. The Indian diaspora community can be divided in different groups. The terms PIOs and NRIs are often used to refer to the Indian diaspora community. A PIO (person of Indian origin) is someone who holds a foreign nationality but is of Indian origin. An NRI (Non-resident Indian) is a person who is an Indian citizen but resides in a foreign country (Xavier 2011: 37). Being an NRI or PIO grants migrants rights and it offers them opportunities. The migrants are important for India and often vice versa. Having power on a political level might lead to more power and respect in the home community (Dekkers and Ruten 2011).
Lastly there can also be cultural motives to stay involved with the home country. Some migrants still feel connected to their home country, in the sense that it is ‘their’ country. Some migrants have stated that they perceive their stay abroad as a temporary condition. Even if they have lived abroad for many years, they still perceive India as their home. There are migrants that visit India regularly, make phone calls to family members and take their children to visit India a few times a year. These migrants do so to remain the ties with their home country (Lessinger 1992). They are loyal and also feel that they have obligations to their community back home.
The social commitment with the home country is also acted out through religion, language and morals. Migrants still speak their native language, and their children are often raised with the same traditional morals as they were (Lessinger 1992). Marriage is an important factor when it comes to transnational ties and social commitment. Migrants arrange marriages with someone from their home country (Ballard 2002). Migrants are emotionally attached to their hometown and they feel closeness with home community members. This emotional attachment and feeling of closeness is connected with the sense of identity (Dekkers and Rutten 2011: 3).
Some migrants choose to remit money to family members themselves. NGOs are often seen as pervasive and migrants have no confidence in governments (Dekkers and Rutten 2011.:7). Some migrants have a strong desire to help people in need. The feeling of compassion is an important reason why migrants remit money. Religious motives are also important reasons why migrants remit money. According to most religions it is tradition and sometimes compulsory to help ones in need (ibid.). Another reason why migrants remit money is related to the power it gives them in their home country. Migrants are aware of the changing patterns of migration and development. Migrants are powerful philanthropic players in their home community. Taking these reasons into account, it is important to realise that migrants do not only remit money out of cultural traditions, solidarity and to provide support (Dekkers and Rutten 2011).
The attachment between migrants and the home community or country is acted out in different ways. Especially the support of migrants on different levels is important for the feeling of attachment between the migrants and their home community. This support can be on an economic, social, political and cultural level.
1.3.2.2 Social distance
There are studies in which the focus has been on the distance between migrants and the home community. Social distance can have negative outcomes for the home country and home community of the migrants. The economy and the development process of India partly depends on the remittances of the migrants. Many home community members depend on the
reverse flows of the migrants (Taylor et. al 2007:336). There are different explanations for the distance between the migrants and the locals.
The importance of migrants has not always been recognised. For a long time the government was not aware of the importance of the migrants. Some of the local community of India previously referred to the NRIs as ‘’Non-Required Indians’’. This left a certain bitterness that is reflected in the social distance between the migrants and the home country. Due to this bitterness migrants are less involved in supporting development or making investments for the public good (Rutten and Patel 2007: 180).
Distrust can be another reason why migrants distance themselves from the home community. Migrants are not convinced that the remittances for schools or hospitals are used for the purpose intended by them. For this reasons the migrants prefer direct remittances to the individuals who need them (Taylor et. al. 2007: 336). Some migrants are confronted with family related problems; these problems can cause migrants to distrust these family members. Migrants often have possessions in India; they trust their family members and give them power of attorney with the idea that their interests are protected. Later they discover that the plots they purchased are rented without them earning any money or even that their plots are sold by their family members. Such cases are often taken to court, but the processing can easily take five to thirty years (Walton-Roberts 2010: 64; Taylor et. al 2007: 336).
Another reason why the migrants distance themselves from the local community is related to the change in lifestyle. The environment in the host countries is often different from the environment in India. Some migrants state that India is like an unsafe, corrupt third world country (Taylor et. al 2007: 338). The migrants also see themselves as a distinct and privileged social group (ibid.: 339). They do not consider themselves to be 100% Indians, and this is reflected in their behaviour.
Bitterness, distrust and the change in lifestyle are all possible reasons why migrants distance themselves from the home community and home country. The bitterness that some migrants experience has an influence on the relationship between the home country and the migrants. While distrust has more influence on the relationship between the home community and the migrants, the possible reasons are all important to understand why migrants experience social distance.
1.3.3 Local perceptions
This part of my research focuses on the local perceptions regarding migration and migrants as given in the literature. It is important for this research to focus on the local perceptions to understand the current discussion.
1.3.3.1 Celebration of migration
One approach to explain the local perception on migration in contemporary India is by the use of the notion of ‘culture of migration’. Kandel and Massey (2002) use the culture of migration to study Mexican migrants who migrate to the United States. They describe the ‘culture of migration’ as non-migrants who observe the behaviour of migrants to whom they are socially connected and the desire of these non-migrants to also migrate. The non-migrants are motivated by their observations of the return migrants. Often these return migrants have improved their socioeconomic wellbeing (Kandel and Massey 2002:983). In Indian society the culture of migration can also be used to describe the perceptions on migration. Ali uses this concept to describe migration among Muslims in Hyderabad. It is necessary to mention that migration among Indians is not only popular or desirable among those who already have relatives abroad, which is a large part of the population, but also to those who are without migrant relatives (Ali 2007: 40). One of the ways in which the culture of migration is reflected in contemporary Hyderabadi society is related to the status of migrants in India. Migrants in India have a higher status than non-migrants. This difference in status is expressed in different ways. Marriage is one of the ways. Migrants and their children are often more desirable marriage partners. As a migrant, one can demand a larger amount of the dowry (ibid.) In previous times the caste of a bride or groom was considered to be an important criterion in finding a suitable partner. Nowadays matrimonial advertisements often mention whether the groom or the bride is a migrant. The caste of the possible suitor is oftentimes left unmentioned. Migrants are consequently seen as victorious. This resonates in the fact that being a migrant is considered to be more valuable than being classified by a higher caste, which used to be the most important factor (Ali 2007: 46).
Another example of the respect of locals for migrants is reflected in the special treatment migrants receive in temples. Rutten and Patel (2007) give an example of migrants from Gujarat who are given a special treatment in the temples of their hometown. Migrants often donate large sums of money to temples and as a reward they are granted free access to a two day stay in an air-conditioned room, (non spicy) food and mineral water (Rutten and Patel 2007: 179).
A possible way in which the culture of migration is reflected is related to the economic possibilities in foreign countries. Non-migrants who have migrant family members occasionally receive remittances from their migrant family members. These remittances have
an influence on the consumption pattern of the non-migrants but also on their perceptions of migrants (Ali 2007: 43). Migrants often have better lives in the foreign countries in comparison with their lives in India. For many non-migrants this is a motivation to migrate (ibid.: 44). Locals often search for better opportunities in foreign countries. Families regularly send a son to a foreign country where another family member is already residing. They hope that the family member is able to find a job for their child, that the family member will pay for their child’s education or that they are helpful in another way. The families in the left behind countries expect that the migrants are better off and wealthier (Velayutham and Wise 2005: 30). Migration is often not an individual activity, the family plays an important role in the process of migration. It is not uncommon that the whole family pays for the migration of one, often male, family member. The left behind family members and the migrant often make an agreement that the left behind family will take care after the family and possible business. The migrant is, however, expected to financially support the left behind family (Taylor et. al. 2007: 334).
Migration also plays a role in the lives of young Indians. Some children are motivated by their parents to follow certain language classes, for instance Arabic, since it is believed that this will make finding employment in a foreign country easier. Migration to gulf countries is attractive among many Hyderabadi locals. Many schools provide the option to follow Arabic language courses. Students also choose their higher education with migration in prospect. Especially engineering and IT are popular studies among the students who desire to migrate in the future (Ali 2007.:49).
Migration has been and still is a popular phenomenon in India. Many people have the desire to migrate, or that their children will eventually migrate. This desire to migrate is in close relation with the status given to migrants by local Indian residents. People desire to have the same opportunities as the migrants, they also want to be able to support their family with remittances, which is typically considered to be ‘the man’s duty’ (Ali 2007: 51), they want to be able to buy luxury items and to be rich. Migrants are important actors in the lives of the locals. Many locals aim to have similar lifestyles as the migrants and the locals look up to the migrants. However, the locals do not only have positive perceptions regarding the migrants. I discuss the perceptions of the locals regarding the social distance of the migrants.
1.3.3.2 Social distance
Despite the positive views of the locals regarding the migrants there is also another side in their perceptions. In the previous part I discussed the importance of migrants for the locals. I now discuss the social distance between the migrants and the locals from the perspective of the locals. There is not much known about the feeling of social distance, but the friction between the locals and the migrants is expressed to some extend in some case studies, though.
Some of the locals have a feeling of social distance on an economic level. The local residents are under the assumption that, despite their efforts to make the migration possible in the first place, migrants’ behaviour and attitudes towards them changes once they have migrated. The family members of migrants in India often sponsored the migrants to go abroad and without them the migration would possibly not have happened. It is believed that the migrants only keep contact with the family if they are in need of support or help. During the first period of their migration, first generation migrants are often the ones who require support. However, once they are settled, have earned enough money and are secure, they are less committed to the local community (Taylor et. al 2007).
In some cases migrants support their home community, however the locals have a critical view regarding this support. The support of the migrants can be in the form of investments, remittances or development projects. Some locals are convinced, however, that the investments and development projects sponsored by the migrants are often conducted with the objective of obtaining personal gain. The improvement of roads and water supplies often occurred solely in villages that were visited regularly by migrants (Taylor et. al. 2007). It is also believed that remittances and reverse flows can have a negative outcome. Financial flows, for instance, can lead to inequality in the relationship between the migrants and the locals. The financial flows can also create dependency of the local community on the migrants (Ballard 2002, Taylor et. al. 2007, Gardner 2008).
I discussed earlier that the migrants become accustomed to a different lifestyle and therefore distance themselves from their home country or community. However, this creates a distance perceived from the local perspective as well. The migrants often mention how dirty India is, and how they are used to better living standards. The local residents feel offended when migrants degrade ‘their’ country, which bridges a gap between the migrants and the locals (Taylor et. al. 2007). Many locals have stated that the migrants do not interact with them. The migrants move in their own spheres and circles. A distance between the home community members and the migrants is created due to this behaviour. Some home community members have stated that the migrants are arrogant and patronising.
The locals of a Gujrati village mentioned by Dekkers and Rutten in their study believe that migrants are in debt with their mother country. Investments and donations are not gifts but repayment of this debt (Dekkers and Rutten 2011: 3). Some home community members do not regard migrants as ‘real Indians’, which leads to a distance between the two groups. Despite the fact that the locals respect the migrants, they are also critical regarding the special treatment that is given to the migrants. The locals presume that the migrants are more westernised, and that they have lost their religion and culture. To some extent the statements of the locals are motivated by feelings of jealousy (Rutten and Patel 2007: 179).
These case studies show that there are interesting and complex social processes in relation to the migrants and the locals. Migrants and locals feel connected with each other, however, each experiences different problems in their interactions. For the locals the relation with the migrants feels like a ‘mixed blessing’. On the one hand it offers economical chances, however, it can also cause disappointments and friction. More research can be helpful to expose the discussion regarding the influence of the relation between the migrants and the locals for the migration and development in India. The research question of this research will be helpful to give an insight in this discussion.
1.4 Theoretical framework: an inclusive perspective
There has been a change in the perception of migrants in the migration development debate. Currently it is believed that the migrants can be an important factor to improve and support the development in their home community or country. The contributions of migrants are either social or financial remittances sent by them.
Migrants have different motivations for supporting their left behind country. Transnationalism describes this in an understanding and clear way. Despite the extensive support of migrants there are also studies that reflect on the social distance expressed by migrants. The distance felt by migrants can have different causes. Literature mentions bitterness, distrust and a change in lifestyle of the migrants as the main causes for feeling social distance from the left behind country or community.
There have been many case studies in the migration development debate. There has not yet been a study, however, that can explain the feeling of social commitment and social distance altogether. Most studies have solely focused on the perceptions of migrants. However, the number of researches about the perceptions of locals regarding migrant contributions in development is growing.
This research also does not explain the feeling of social commitment and social distance altogether. However, it will give an insight in the perceptions of both the middle class locals as the migrants in Chandigarh India about the migrants’ relation to development of India. Therefore, this research will contribute to the understanding of the migration development debate. This research can be useful for future policy reports on the contribution of migrants regarding development. By reducing the social distance of the migrants we will be able to use the contributions of migrants most efficiently. Also, by studying the perspectives of the locals we can respond to their needs.
2. Fieldwork in Chandigarh, sector 40-A
One of the most important aspects of successful anthropological fieldwork is having access to the research population. In order to obtain access to the research population I tried to establish contacts with locals in Chandigarh who could be of help, prior to going into the field. To give an insight in my fieldwork I describe my access and entry into the field.
2.1 Access into the field
Before my fieldwork I was determined to focus my research on the feeling of social distance and social commitment among migrants, and how this influences them to contribute to development processes in India. During my fieldwork I encountered different problems, which influenced the focus of my research. I managed to switch my focus in a way that would work out eventually.
I arrived in the early morning of January first in Chandigarh. While I was in the Netherlands I had contact on a regular basis with Naresh, a family friend of my mother’s who lived in Chandigarh. I asked Naresh whether he would be able to find an apartment for me to stay in during my fieldwork. He told me that this would not be a problem; he also mentioned that he would be able to fix up some first meetings with migrants, since he had some migrant contacts.
My first impression of Chandigarh was that it looked like a clean and modern city. I stayed in one of the many housing societies in Chandigarh. Housing societies are often attractive among migrants; the houses come with different facilities, for instance: security guards, gym facilities and small shops. In some housing societies there were houses owned by migrants or relatives of migrants. I assumed that living in a housing society would be a way to establish contact with migrants. Unfortunately I could not establish a good relationship with the residents of the housing society. People would leave in the early morning for work and would come back home in the evening. It was cold in January and there were not many people outside during the evening, which made making contacts difficult. Partly due to the difficult contact with the people in the society I decided to move. In February I moved to another part in Chandigarh.
In tried to come in contact with migrants in different ways. First I tried NRI cells. Chandigarh is a popular city among migrants and NRI cells were introduced by the Chandigarh administration to protect the rights of the migrants (NRIs) and to offer help when they are in need. Examples of some of the problems migrants are confronted with in Chandigarh are property related problems, matrimonial or financial disputes and criminal cases (Chandigarh Administration 2014). The NRI cell administrator, however, was not able to give me any useful contacts or information, which could be related to this being a sensitive
matter. Giving particular information would perhaps jeopardise his function. The next option for finding migrants was through visiting temples. I decided to visit temples of Sikhism: Gurudwaras. The large number of Sikh migrants and Sikhism followers living in Chandigarh influenced this decision. The pardhaan (highest member of the Gurudwara) told me that he could provide me with some contacts. He offered me the number of Harjinder Kaur, the former mayor of Chandigarh. She was able to set up an interview with a migrant from New York. I tried to get more contacts through this particular migrant but he was not able to help me with that. The pardhaan mentioned that there were not any migrants involved with his Gurudwara.
Since I wanted to focus my research on the development activities of the migrants I contacted local NGOs. The first NGO I contacted was the Mehar Baba Charitable Trust, a small NGO located in a village 30 minutes from Chandigarh. The Mehar Baba is especially focused on women rights. There were some migrant trustees involved in the organisation, however; they were not in India at the moment of my fieldwork. The people of Mehar Baba offered to help me. They ensured me that they also had some personal contacts with migrants. They told me to call them in a few days. However, when I called back a few days later they told me again to call them back in a few days, or that they would contact me themselves. After some time they told me that they were still searching or simply told me that they were not able to help me. This was very frustrating since I had the feeling that I was at a standstill. Every time I tried something it would not work. The mentality of the people living in Chandigarh was something I had to get used to. In my opinion they would not straightforwardly tell me that they were not be able to help me, but instead they told me that ‘’they would help me with everything’’ (Harjinder Kaur, former mayor of Chandigarh).
After a few weeks the research was still going slow. I had conducted some interviews with migrants, but this was still not sufficient. I could not seem to get in contact with many migrants. When I approached migrants they would not be interested in talking to me. Perhaps this was due to my physical appearance: to some extent I look like an Indian. When I approached migrants they would perhaps think that I was trying to sell something or that I was an imposter. Migrants are often confronted with people who try to sell them something or fraud them, which may lead to migrants avoiding locals. In the end I managed to interview only 4 migrants. Therefore I decided to include the perspectives of local residents of Chandigarh in my research. During a conversation with Mario I understood that the voices of the locals were just as interesting and important as the voices of migrants. The idea to focus on locals and include their perspective along with the views of the migrants stemmed the initially difficulties problems of access. By the time I had understood the importance of the voice of locals I came in touch with Kamlesh and Sheel, and it was through their network that my research took shape. Kamlesh was the ‘big sister of the street’ in the neighbourhood I
resided. She offered to accompany me during my visits to the houses of the neighbours. She would introduce me as her niece from Holland who came to India for her study, and asked the neighbours whether they had some time to answer some questions of mine. In most cases the neighbour would let us in and we sat down for an interview. It only occurred two times that someone asked me to come back another time.
It did not take long before I had formed a valuable relationship with Kamlesh and Sheel. They invited me over for tea and dinner or to go shopping with them. The good relationship with Kamlesh and Sheel was perhaps influenced by the fact that they thought of me as family. This is related to their caste and my mothers’ caste. When I first met Kamlesh and Sheel they did not hesitate to ask me question about my family. It all started with the question what my caste and the caste of my parents was. When I mentioned that my mother is from the Brahman caste, Kamlesh and Sheel mentioned that they were from the same caste. They insisted on taking care of me, since I was like family to them. They mentioned that I should call them aunties and that they thought of me as their niece.
According to the caste system, Brahmans are members of the highest caste. In contemporary India one’s cast is sometimes still considered to be of importance in regard to their social status. In most parts in India inter cast marriages are preferable. During my fieldwork I noticed that members of the Brahman caste would often feel the need to mention their caste. During interviews people would sometimes inquire me about my caste. It shows that the castes are still considered to be important in this particular neighbourhood. Brahmans are believed to be members of the highest caste according to the caste system in India.
The fact that my mother, Kamlesh and Sheel were from the same caste resulted in a sense of connectedness between Kamlesh, Sheel and myself. This feeling of uniformity had a positive outcome for my research. Kamlesh eventually became the gatekeeper for my research. With the network of Kamlesh and Sheel I managed to interview 43 locals.
During the first month of my research I had some problems regarding entry into the field. The search for migrants did not go as planned. Due to these developments I decided to shift my attention to both migrant, as local perspectives. This turned out to be a rich field worth focusing on. One of the strengths of my research was the good relationship I developed with Kamlesh and Sheel. This offered me the opportunity to interview many locals and obtain insights in their perspectives. Despite quantitative differences in data between the perceptions of migrants and the perceptions of locals, I still use the data covering the perceptions of the migrants in chapter 3.
2.2 Methods
During my fieldwork I used different research methods. The appendix offers an overview of the informants.
Interviews
The interviews I conducted helped me obtain information about the migrant and local perceptions regarding migration and development. I had certain topics I wanted to discuss with my informants, but most interviews were semi structured because I found it more interesting to listen to my informants and react on the things they had to say. I used my cell phone to record all the interviews and transcribed them afterwards. I divided the interviews of the locals into short and long interviews. Long interviews were interviews of an hour or longer and small talk were interviews of a duration between 5-30 minutes.
The interviews with the migrants were conducted in either the migrant’s house, a food court and office. All the interviews with the migrants were between 45-90 minutes. Most interviews with locals were conducted in the house of the informants.
The average age of the informants was 50 years old and most informants were men. Out of the 22 long interviews with locals 19 were conducted with men and 3 were with women. The men were usually retired and middle aged and the women were still working, as a doctor, a lecturer and for the arts council in Punjab. Some of the men retired as bank managers, businessmen, and high court lawyers or they retired from the army as a captain/major. Due to the large representation of men in the research group the data is especially focused on the male reflections regarding migrants. During my fieldwork I attempted several times to interview women. When I asked the women for an interview or a conversation about the topic they would usually advise me to come back later in the evening when their husband would be home. Most women said something like ‘’he has more knowledge about these things’’. It shows that the women had certain insecurity about their knowledge, despite the fact that these women were often highly educated. I found it unfortunate, since I was curious about their opinion as well. During the visits I sometimes tried to start the conversation with the women about my research. However, they would not answer my question or they would change the subject of discussion. Usually the wife of the house was present in the living room during the interviews but she often did not participate in the conversation. Sometimes I asked for her opinion but the husband usually took over and would continue talking.
A few of the interviews were conducted in other places then the homes of the interviewees, for example when I visited the city centre. These interviews were conducted with a shopkeeper, a three-wheeler driver, a neighbour or someone I met on the streets. The character of these interviews was informal.
The interviews were an effective method to get valuable information about the perspectives and the experiences that the locals and migrants have regarding development and migration. It was interesting to ask more questions and react on the things the informants had to say which would sometimes result in a discussion.
The majority of the interviews was conducted in English. Most informants spoke English fluently or almost fluently. However, sometimes I noticed that the informants were more comfortable having conversations in Hindi. The interviewees used sentences in Hindi to express themselves. I told them that this was not a problem since I can understand everything in Hindi, but expressing myself in Hindi is more difficult. There were a few informants who could not speak any English at all. During these interviews Kamlesh was able to translate when I was not able to express myself in Hindi. This was useful but sometimes Kamlesh was not able to translate my question into Hindi or Punjabi, these interviews resulted in less in-depth data.
News articles
During my fieldwork I read different newspapers. I read The Indian Express and Chandigarh Tribune, which kept me up to date with the things that were happening in Chandigarh, but especially with the news regarding the migrants. I used these articles to ask the local community about their opinions regarding these articles or the subjects discussed in the articles. It was also an effective way to discover how the media tries to present migrants in Chandigarh. I found the articles online, since I used the digital version of the newspapers.
Surveys
For both the migrants and the locals I used surveys. The surveys of the migrants contained questions about their lives abroad, the reasons why they migrated and about their visit in India. The surveys of the locals contained questions about their age, education and employment. With this information I was able to make a sketch of the persons I talked to. The surveys of the migrants and the locals were often conducted before the interview started or when I met them. I asked them the questions and wrote the answers down.
2.3 The setting: Sector 40-A, Chandigarh
The city Chandigarh
Chandigarh is the capital of the provinces Punjab and Haryana. After the independence of India in 1947 the former capital of Punjab fell in Pakistan, leaving East Punjab without a capital. Because of this it was decided to build a new city named Chandigarh. Chandigarh is a planned city and is located about 240 kilometres north to Delhi. Chandigarh is split up into sectors. A sector is a neighbourhood unit of 800 meters by 1200 meters. All the sectors are self-sufficient with shops, schools, health centres and places for worship and recreation. The
population of each sector is between 3000 and 20000 people. The total population of Chandigarh was around 1.054.686 in 2011 (Government of Chandigarh 2015). Despite the fact that Chandigarh was planned for a population of 500.000 the city has expanded rapidly. Like other Indian cities that are growing rapidly Chandigarh is facing problems. The number of slums, for instance, is growing and squatter settlements have arisen. Despite these problems Chandigarh is ranked first in the Indian human-development index quality of life (Chandigarh Administration 2014). Chandigarh is divided into 57 sectors and each sector is divided into quarters A, B, C and D. The city centre is located in sector 17 and the sectors near sector 17 are the most expensive sectors to live in.
Chandigarh is a modern city with many facilities. The public transport system is advanced with busses that connect each sector of Chandigarh with nearby cities. Also, Chandigarh is considered to be one of the cleanest cities of India. Despite the slums and squatter settlements many people of Chandigarh consider their city as the cleanest and most developed city of India. The development of Chandigarh can be observed in its roads, buildings and in people’s lifestyle. There is a large popularity of motor vehicles in Chandigarh. It is not uncommon for one household to have multiple cars or scooters. Despite the advanced public transport system in Chandigarh many people have cars and the traffic in Chandigarh is therefore crowded.
On the one hand Chandigarh has fast developing markets for the middle class, for instance the possibilities to invest in real estate. Chandigarh is a popular city among the high-educated wealthy population that works for the government. On the other hand Chandigarh is a city with growing slums and squatters. This is also reflected in the day-to-day life of Chandigarh. Despite the city’s many developments there are still signs that show underdevelopment.
Sector 40-A
My fieldwork was particularly focused in sector 40A. This sector is located near the borders of Chandigarh. The neighbourhood was quiet. There was a small market with some clothing shops, food shops but often it was not busy.
Sector 40 is a middle class sector. The houses in the sector are modern or renovated and the prices of the houses are considered to be high. The street I lived in was believed to be an expensive street. A centre place in sector 40-A was the local temple, especially for the people living in the neighbourhood I conducted my research in. The temple was the place they visited regularly, especially during festivals or important religious days.
The community consisted of 28 houses and as a result most people would recognise each other and often have a small chat. Every afternoon a few elderly ladies would come together and read holy scriptures together in the temple. In Indian culture the temple does not
only fulfil the role of religious importance, but also that of social relations. Another event that was important for social relations was the vegetable market that was held each Wednesday. Some women in the neighbourhood would go to the market together.
Sector 40-A is a quiet, serene neighbourhood. There is not much activity in the neighbourhood, except the meetings in the temple and the vegetable market on Wednesday. There might not be much activity in the neighbourhood, however, the people in the community are friendly towards each other and often have small talks on the street. For example when the sugarcane juice seller comes to the street with his cart. People buy a glass of sugarcane juice, have a small talk with each other and continue with their day-to-day life. It is also not uncommon to visit a neighbour uninvited.
Figure 3: Impression of sector 40-A
2.4 The Indian middle class
The informants define the neighbourhood as a middle class neighbourhood. Here I further explain the class position of my informants by taking into account the informant’s educational level, occupation and life style.
The 19 informants I interviewed in sector 40-A were of middle-age. Most of the informants had followed higher education and spoke English. This is a reflection of the middle class in India. At a young age children are sent to schools where English is used as the first language. The high level of education that the informants followed is also a reflection of the Indian middle class. Higher education is not always accessible for the lower classes, due to the expenses involved with obtaining higher education. Middle class parents can often afford paying college or university tuitions (Lakha 1999: 259). The informants had different titles like Bachelor of Laws, Master of Laws, Doctor of Medicine and Bachelor of Commerce. Nonetheless there were also informants who had not followed higher education. The informants often retired from jobs with a status, for instance as a bank manager or as a
high court lawyer. The informants who were still working worked as a lawyer, consultant, accountant, recruiter, engineer, president of an NGO and lecturer or had a government job. Most informants were white-collar workers, or had private employments. These occupations are significant for the Indian middle class (Sridharan 2004).
Another reason why I consider the neighbourhood to be a middle class neighbourhood is because of the lifestyle of the informants. Each household had at least one car. In the early morning most informants had their cars washed by someone. It was also not uncommon for the informants to have a maid in the household. The maid would come in the morning, do the household and leave. It was not common that the maid lived together with the informants. The availability of house workers is a reflection of the semi-luxury lifestyle of the Indian middle class (Lakha 1999: 257). The consumption behaviour of the informants is also a reflection of the Indian middle class. The liberalisation and the opening of the Indian market made the availability of commodities such as cars or cell phones the standard for the Indian middle class (Fernandes 2000:89).
During my fieldwork I observed the lifestyle of especially Kamlesh, Sheel and their family. They would frequently invite me over when they would go to the city for shopping or for eating out. It was interesting to observe their spending behaviour. This was reflected in the purchases they did, for instance adidas clothing or dinners at food courts like Mc Donalds or the popular Indian food court Gopals.
The houses in the neighbourhood can also be perceived as a reflection of the middle class. One of the houses in the neighbourhood had solar panels on the roof, which I found this interesting, since it shows that the people have probably thought about the advantages of having solar panels, but they were also able to invest in the solar panels. Also the interior of the houses was interesting. Most houses had matching sofas and tables. The interior was often a western style but also considerably kitsch.
The informants would regularly mention that they are overall content with their life as Indian middle class. It was not the case that they flaunted their luxury lifestyle with words, but it was noticeable from the aspects I mentioned before. Despite the fact that the informants were content with their life they also mentioned some discontents. Some of these discontents will be addressed in chapter 4.
2.5 Meaning of migration for the Indian middle class
When asked why migration is popular in Chandigarh the Indian middle class mentioned various motivations. Within this part the migration motivations of both local and migrant middle class Indians are discussed. I have categorised the motivations into economic and social motivations for migration. The economic motivations were especially money and employment, and the social motivations were education and quality of life.
Figure 4: Migration motivations
Economic motivations
Money
The Indian middle class regarded money as one of the most important motivations for migration. It is believed that migrants can earn more money in foreign countries than in India. This idea can be related to the conversion rates. The conversion rate is higher for a dollar or euro than an Indian rupee. The residents believed that the migrants are able to spend more money due to the conversion rates, and this was perceived as a migration motivation.
According to the middle class residents of Chandigarh money can also have an influence on one’s status in Indian society, which increases the importance of earning money. The following case shows the relation between money and status in the lives of the Chandigarh residents.
Ajay Gulati (31) works as a consultant in Chandigarh. He spent 6 months in Amsterdam and one year in Scotland through his job. He mentioned that earning more money and wanting money is part of the North Indian mentality. ‘’It is part of the North Indian mentality that people always want to have more money, earn money and be better. If the neighbour drives a new car or is renovating his house, you should do the same.’’ (Ajay Gulati, consultant)
The idea to be better than someone in the community plays an important role for the residents. Going abroad and being a migrant gives the migrants, and the family of the migrants a certain status in society.
Employment
The second economic motivation is employment. The motivations for employment are not only job opportunities but also work experience.
As mentioned previously, many residents know someone who lives abroad. Some residents had children who lived abroad. These residents mentioned that their children could often not find a job in their own city. This had motivated the children to search for a job in another city, province or country. Many migrants chose for the last option and went abroad in hopes to find employment. Working in India is not popular anymore among many migrants according to the residents of Chandigarh. The younger residents are often not pleased with the working opportunities in India and therefore decide to go abroad. The jobs they have in India are often on a lower level, and are paid less. Residents believed that the expertise of the residents is better rewarded and acknowledged in foreign countries.
Going abroad for the work experience was also mentioned as a motivation to go abroad for the migrants. Some of the migrants desire to go abroad for the work experience for a few years, and others stay there for a longer period. The working culture and working level in foreign countries are attractive among some migrants. The following case elaborates on the motivations to work abroad and the work experiences obtained.
Kulpeet Sharma (32) is an engineer, who works for Sandvik, a large metalworking industry. He is now working and living in Gurgaon but has spent time in Switzerland and Singapore. Kulpeet wanted to have the experience of working in a foreign country and wanted to learn about the different work cultures abroad. Ajay Gulati (31) had a similar experience, when he worked in Amsterdam and Scotland. He was not interested in moving to another country permanently but learned a lot from the experience. Working abroad was not only attractive to him due to the financial aspects but also due to the idea that he could perhaps change something about the Indian work culture and implement the things he had learned in foreign countries into the Indian work culture.
Some migrants are sent abroad by their company. This is an attractive scenario for the high-skilled migrants since they do not have to worry about having to find employment in the host country, and often they have good benefits through their company. Working in foreign countries for the work experience is attractive among the migrants. The work experience is also useful when the migrants decide to comeback to India, and can be helpful in changing the Indian working culture, for instance by implementing the expertise they have obtained in foreign countries.
Social motivations Education
I have divided the social motivations in the categories education and quality of life. One of the most often mentioned social motivations for migration is education. Many residents of Chandigarh were eager to send their children abroad for education. It is believed that the education system in foreign countries is of better quality than the educational system in India. The locals related this to the lack of trust in the educational system of India.
During my fieldwork I met a former professor of ayurveda and yoga. He told me that he had witnessed many cases were PhD or Master students bought their diplomas. The students would give their supervisor or professor money and eventually the supervisor would sign the diploma. This results, however, in graduates who are not well qualified for positions, even though they have obtained their diploma. When they go abroad with their ‘earned’ degree and apply for a job their diploma is not worth anything. Some students are afraid that having an honestly earned degree in India will not be of value due to these cases. I also witnessed fraud on an academic level during my fieldwork. The number of people who tried to convince me to defraud my research shocked me. They told me that I should fake the interviews, since this is ‘what everyone does’. It was frustrating especially considering that academic titles give people a certain status in India. The knowledge that people are actually not qualified and scam people by telling them they are is discouraging. This also accounts for the fact that the idea of committing fraud is considered to be normal among many locals.
Another reason to migrate was related to the educational opportunities of the middle class in Chandigarh. In India there are caste-based reservations for governmental jobs and educational institutions. The caste-based reservations reserve seats for people of lower casts, and are believed to cause equality since it reduces the power of the upper casts (Chalam 2007). However, the residents of Chandigarh believe that the reserved seats cause inequality. The informants mentioned that they feel discriminated since they or their children, will not get admitted to universities and colleges despite having high scores, but scheduled caste members with lower scores will get admitted due to the reservations. For many middle class Indians it means that they have to work very hard to get admitted in colleges or universities. The middle class feels discriminated and this motivates them to go to foreign countries.
It is considered to be better on different levels to follow education in a foreign country. High-skilled Indians desire to go abroad to obtain superior education but at the same time most of them try to receive permanent citizenship in their host country. Some high-skilled Indians do not trust the educational system in India and want to achieve higher education in a foreign country. However, in some cases the student visa is merely the easiest way to go abroad. Education is oftentimes the basis of migration; in many cases it is not the
sole purpose of the migration. If the students migrate on a student visa they will most of the time eventually apply for a permanent citizenship. Having a student visa opens many doors for the students since they are already positioned in the host country. The following case is an example of an Indian student who tried to obtain a permanent visa in a foreign country.
Deepak (36) lives in Australia. He moved from India to Australia after he finished his bachelor degree from Panjab University. He originally went to Australia to follow higher education, however, after a few months he decided to work as a security guard since he was not able to find a job on his level. He now has a permanent citizenship. (Deepak, security guard)
This case shows that applying for a student visa can be used as gate way for obtaining a permanent visa.
Quality of life
The pursuit for better life qualities was considered to be another important social reason for people to migrate. This is especially considered to be important for the younger generations The younger generations are more aware of the social situations in other countries and aim to have a similar lifestyle as the one in those countries. There is a certain assumption that the quality of life is better in foreign countries. The world is getting smaller due to globalisation: people are aware of the social wellbeing in other countries and they therefore are able to compare their own situation with the one of people in other countries. Residents of Chandigarh are aware of the lesser population in foreign countries, which, in their opinion, is a preferred living standard.
There are over 1,2 billion people living in India and people see this large population as the cause for many problems in India. Due to the large population people need to stand out if they want to succeed, since there are more people with the same qualities. Getting jobs is not easy and therefore people accept low paid jobs on lower levels. However, some decide to migrate. The locals mentioned that there is more security in foreign countries. One of the differences between India and foreign countries is the availability of social welfare in foreign countries.
One reason for people to migrate is related to the environment in India. It was not mentioned often, but people did say that they think India is polluted and that other countries are cleaner. The following case is an example of environmental discomfort.
Akashdeep Dharni (25), a social science master student mentioned, who prior to the time she visited her sister in Australia had never considered India to be polluted.
