OPENING THE BLACK BOX: AN ANALYSIS OF THE DECISION-MAKING
PROCESS OF SCHIPHOL’S HOLLAND BOULEVARD
MASTER’S THESIS XANDER STEGE 11363029
URBAN AND REGIONAL PLANNING (MSc) GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE
UNIVERSITY OF AMSTERDAM 21 AUGUST 2017
SUPERVISOR: DR. D.V.H. EVERS SECOND READER: MS. C.W. YANG
ABSTRACT
Airports have developed significantly in the past decades, particularly due to deregulation and liberalization of the aviation industry itself. Nation branding projects have appeared at many transfer terminals. The result is a semi-public space with a mix of travel, consumerism, entertainment, recreational and cultural activities where private actors seem to have a substantial influence in an otherwise very regulated environment. From an urban planning point of view issues of public interest are at stake as long as the decision-making process is not transparent. This in-depth case study gives an exploratory analysis of the dynamics between main actors in the decisionmaking process concerning a nation branding development
-Holland Boulevard - in the departure lounge of Amsterdam Airport Schiphol. The
research focuses on the negotiations between the multitude of actors and the power mechanisms that are at play in this practice. The study discovered that the most opposing objectives and motives in the decision-making process are not between key actors but several departments within the organization of the airport operator. Furthermore, the decision-making process of Holland Boulevard underperforms on
the democratic values of participation and representation since the involvement of the public is indirect and restricted to passenger surveys. The research concludes that the emphasis on Dutch identity at Schiphol - as it is magnified and concentrated at Holland Boulevard - is more typical of the airport operator’s marketing approach
than it is a top-down nation branding strategy of multi-levels of governance.
Key words: nation branding, non-place, social justice, public interest, sense of place decision-making process, stakeholders.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First and foremost, I would like to express my genuine gratitude to my thesis supervisor Dr. David Evers for his expertise, words of direction and motivation during the different stages of the research. His guidance and assistance have been invaluable.
I also wish to thank the various respondents who - despite their busy schedules - agreed to be interviewed and share their stories and experiences. My research would simply not have been possible without their participation.
Finally, I am forever grateful to my sister for her love and support, and my friends for their encouragement and words of advice this past year.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1. Introduction ··· 1
1.1. Problem Statement ··· 1
1.2. Structure of the Study ··· 3
2. Literature Review ··· 4
2.1. Airports as Non-places ··· 4
2.2. Sense of Place at Airports ··· 5
2.3. Branding ··· 8
2.3.1 Nation Branding ··· 8
2.3.2 Nation or Place Branding? ··· 9
2.3.3 Airport Branding ··· 10
2.4. Social Justice – The Just City ··· 11
2.5. Stakeholder Identification / Analysis ··· 13
3. Methodology ··· 14
3.1. Research Question ··· 14
3.2. Research Design ··· 14
3.2.1 Case study selection ··· 15
3.2.2 Data collection Method ··· 16
3.3. Data Analysis ··· 17
3.4. Unit of Analysis ··· 18
4. Results ··· 21
4.1 Background & Context ··· 21
4.2 Schiphol Group ··· 23 4.2.1 Objectives ··· 23 4.2.2 Nation Branding ··· 24 4.2.3 Participation ··· 25 4.3 Commercial parties ··· 27 4.3.1 Objectives ··· 27 4.3.2 Nation Branding ··· 30 4.3.3 Participation ··· 32 4.4 Cultural parties ··· 33 4.4.1 Objectives ··· 33 4.4.2 Nation Branding ··· 35 4.4.3 Participation ··· 36 4.5 Architects / Designers ··· 37 4.5.1 Objectives ··· 37 4.5.2 Nation Branding ··· 39 4.5.3 Participation ··· 41 5. Synthesis ··· 45
5.1. Key Actors and Nation Branding ··· 45
5.2. Public Participation ··· 48
5.4. Key Actor’s Objectives ··· 60
5.5. Schiphol – a Public Space?··· 66
6. Conclusion ··· 69
6.1. Revisiting Research Question ··· 69
6.2. Discussion ··· 73
6.3. Research Limitations ··· 75
References ··· 76
1. Introduction
The days the airport’s function was purely to facilitate a smooth and efficient transportation of arriving and departing passengers are long behind us. At its core certainly remains the functional infrastructure for the traditional, aeronautical activities but as a result of the deregulation and liberalization of the aviation industry since the early 90’s we have seen a shift towards an increased importance of revenue from non-aeronautical services – retail, food&beverage and entertainment (Fuerst, Gross, & Klose, 2011).
The comparison with the urban shopping mall is easily made, not the least because of their generic, universal architecture. And while most of us aim to make our stay at the airport as short as possible when catching a plane, airport authorities increasingly are putting efforts in turning the airport into a destination in its own right. In order to create an overall more appealing airport product, airport operators are acutely aware of the potential of emphasizing the identity and symbolism of the host city/nation’s within the airport terminal. Similarly cities, regions and nations have started to realize that airports can be transformed into spaces with a sense of place
- with opportunities for marketing and place branding (Elliott & Radford, 2015). Through place branding or nation branding practices, new cultural and recreational facilities i.e. a museum, a library are added to the existing mix of commerce, hospitality and entertainment in the terminal. The airport as the face of the nation; a visual business card to greet the international traveler. Question remains, who decides over the content of how the nation and the identity of its citizens is portrayed? Is it solely the mix of public and private actors directly involved - each with their own objectives and responsibilities? And how does the airport operator deal with issues of public interest in the nation branding process when their motive is to optimize profits of these non-aeronautical activities? Not surprisingly, the process of nation branding is often referred to as deeply anti-democratic with low levels of public participation (Jansen, 2008, p.121). These issues will be addressed and reflected on in this qualitative research.
1.1 Problem statement
One could argue that through the process of nation branding airport authorities turn the airport from a non-place, as it is traditionally often referred too, into a place. Apart from the fact whether it is done tastefully and effectively, there are certain issues at hand that arise. Not the least since nation branding is a public issue. It’s about the promotion of the nation; how it is portrayed, including its citizens, to the rest of the world. A certain image of a nation is constructed but who is making the decisions? Who gives the orders to shape the reputation of the citizen? Does it come
from the airport operator or is nation branding imposed on the airport? Does the public have a say in it? How strong is the role of private actors on one hand and how are public interests taken on-board in the decision making process on the other hand? Since the process is non-transparent, one doesn’t know how these are taken care of. If at all.
In this thesis I’m presenting Amsterdam Airport Schiphol1, a mostly state-owned
airport2, yet it is run like a modern private company. At Schiphol we see a clear
example of place branding / nation branding where a section of the departure terminal (airside) in the transit area was designed for this purpose in 2010. At this so-called Holland Boulevard3 we see how nation branding simultaneously is applied as
a tool for marketing and promotion as well as commercial reasons.
Since the level of public participation in this development appears questionably low, I intend to look critically at the power relations between the key actors in this practice and aim to provide some clarity in this privatized, non-transparent decision-making process. How do the ideas of the actors on nation branding compare to one another? What are the objectives, goals and positions of the key actors? The outcome of the decision-making process concerning nation branding is evidently visible in the departure lounge at Schiphol but the process itself is a ‘black box’. Getting clarity on this process and the dynamics between the actors will not only reveal whether they regard Schiphol as an important space to promote Holland to the international traveller but also expose the democratic level of participation (social justice) in this nation branding practice. The social relevance of this research lies exactly here. Although there has been numerous scientific research done about the tensions between parties in public-private partnerships where the position of the public was at stake, this research is however different since the focus is on this niche airport development. Getting insights in the decision-making process and the transformation of a non-place into a place will hopefully be of scientific relevance and contribute to the literature building process.
1 In this thesis Amsterdam Airport Schiphol is abbreviated to ‘Schiphol’.
2 Schiphol Group had until 2007 been fully in public hands. The state of the Netherlands, the City of Amsterdam
and the City of Rotterdam owned together 100%. On 1st December 2008 an agreement was signed with Aeroports
de Paris whereby 8% of shares were transferred to the new owner. Schiphol Group acquired 8% of the shares in Aeroports de Paris in return.
3 From its inception in 2010 till major reconstruction works in 2015 the Holland Boulevard comprised a miniature
exhibition of the Rijksmuseum (National Museum), the Airport Library, Dutch Kitchen& Bar, The Bols Genever experience, Holland Casino, a Dutch flower stand and other airport retailers. Furthermore, throughout the area there were ‘Dutch living rooms’ or seating/ waiting areas with furniture by prominent Dutch designers (Marcel Wanders and Studio Linse), a large Delftware themed artwork by Hugo Kaagman and other references to traditional Delfts Blue pottery. After the recent reconstruction works, which saw a total rearrangement of the area, most elements remained, albeit in a new form and others were added, i.e. a miniature exhibition of NEMO Science Museum.
While Schiphol-Group proudly presents Dutch culture and merchandise to the world traveller in the form of Holland Boulevard, I intend with my research to open
the “black box” of decision-making at Schiphol for a better understanding of the nation branding processes and its consequences.
1.2 Structure of the Study
This thesis will examine the decision-making process of an apparent nation branding project at Schiphol. First, the key concepts will be discussed in a literature review in chapter 2. In the next section, chapter 3, the main research question, sub-questions, research design, case study selection, data collection method and data analysis will be presented. Next, the thesis will show the case of Schiphol in detail in the study results in chapter 4. In the synthesis, chapter 5, theory will be reintroduced for a comparative analysis. Finally, in chapter 6 the research question will be readdressed followed by a discussion and reflection on the methodology.
2. Literature Review
2.1 AIRPORTS AS NON-PLACES
Contributions to the academic literature on the distinction between ‘places’ and ‘non-places’ can be found in the works of i.e. the American urbanist Melvin Webber, who published several papers on the subject in the 1960’s and also by the French historian Michel de Certeau in - Practice of the Everyday Life – Vol. 1 (1974).
And while the concept of non-place was also analyzed by Levebre, Foucault and Bauman, it was especially through the work of anthropologist Marc Augé that the concept of ‘non-places’ – as transitional places - attracted wider attention.
In his book ‘Non-Places: Introduction to an Anthropology of Supermodernity’ (1992),
anthropologist Marc Augé, sets out how the concepts of places and non-places differ. According to Augé non-places are symbolically empty as opposed to what he
calls ‘anthropological places’ which are charged with emotion and memory. He describes the non-place as “a space which cannot be defined as relational, or historical, or concerned with identity” (Augé, 1995, p.77).
The space of a non-place doesn’t create relations; on the contrary, it is devoid of local
identity and might have been erected anywhere in the modern world. Augé mentions: “Spaces of non-places create neither singular identity nor relations; only
solitude and similitude” (ibid, p.103).
Gebauer et al. (2015) state how Auge�’s non-places are mostly “transitional places
facilitating the accessibility to all the places and social functions, which in the traditional organization of the city are situated close to each other. In the modern and super-modern society, these functions are increasingly fragmented in space and time, and, in this perspective, many of Auge�’s non-places might be regarded as kind
of fill-ins between places” (Gebauer et al., 2015, p.10 ).
Auge�’s non-places can be categorized as places of a) traffic circulation, b)
consumerism and c) communication (Augé, 1995, p.79). Non-places include
motorways, airports, railway stations, shopping malls, fast food restaurants and international hotel chains - often identical elsewhere in the world. Unlike conventional anthropological places, non-places separate people from their identity,
creating mass-groups such as commuters, passengers, shoppers and consumers. Auge�’s non-places lack references to earlier instances and as such are places with an
increased level of anonymity. The airport as a no man’s land of passengers as total strangers? Whether one has mainly negative association with the airport as a place
or also positive ones, it is not surprisingly regarded as “the epitome of non-places” (Kavaratzis, Warnaby, & Ashworth, 2015, p.102).
Or as Cresswell (2006) would describe them as “sites where particular histories and traditions are not (allegedly) relevant—unrooted places marked by mobility and travel. The non-place is essentially the space of travelers” (Cresswell, 2006, p.44). He would also label the airport as ‘machines for mobility’ referring to the heavy emphasis at airports on structure and process rather than on identity and location (ibid, p.247). Airports are places of transition; by design one is encouraged to move through them, not to linger endlessly. Any serious hold-up or congestion jeopardizes a smooth operation. For that same reason clear airport signage is added to the architecture of the terminal building to increase uniformity of the place (ibid, p.244). It is evident in the architecture of airports with its priority on mobility and functionality how any person is subjected to a meticulous process of screening to be transformed into the standard unit of air traveler. Creswell refers to the security arrangements at airports when he writes “there are few sites on earth where the individual motions of human bodies are so consistently monitored and micromanaged” (Cresswell, 2006, p.237).
What characterizes non-places profoundly, as hinted on earlier, is their “sameness or
homogeneity” and as such non-places are typical products of expanding forces of
globalization (Gebauer et al., 2015, p.141). While a more global world is often referred to as a more connected world - one in which airports are important nodes - it seems that Augé above all is rather negative. Fearful for “the erosion of local places and a standardization of space” in general (ibid, p.8).
2.2 SENSE OF PLACE AT AIRPORTS
In the previous section the theory of non-place has been employed to explain certain
characteristics of the airport, especially the conventional, generic and identical type of airport terminal we all seem so familiar with around the world. More recent developments at airports actually seem to go in the opposite direction in a quest to instill an identity on the airport. The theory of sense of place is a good focus point in
order to examine this development. Not surprisingly then sense of place is generally
regarded as a countermovement to non-place (Halbertsma, Van Stipriaan, & Van
Ulzen, 2011, p.99).
The origin of the concept of sense of place can be traced back to classical methodology
and it is regarded as a dubious translation of the Latin term genius loci. In those days
it didn’t refer so much “to the place itself as the guardian divinity of the place” (Jackson, 1994, p.157). In other words, a protective spirit or ‘spirit of place’ as often
of two centuries. Worth mentioning is how Norwegian architect and theorist Norberg-Schulz (1980) focussed with genius loci mainly on the topographic,
cosmological and natural conditions of a place.
Due to its interdisciplinary nature, there is a lack of a universal definition of sense of place. However, the phenomenon is widely used by urban planners and geographers
in studying a) the interpretive perspective on places; and (b) the emotional attachment to place (Ng, 2013, p.76). In this study I’ll apply the latter.
While the concept of sense of place had previously been studied among others by
Heidegger and Foucault, it is Yi-Fu Tuan who is generally credited for reviving the interest in the topic with the publication of his book ‘Topophilia’ in 1974. He defined the term sense of place quite loosely as to include “all emotional connections between
physical environment and human beings" (Tuan, 1974, p.2). In an article published a year later, Tuan states how sense of place is constructed by a set of experiences in a
place; through our senses and developed over time (Tuan, 1975)
Numerous authors in various disciplines expanded on the phenomenon of sense of place and how people become attached to places. The literature demonstrates
strongly related concepts such as ‘place identity’ (Proshansky, Fabian, & Kaminoff, 1983) and ‘place attachment’ (Altman & Low, 1992). While each concept has a different emphasis, they are often used interchangeably.
Brown, Altman & Werner (2012) summarize the concept of sense of place by stating
how it "involves place meanings, attachment, and satisfaction that derive from social construction as well as place properties” (Brown, Altman, & Werner, 2012, p.183). In the absence of one absolute definition of sense of place – due to its multi-disciplinary
nature, one might consider the concept to embody people’s attachment and
relationships to places obtained in social practice in combination with the spatial and physical settings.
For the purpose of this study we’ll take a closer look now how the concept of sense of place has been applied to the airport and specifically the airport terminal. Departing
from the understanding that the airport of the 20th century as a non-place is highly
functional, but void of a clear identity, airport operators, architects and designers have increasingly been making efforts to instill a certain uniqueness to the airport terminal. In doing so they attempt to create more sense of place in the terminal building.
Kassarda & Appold (2011) distinguish a three strategies in this process. The first strategy is to rename the airport. For example, ‘Liverpool airport’ was changed to ‘Liverpool John Lennon airport’ in 2001. The idea is that a new name “creates ties to people and history and thus identity” (Kasarda & Appold, 2011, p.14).
The second strategy implies the introduction of restaurants and shops to the airport terminal which serve/sell local food, beverages and products of
national/regional carft. In offering the local cuisine and local products the passenger can make a connection to the airport’s region which he/she is normally devoid of at chain / fast-food restaurants within the terminal (ibid).
The third strategy to enhance sense of place is through public art programs,
especially art from the airport’s region or nation. An example of such a cultural experience is a gallery of master paintings of the Rijksmuseum at Schiphol airport (and part of this research subject). These strategies combined increase “the identity and uniqueness to counter airport mass uniformity” (ibid. p.16).
While Kassarda & Appold (2011) place the terminal design within the third and last category, it wouldn’t be unthinkable to have a separate category for the architecture and interior design of the airport terminal. Even though it is exceptional to see that the overall architecture of the terminal portrays a sense of place, it is not
exactly what you would call a public art program. An example of sense of place through
the architecture of the terminal building is Denver airport where the tent-like roof design symbolizes the original inhabitants’ architecture - the tepees of the Native Americans.
What is evident from the above-mentioned strategies is that sense of place as a
phenomenon has a sensory element to it. The elements of sense of place one can
encounter at the airport are part of the overall airport experience the airport operators are trying to improve. A more sensory experience fits in this idea of the airport with an increased identity and symbolism (Kasarda & Appold, 2011).
Elliot & Radford (2015) who describe sense of place as “a more culturally sensitive
and authentic experience tied to the location” (p.1072), argue that the reasoning for delivering the total sensory experience to airline passengers is twofold. First, to provide good “customer service and second to accomplish a positive memory of the specific airport to those who pass through” (Elliott & Radford, 2015, p.1074). The positive experience and the memory of it will make it more likely for those passengers to return again and also to encourage people in their social network to travel through the same airport (ibid).
To provide the modern traveler with a wide variety of options and atmospheres to choose from while waiting for their flight to depart will make them want to dwell for longer in the departure lounge and ultimately result in an increased spending in airport retail sales, food & beverage and various forms of leisure and entertainment (ibid, p.1075). In a market in which airports are competing for the passengers to come through their terminal, airport operators utilize sense of place strategies to offer
the passenger an improved, positive experience to reinforce their market position and consequently secure airport profits of their non-aeronautical activities now and in the future. What sets sense of place strategies apart from the conventional facilities
and services available at the modern airport is the fact that they have a clear link to local heritage and the geographical location of the airport.
The discussion whether the concept of sense of place is applied as a branding and
next section on nation branding.
2.3 BRANDING
2.3.1 NATION BRANDING
The application of branding techniques to nations is a relatively new phenomenon and the concept of nation branding is generally accredited to brand consultant Simon Anholt who started applying it in the late 1990’s, although related concepts of destination branding and place branding had been used for some time already (Jansen, 2008). According to Bolin & Stahlberg (2010), nation branding can be defined as ”the phenomenon by which governments engage in self-conscious activities aimed at producing a certain image of the nation state” (Bolin & Stahlberg, 2010, p.82). As such nation branding strategies tend to adopt a top-down approach. The term nation branding was rapidly associated with the market dynamics, which
shows when Wally Olins (2002), who is considered the second founding father of nation branding, asserted that even though nations are more complex than products, the techniques to brand a company and a nation are similar. As a consequence of globalization, nations increasingly compete against each other on the world stage and therefore tend to apply their country branding for the following three main purposes: “a) in order to stimulate inward investment, b) attract tourists, and c) boost exports” for their own national product” (Dinnie, 2008, p.17).
“Much of nation branding strategy constitutes an effort to embrace both the past heritage and present living culture, so that outdated images do not obscure consumer perceptions from what may be vibrant modern societies” (Griffin, cited in Dinnie 2008; p.138). Thus, while in nation branding processes the history and heritage of the host country are frequently at the core of the concept, more recent or present time associations can equally play a dominant role.
In that respect, nation branding relies heavily on the use of national stereotypes and some argue that “instead of fighting stereotypes nation branding reproduces and enhances them” (Widler, 2007, p.148). So how do nation branders make sure that they are not blinded by stereotypes themselves? Nation branding is supposed “…to do whatever is possible to ensure that the country’s reputation is a fair, balanced and useful reflection of its real assets, competencies and offerings, and not merely an outdated or unjustly biased cliché, informed by long-past events or ignorant assumptions (Anhold, 2005, p.119).
The fact that in a large part of the literature on nation branding, nations are regarded as commercial goods, which can be subjected to branding and marketing, does raise important questions about power, decision-making and issues of representation. Who decides over who? (Jordan, 2014b). “If the nation can be understood as a public
space, then using marketing techniques from the private sphere, such as branding, to promote a particular image of the nation is a provocative undertaking” (Jordan, 2014a, p.285). Freestone & Baker also refer to this ambiguous aspect of place branding / nation branding in relation to public space: “Airports, along with shopping malls and
museums are one of the definitive ‘public’ spaces of the contemporary city and have become design, economic growth, and city branding hotspots, albeit not without considerable controversy” (Freestone & Baker, 2011, p.263).
Dinnie (2008) takes a similar critical stance towards this aspect of nation branding. He argues that “when applying the concept of a brand to nations rather than to mere products, there is an ethical obligation to do so in an honest, respectful manner and to acknowledge the limits of how appropriate it is to treat nations as brands” (Dinnie, 2008, p.15). He then continues: “A nation brand should derive from the culture of the country, rather than merely taking the form of a superficial advertising logo or campaign. Nations do not belong to brand managers or corporations. Indeed, if they ‘belong’ to anyone, it is to the nation’s entire citizenry” (ibid).
Frequently, residents and the local community are left out of the branding process. To make a judgement on whether citizens’ participation is appropriate and required, it is according to Widler (2007), essential to determine the scope of nation branding. “Nation branding could very well be a mere technique that facilitates and to some extend professionalises what is so far called country promotion. But if nation branding is meant to be a strategy on national level – as promoted by experts – if it is meant to be a point of reference for everyone inside and outside the nation, a magnet-like vision built on aspirations and intensions, then there is no way around citizens’ participation in the branding process”(Widler, 2007, p.148).
The fact that nation branding projects are often largely funded with public money (Jansen, 2008) adds an extra dimension to this discussion. In order to have an informed opinion on this issue, I first needed to disclose the situation on the funding of Holland Boulevard in this study. Please see chapter 2.3.1 for the result.
2.3.2 NATION BRANDING OR PLACE BRANDING?
Nation branding is a diffuse concept and as briefly mentioned in the previous chapter there has been a discussion in academic literature about the use of the term nation branding compared to the related concepts of place-branding and destination branding. While all are used to refer to the same concept there seems to be an understanding now that place branding is the umbrella concept which as such represents a number of sub groups. For a chronological representation – see Fig. 1. Not only nation branding, but also region, city, destination and even retail center branding can therefore be considered as different geographical entities of place branding (Kavaratzis et al., 2015).
Fig. 1 The development of place branding - a timeline (source: Hankinson, in Rethinking Place Branding, 2015, p.20).
At the start of the research I was debating, when referring to Holland Boulevard, whether to apply the more general umbrella term place branding or the more specific term nation branding throughout this study. At that time, it wasn’t clear to me yet which parties were involved nor the level of governance – local, regional, national or none? Getting clarity on that matter was going to be part of the research process. Solely for the reason of Schiphol being a national airport, a gateway to the world with large national interests at play, I decided to refer – at least at the start of the study - to Holland Boulevard, and the practice of branding taking place here, as one of nation branding.
The indicator fetched by Bolin & Stahlberg (2010) in their definition of nation branding where they mention the involvement of the government, was an element I aimed to investigate in this study. In chapter 5.1 I will elaborate on my findings.
2.3.3 AIRPORT BRANDING
The commercialization of the airport industry worldwide in the 1970s and 1980s and the wave of airport privatization in the 1990s have led to a more market-oriented airport industry. Many airport operators started to developed airport brands to set themselves apart from competing airports (Castro & Lohmann, 2014).
According to Paternoster (2008), airports that are regarded as the best in world4
generally have a strong brand identity. Offering excellent customer service is pivotal and should be maintained at all times but on top of that the airport’s management needs to have a vision in which it wants to differentiate itself from other airports (Paternoster, 2008). She then continues by writing: “All airports are in the same
business, but some see themselves as comparable with a public utility which they believe defies branding. This is why customers at these airports often find it difficult to discern the city in which their destination airport is located as these airports look like any other” (ibid, p.121). What sets the top airports in the world apart from the rest is the fact that these airports offer unique customer experiences not found elsewhere. As such airport operators aim to satisfy the needs and expectations of the customer and as a result cultivate a strong airport brand which they come to be associated with by the passengers (ibid).
Paternoster’s comment about the airport being “a public utility which they (=some airport authorities) believe defies branding” is in itself rather interesting, and hints on the wider discussion in this study of what kind of a place the airport is and how one choses to manage it.
2.4 SOCIAL JUSTICE - THE JUST CITY
The term the ‘Just City’ refers to a body of work that develops a modern theory of urban justice but it’s origin is in the (Social) Justice Theory which dates back to ancient
Greece (Plato). Among the many great thinkers who have since then contributed to it is John Rawl, a contemporary political philosopher who is considered a leading figure for the justice theory in the second part of the 20th century. In his book A Theory of Justice (1971), Rawl provides a theory of social distribution. In the realm of
urban planning it is Susan Fainstein who, influenced by Rawl among others, further develops the social justice theory in her book The Just City (2010) and applies it to
the modern cities of the 21st century. Scholar of urban planning, Fainstein has
dedicated much of her work since the mid-1990’s to answer the question - What makes a city a ‘just city’? She distinguishes in her book three hallmarks of social justice: democracy, diversity, and equity (Fainstein, 2010). For my research on participation of the public in the decision making the component of democracy is the most applicable one, and even though the emphasis in the book is on equity, The Just City is a well-respected study and exploration on the concept of Social Justice
also beyond the notion of equity/material equality.
In The Just City (2010), Fainstein analyzes the concept of social justice in planning
and she states that the practice too frequently is oriented around one single remedy for all issues, “a more open, more democratic process” (Fainstein, 2010, p.24). She argues that this inclination of seeking justice mainly through public involvement (as the democratic process) is inadequate, as it “over idealizes open communication and neglects the substance of debate” (ibid, p.23).
Fainstein critiques the process of urban planning in part by doing an analysis of the communicative / collaborative model. She states the following:
“My criticism of the proceduralist emphasis in planning theory is not directed at its extension of democracy beyond electoral participation but rather at a faith in the efficacy of open communication that ignores the reality of structural inequality and hierarchies of power” (ibid, p.30).
According to Bontje (2011), Fainstein criticizes in The Just City the communicative
/ collaborative model for overemphasizing the possibilities of participatory democracy while diminishing its limitations. Bontje argues that Fainstein is quite pragmatic in the sense that she is “not dismissing capitalism as an inherently unjust political-economic system. Her ‘just city’, instead, would be realized within that capitalist system, which she believes can become much more just than it is now” (Bontje, 2011, p.595).
When Fainstein writes: “The ideal that everyone’s opinion should be respectfully heard and that no particular group should be privileged in an interchange is an important normative argument but not a sufficient one.” – she implies that the communicative planning theory doesn’t deal properly with the ‘tougher issues’ of democracy simply by “passing over them in its reliance on goodwill” (S. Fainstein, 2005, p.125).
In short, Fainstein ideas on “policies supporting democracy include a) the use of advocates to represent groups that do not participate directly in decision-making, b) consultation of target populations in areas to be redeveloped, and c) broad consultation for areas that are not yet developed but are under development pressure” (Fainstein, 2014, p.12). Moreover, Fainstein also pleads that in order to come to “a more redistributional and just outcome” of the decision-making process there should be a strong role of disadvantaged groups in policy decisions (ibid, p.8). She does stress though that “if the aim is justice, the purpose of inclusion in decision-making is to have interests fairly represented, not to value participation in and of itself. This further value may well underlie a vision of the good city, but it is not necessary for my definition of the just city” (ibid, p.12).
Steil & Connoly (2017) mention how the ’Just City’ taps into a “longstanding tension in urban theory between an emphasis on justice as process, rooted in communicative rationality, and an emphasis on justice as outcome, rooted in an analysis of political economy” (Steil & Connolly, 2017, p.1) where the latter implies that in order for there to be true democratic participation there needs to be a more material equality first(Steil & Connolly, 2017, p.2).
The last paragraph illustrates a certain issue I came across while studying the academic literature on Fainstein’s ‘Just City’ which is that while her ideas on participation and representation seem applicable to my study, it needs to be said that Fainstein’s particular concern was with planning decisions made at the city level. My focus is however obviously on the airports governance level and in chapter 5, Synthese, I’ll reflect on this issue in more detail.
2.5 STAKEHOLDER IDENTIFICATION / ANALYSIS
The stakeholder theory is often used in fields such as management and corporate governance and deals with determining which stakeholders are involved in corporate businesses and organizations in general. Who is a stakeholder? In his influential book
Strategic Management: A Stakeholder Approach, Freeman first proposed the theory and
defined a stakeholder as “any group or individual who can affect or is affected by the achievement of the organization’s objectives” (Freeman, 1984, p.46)
In this study a stakeholder analysis will consist of two phases. First, at the start of the research a stakeholder identification will take place. For this purpose, the stakeholder model by Donaldson & Preston (1995) will be applied – see the diagram below - Fig.2. Please note their model is based on a firm whereas the object of my study is the modern airport. Fig. 2 Stakeholder Model - by Donaldson & Preston (1995) Therefore, in chapter 4 Results, I will present my adaptation of their model to the airport operator as central party.
Later in the research another tool will
be applied for the second part of the analysis concerning to determine the potential influence of the stakeholder. For this purpose the Mendelow Matrix introduced – see Fig. 3. The Mendelow’s Power/Interest Grid (Mendelow, 1991) looks at two dimensions – the level of interest the group has in the organization, and the level of power or influence they have to affect the organization.
3. Methodology
3.1 Research Question
With the purpose to examine the decision-making process of nation branding at Schiphol, the main research question that is guiding this study is:
How did the objectives of different categories of actors affect the process of
nation branding at Schiphol?
The research will be focused on the negotiations between the multitude of actors and the power mechanisms that have been at play since the inception of the Holland Boulevard in 2010.
My aim is to obtain an in-depth understanding of how the concept of nation branding was approached, decided on and executed by the airport operator - Schiphol Group - in relation to key actors.
In order to answer the above main research question the following sub-research questions will be investigated:
1. Who are the main actors and who are the stakeholders in this practice? To what extent is the public (passengers / members of the Dutch society) involved as stakeholder or actor?
2. Which elements comprise nation branding at Schiphol?
3. What are the objectives, goals and positions of the key actors?
4. What are the most important factors in the decision-making process concerning nation branding at Schiphol?
3.2 Research Design
In order to answer the research question in the best possible way a qualitative research design has been chosen. This type of research is often used when dealing with complex situations where existing knowledge is not sufficient (Bryman, 2008). Since the research question is attempting to generate exploratory knowledge, a qualitative approach was felt to be the best method by which to uncover the decision-making process involving different types of stakeholders with various agendas. As such the research approach has an inductive character allowing the researcher to contribute in the theory building process.
The independent variable is nation branding while the development and design of
3.2.1 Case Study Selection
This research is an empirical single case study and therefore entails a detailed and an in-depth analysis of one case. As a research design, the single case study is defined as “an empirical enquiry that investigates a contemporary phenomenon in depth and within its real-life context, especially when the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident” (Yin, 2009, p.18). According to Bhattacherje a case research can help “derive richer, more contextualized, and more authentic interpretation of the phenomenon of interest than most other research methods by virtue of its ability to capture a rich array of contextual data” (Bhattacherjee, 2012, p.93).
Moreover, the purpose of my research is to be explorative and case studies are a suitable methodology for such research; it being “the preferred method for when ‘how’ and ‘why’ questions are being posed and the investigator has little control over the events” (Yin, 2009, p.2). The exploratory type of research is used to study those situations “in which the intervention being evaluated has no clear, single set of outcomes” (ibid, p.20).
After noticing the interesting phenomenon of nation branding, a case selection was made for this in-depth study. While nation branding or place branding can be seen at a large number of airports in Europe and the rest of the world, it has a specific strong presence at Schiphol, especially at the airport’s Holland Boulevard, which made
the choice for this specific case a more obvious one. Pragmatic reasons and the proximity of Schiphol airport surely played a role in the selection of the research topic as well as the case itself.
In the early stages of my research I did consider a multiple case study as a possibility to study how the Amsterdam case would compare to nation branding at other (competing) airports. To report on the similarities and differences between multiple cases would undoubtedly have been an interesting exercise. However, the fact that due to constraints in time and also constrains in proximity to airports in other countries such a comparative research would have been considerably less in-depth, made me decide for a single case research.
The benefit of focusing entirely on the single case allowed me to study the Schiphol case more closely with considerable more attention for the group dynamics. This way I was able to schedule interviews with a large group of stakeholders (12 in total) which enriched the research data and produced more in-depth knowledge than I would have been able to do in a multiple case study in the same time span with the same means.
When it comes to the selection of interviewees from the companies and organizations involved in the nation/place branding practice, all efforts were made to make the selection as inclusive as possible. First an inventory was made of all the
actors who were either operating from - or had otherwise been actively involved in the inception of - the Holland Boulevard at Schiphol. This process is also defined as
‘purposive sampling’ (Bryman, 2012, p.422). Respondents were selected based on the information they potentially could provide in order to contribute to answering the main research question or various sub-questions. Some stakeholders I expected to have played an active role turned out to have had a marginal part in the decision-making process, or not at all. After having established a list of confirmed actors I then proceeded in contacting them. Getting access to the most important actor, Schiphol Group, seemed difficult for a long time. Fortunately, one of my respondents was willing to provide me with a few of his contacts within the Schiphol Group. This so-called ‘snowball sampling’ approach proved rather valuable (ibid, p.425). The critique on snowball sampling focusses on it not necessarily being representative of the population, however “concerns about external validity and the ability to generalize do not loom as large within a qualitative research strategy as they do in a quantitative research one” (ibid, p.203).
3.2.2 Data Collection Method
First and foremost, literature review has been conducted to come to a more thorough understanding of the main theoretical perspectives and concepts in this thesis – non-place, sense of place, place/nation branding, and social justice/just city.
Subsequently, the next step was to determine the methods of generating data in order to answer the research question. A mixture of secondary and primary data was consulted in addressing the research sub questions.
The answer to sub question number 2 was obtained mostly through secondary research i.e. annual reports and online documents, while the answers to sub questions number 1, 3 and 4 came from a combination of primary research - data distilled from the interviews – and secondary research. With the answers of these questions, the thesis can identify how the objectives of different categories of actors affect the process of nation branding.
Interviews as a means of primary data collection are considered most suitable for revealing individual opinions, meanings or experiences of the respondent. Furthermore, as a method it is useful when the interviewee has to feel appreciated in order to give the right information (Hay, 2000).
In order to analyse a complex process thoroughly one needs to include the perspectives of a large number of parties involved. For this reason a total of 12 interviews have been conducted with a multitude of actors. The interviews were carried out between April and June 2017 and lasted between 45 and 100 minutes. For a complete list of all the interviewees see Appendix 1.
Prior to the interviews, issues of anonymity and confidentially were discussed with each participant. The researcher’s suggestion to not disclose any personal names but to allow company names and job titles to be used, was met with consent by all participants. Furthermore, all interviewees gave permission for the interview to be recorded.
The interviews were semi-structured thus in preparation for the interviews a list of general questions (re: their involvement, perspective on nation branding, public participation, etc.) were formulated while keeping sufficient space for a more spontaneous conversation with the respondent. As a result, one obtains more detailed and contextual in-depth information, especially when compared to the more rigid style of a questionnaire (Bryman, 2012). Furthermore, semi-structured interviews allow the researcher to combine subjects, change the sequence of the questions and also ask follow-up questions when issues are raised the interviewer deems of further interest (ibid).
In order to gain insightful results from the interviews with the diverse group of interviewees I learned early on that the list of general questions needed tweaking with every interview. The majority of my respondents were in senior or higher managerial positions which was about the only trait they had in common and with the exception of two interviews held with respondent of Schiphol Group, the other interviewees were all representing different companies or organisations. Although I was extremely pleased with this diversity of respondents willing to participate, it didn’t allow me to develop a certain template of interview questions since each respondent required a certain level of tailor-made questions. It therefore became standard practice that in preparation for an interview I would adjust the list of questions specifically to the respondent I was going to meet next. This style of modifying the interview questions did allow me to be more precise and most importantly, when a respondent would provide me with new information I could then also incorporate it in the next interview and ultimately come to an enriched data collection.
On top of the literature review and in-depth interviews, a third method was applied as well - content analysis of annual reports of a number of key actors. Schiphol Group and the three cultural organizations included in this study publish annual reports, which were studies for statements on their objectives. The content analysis of the annual reports was put next the findings of the other methods.
3.3 Data Analysis
The interviews were first transcribed after which ‘thematic coding’ was applied. The coding process was done by labelling parts of the transcription. The interview
content was structured in common threads and themes related to one of the key concepts of the research questions. Repetitions within the data often indicated a theme or sub-theme. The coding process was only started after all interviews had been conducted and transcribed completely. To further ensure a consistency of coding, all interviews were coded within a week’s time. It was decided on not to use one of the software programs (i.e CAQDAS) to analyze the interviews since the number of interviews was still relatively small and the use of the software would not necessarily increase the quality of the research.
The following classification was drafted in order to operationalize the analysis of the primary and secondary data of this study.
Concept Theory Indicator Sources
Place Branding • Sense of Place
• Nation Branding Theory
1. Name / Rename 2. Food / Commerce 3. Culture 4. Architecture / Design 1. Governmental bodies • Interviews • Online sources
Social Justice Just City - Fainstein 1. Participation
2. Representation • Interviews • Annual Report Schiphol Group • Online sources Stakeholder’s
Objectives Stakeholder Power/Interest Matrix 1. Financial Gain* 2. Publicity* 3. Agreement* 4. Loyalty* • Interviews • Annual Report Probiblio • Annual Report Rijksmuseum • Annual Report Schiphol Group • Annual Report Nemo Science museum • Online sources *Note: no. 4,5,6 and 7 are
non-literature based
3.4 Unit of analysis
In this research I will make a differentiation between main actors involved in the decision-making process concerning the Holland Boulevard and stakeholders. They are
not necessarily the same; the defining difference is that actors are actively involved in the decision making process while stakeholders are affected by it but don’t have a role in the process itself. For example, the passengers at Schiphol are stakeholders since Holland Boulevard was designed for the purpose of their visit but when it
decision-making process of it, then I won’t classify the passengers as actors. Similarly, for the Dutch population at large, if there has been some sort of participation in the decision-making process i.e. in the form of focus groups then they can be identified as an actor but otherwise they are solely stakeholder.
Classification of Actors – a Conceptual Framework
Fig.4 Conceptual framework
(source: made by author)
After differentiating actors from stakeholders first, I then continued and made subdivisions of main actors based on the nature of their activity or business at the
Holland Boulevard. The categories are a) the airport operator – Schiphol Group, b)
commercial parties, c) cultural parties and d) architects / designers. In chapter 4 these categories will be further specified.
In the conceptual framework, Fig. 4, the various lines represent the relationships between the actors. Even though so far I have been able to establish who the main actors of the Holland Boulevard are, I’m at this point not aware yet of the nature of
their relationships with the airport operator, Schiphol Group, hence the question marks next to the lines. Furthermore, the dashed lines between the main actors represent the power relations between them. At the end of the study I wish to reflect on these and point out whether there was a neutral relationship or one of synergy or competition.
During the in-depth interviews with the various main actors I expect to get informed on these relationships which should allow me to gradually draw up a more detailed picture. Please see 5.3 - Power Relationships - for the result.
4. Results
4.1 BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT HOLLAND BOULEVARD / SCHIPHOL
Schiphol has over the years been holding onto a single-terminal concept, which means that even though the airport is comprised of multiple buildings and piers they are all internally connected. The part of the terminal where the Holland Boulevard is
located dates back to 1967 and was despite its assuming name for many decades merely a connecting corridor between terminal building 2 and terminal building 3. In 1995 a branch of state-licensed Holland Casino opened its doors at the Holland Boulevard but it wasn’t until 2002 when the national Rijksmuseum established an
annex next to the casino that the Holland Boulevard became more significant.
(Rijksmuseum Schiphol being the first airport museum in the world). In 2010
Schiphol Group decided to intensify its terminal activities at the Holland Boulevard
and to provide passengers with a variety of shops, services and relax areas in this air-side transit area of the airport. Its location between the Schengen and non-Schengen area of the airport makes it an attractive area for transit passengers to wait for their connecting flight.
Between 2010 and 2015 the area comprised, besides the casino and Rijksmuseum Schiphol as mentioned above, an Airport Library (also a world’s first), the Dutch Kitchen&Bar (offering typical Dutch food), The Bols Genever Experience (where travelers could customize their own Fig. 5 Map Schiphol airport with location of Holland Boulevard / source: www.schiphol.nl
genever-based cocktail), a Dutch flower stand and some other airport vendors. Furthermore, throughout the area there were ‘Dutch living rooms’ or seating/ waiting areas with furniture by prominent Dutch designers (Marcel Wanders and Studio Linse), a large Delftware themed artwork by Hugo Kaagman and other references to traditional Delfts Blue pottery. After recent reconstruction works to the terminal (between 2015-2017) a miniature exhibition of NEMO Science Museum was added to the area as well as well as some general art / installation pieces. Furthermore, Holland Casino ceased its operation in 2017, and The Bols Genever Experience had previously closed in 2015. While a few new general /
non-themed airport shops (Swatch Watches and Rituals Cosmetics) have also been allowed to the Holland Boulevard, the overall emphasis remains on Dutch products
and services. Moreover, the main attraction of the Holland Boulevard, Rijksmuseum
Schiphol, was completely redesigned and moved to the new extension of the Holland Boulevard. Last but not least, a new KLM transfer desk was also incorporated in the
latest lay-out of the area.
Schiphol Group Ownership and Business Areas
Schiphol Group is mostly publicly-owned (92%) yet run like a modern private enterprise. It’s core business is aviation but none-aviation activities generated 42% of revenue in 2016 (Schiphol Group Annual Report, 2016, p.66). Three out of four business areas of Schiphol Group are non-aviation based: a) Commercial Services&Media, b) Real Estate and c) Alliances Participations. Please see Appendix 2 for
more details on revenue and profit results for Schiphol Group’s non-aviation activities.
Important:
The structure of the rest of this chapter and therefore the analysis of the interviews, is presented here in four categories of key actors involved in Holland Boulevard :
a. Schiphol Group
department of Commercial Services & Media
department of Passenger Services b. Commercial Parties: 1. HMS Host 2. Aviflora c. Cultural Parties 1. Rijksmuseum
2. Probibio (Airport Library) 3. NEMO Science Museum d. Architects / Designers:
1. NACO
2. Next Architects 3. MV Architects
4. Creneau International
Furthermore, in order to later answer the research questions, the results of the analysis have been divided in three main categories or concepts :
1. Actor’s Objectives 2. Nation Branding 3. Public Participation
4.2 SCHIPHOL GROUP
4.2.1 Objectives (Schiphol Group)
At the start of a new project, a program of requirements gets drawn up with multiple departments within Schiphol Group while a project manager gets appointed to monitor and check the process. When the architect/designer submits a new design it gets compared to the program of requirements. In general, there are several rounds during the review period whereby all stakeholders review the design before the final approval.
The architects Schiphol Group hires for their terminal projects are definitely given substantial creative freedom, however designing anything for Schiphol Group
implies multiple restrictions. First there is a clear briefing in which a framework is set out with well-defined core values (*these were not further specified by my respondent). Furthermore, Schiphol Group as the initiator of the concept, in general pre-develops the idea before the architects get their hands on it. Then there are strict fire and safety regulations and other restrictions when it comes to the flow of passengers.
Differences in goals and objectives are plentiful between the multiple departments within Schiphol Group. Especially on one side the department Passenger Services and
at the other side the department Commercial Services & Media.
The main responsibility of the department Passenger Services is with the logistic
processes, the flow of passengers and the seating capacity while the department
Commercial Services & Media serves in short all commercial interests for the terminals.
The relationship between the department Passenger Services and the merchants in the
airport’s terminals gets put to the test from time to time; the conflict is mainly about the merchants having to stay within the exact boundaries of their stand in order not to disturb the flow.
4.2.2 Nation Branding (Schiphol Group)
When I asked my first respondent (Res. I) from Schiphol Group why you would introduce transit passengers to Dutch culture in the first place, she mentioned how travelling can feel like a disconnecting experience and therefore it is important to inform passengers where they have just landed:
“You arrive at Schiphol, the Netherlands, and you notice the airport is not an anonymous, grim place. To offer them ‘something Dutch’ and possibly the next time they’ll book a flight they might choose to fly via Amsterdam again. And perhaps even visit the country since they’ve had a welcoming experience the previous time.” When I discus the concept of nation branding with my second respondent (Res. C) from Schiphol Group she mentions how within the company in general they use the concept of Sense of Place instead. She carries on by saying:
“Schiphol was the first to be really good at that! We were ahead of our competitors….Singapore always did a great job at it as well. Nowadays every airport imaginable is using Sence of Place”.
My first respondent (Res. I) from Schiphol Group also mentions how with the recent reconstruction of the Holland Boulevard the concept has developed from ‘a Sense of Place’ into a ‘Sence of Spirit’ 5.
5 ‘Sense of Spirit’ is not a term generally used in the academic literature, which makes me wonder whether within
Schiphol Group they have developed their own terminology or my respondent meant ‘Spirit of Place’. However, the
She explains: “Where before the emphasis was on the Dutch icons and stereotypes, it has shifted now towards culture and services. It is less in your face”.
“’Sense of Spirit’ is actually an expansion of Sence of Place. Whereby Sence of Place is rather one dimensional, ‘Sense of Spirit’ has more depth; it’s about the feeling people get of a space which in this case represents the Dutch spirit”.
She makes references to modern Dutch design and art installations which have been added to the recent refurbished airport departure Lounges including the Holland Boulevard.
According to my respondent (Res. I) this shift with Schiphol Group is an effect of the changing needs of the passenger who demand a wider array of choices in services and wellbeing. The same passenger is no longer satisfied with the usual airport stores one can also find on the high street store, but would rather see artisan shops at the airport nowadays instead.
There is certainly the element of competition with other large airports which is an incentive for Schiphol to keep developing its terminal concept, but according to both my respondent within Schiphol Group, changes and improvements to the terminal are also constantly made to reduce the perceived feelings of stress most passengers experience while making their way through the airport. The airport operator is acutely aware of the importance of creating a friendly, warm and welcoming atmosphere as is evident in the added facilities at Holland Boulevard.
4.2.3 Participation (Schiphol Group)
Anyone remotely familiar with Schiphol Group knows how much efforts the airport operator puts in their passengers’ surveys. Benchmarks performance tests are done in the form of questionnaires with passengers in the airport terminals. For this purpose Schiphol Group has a specialized in-house survey department called Market Research Intelligence (MRI). Some surveys are conducted by an external company as well as. My respondents from Schiphol Group mentioned how the surveys are employed for process optimization, customer satisfaction and passengers’ needs in general.
At the beginning of any new project the concept development team uses data from the surveys to confirm or invalidate any pre-existing ideas they might have already. My respondents argue that for a new product or new to-be-built area to be successful one absolutely needs to be well informed of the passenger’s needs and quality requirements in general.
Worth mentioning though is that there didn’t seem to be much of an awareness towards checking the opinions of passengers from a perspective of moral obligation
as reasons of representation related to Fainstein’s Just City, which will be discussed in chapter 5 - Synthese.
4.3 COMMERCIAL PARTIES
4.3.1 Objectives (Commercial Parties)
HMSHost
When asked about the inception of the Holland Boulevard back in 2010 my respondent
(Res. K) mentioned that for large projects at the airport the initiator in general is the airport authority (Schiphol Group) and HMSHost as the main food&beverage provider follows the strategy of Schiphol Group.
How it works in general is that after the initial contact with Schiphol Group about any project in the pipeline, HMSHost then sets up a design brief in which the concept is clearly described and the direction is set out. HMSHost will then have the design brief approved by Schiphol Group after which they can start developing the concept with an architect.
HMSHost realises that in order to be successful in the hectic setting of the airport their food&beverage outlets need to be easily recognizable from quite a distance since it’s not uncommon for passengers to be disoriented in such an environment. According to my respondent that’s why popular brands (e.g. Starbucks) do particularly well at airports, and the same applies to extreme design similar to that of the Dutch Kitchen&Bar. My respondent (Res. K) also mentioned how HMSHost had given the designers (Creneau International) extensive creative freedom to develop this project. The respondent argues that hiring expensive designers is an investment and a certain level of trust is required for it to pay off in the end.
Fig. 7 - Dutch Kitchen&Bar by HMSHost at Holland Boulevard
(source: www.autogrill.com - airport F&B)
From the interview I could establish that prior to the redevelopment of the Holland Boulevard (in 2015) there had been meetings about the imminent changes between
HMSHost on one hand and Schiphol Group and/or the architect responsible for the area (Next architects) on the other hand. The intention of the architect was that with the refurbishment of the Holland Boulevard the ‘Dutch identity’ would be pushed
into a new direction; effectively there would be less use of old icons and historical references. My respondent (Res. K) mentioned in the interview that HMSHost was nonetheless convinced that their old concept was still very much relevant, they wished to continue using it and thus didn’t quite want to go along in the new direction Schiphol Group had in mind. Despite the fact that it wasn’t explicitly mentioned, I strongly got the impression there had been a disagreement between the parties. So much is obvious from the following extract from the interview when my respondent from HMSHost makes a small reference to legal actions - even though he also contradicts himself: “Yes it has been discussed and we (=HMSHost) have expressed our preference for the old concept and they (=Schiphol Group) at least agreed with us on it. Apart from the fact that they can’t force us to just change the concept, but that’s more a legal issue”.
In hindsight I realized how my respondent (Res.G) at Next architects, the firm responsible for the overall design of the recent redevelopment of the Holland Boulevard, had indeed hinted at this conflict of interest. In the interview with my
respondent from Next the architects explained how Dutch Kitchen&Bar had indeed been excluded from the recent refurbishment plans but he stated firmly: ”...that’s also in development, it will go”.
Fig. 8 - Dutch Kitchen&Bar by HMSHost.
(source:www.creneau.com - designers)
My respondent (Res. I) from the department Commercial Services & Media at Schiphol
Group also mentioned the inevitable refurbishment of Dutch Kitchen&Bar in the future: “The area including Dutch Kitchen&Bar will be redeveloped in the future. It wasn’t included in the recent redevelopment plan of Holland Boulevard but it will absolutely happen.”
It seems HMSHost is not easily going to let go of their Dutch-themed restaurant Dutch Kitchen&Bar even though it has been granted permission by Schiphol Group to continue with it for a some time.
When asked whether HMSHost welcomes the idea of an increase in non-commercial, cultural-related activities at the Holland Boulevard i.e. Rijksmuseum, the
Airport Library and NEMO, my respondent argued that as a food&beverage company you first and foremost need to make a difference yourself. He believes in what he calls a ‘total experience’ thus one doesn’t exclude the other; and furthermore a distinctive restaurant attracts customers more easily anyway. (He does however worry more about the recent problems with the airport’s central security system and how it effects the passengers’ time management in the process.
AVIFLORA
My respondent at Aviflora (Res. H) informed me she is used to the strict restrictions Schiphol Group imposes on them when it comes to the physical properties of their shops at the airport. On top of the usual restrictions on building materials, fire safety regulations and rules on the proper display of their merchandize in the airport terminal, some additional restrictions concerning the maximum height of the shop furniture (max 1.60 meter) applied at the Holland Boulevard. Quite a long list of
restrictions but Aviflora proves to be a flexible partner in regards to this matter. When asked about her opinion on the increase of cultural services on offer at Schiphol in the form of Rijksmuseum Schiphol, Airport Library and NEMO Schiphol my respondent mentioned how as a commercial enterprise she competes with these cultural services for the passengers’ time. Her initial reaction was:
“When passengers spend time ‘doing culture’ it goes at the expense of any commercial focus. People don’t do both, they don’t have time for that.”
She does however also acknowledge that the modern passenger yearns for a combination of culture, entertainment and commerce so facilities like the Rijksmuseum Schiphol might result in the passenger choosing a transit at Schiphol a next time again.
My respondent regrets the fact that with the recent reconstruction of the Holland Boulevard the overall display of Dutch icons has been reduced. Regardless of her
disappointment she is quite accepting bordering complacent:
“…a new generation has arrived, a new vision so you have to be flexible. Whether you think it is the right or wrong way, that doesn’t matter; it’s a movement you can’t ignore….and furthermore nobody asks what my opinion on it is anyway.”
