Through the eyes of the inhabitants. Exploring the potential of a contextual approach towards urban castles and landscapes of the Middle Ages and Early Modern period

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Through the eyes of the inhabitants

Exploring the potential of a contextual approach towards urban castles and landscapes of the Middle Ages and Early Modern period

by Annabelle de Gast

Research master thesis Archaeology University of Amsterdam

March 2018

Supervisor: Prof dr. Hanneke Ronnes (University of Amsterdam) Second reader: Prof. dr. James Symonds (University of Amsterdam)

Cover illustration: Map of The Hague, by Jacob van Deventer, dating to approximately 1560. The Binnenhof is situated along the large pond, on the south side. The forested area is the Haagse Bos. Collection Nationaal Archief, Den Haag.

Table of contents:

Preface 3

1. Introduction 5

1.1 Landscape approaches in castle studies: current state of research 5

1.2 Research question 7

1.3 Theoretical framework and methodology 8

2. Binnenhof - The main house 15

2.1 Origins and early development 16

2.2 Location in the landscape 18

2.3 The castle: inner, middle and outer ward 20

2.4 In die Haghe 26

2.5 Discussion 35

3. Schoonhoven castle - Under construction 37

3.1 Origins and early development 37

3.2 High nobility residence 42

3.3 The castle: inner and outer ward 43

3.4 Sconhouen 47

3.5 Discussion 52

4. Toutenburg - Landscape making a man 53

4.1 George Schenck and the Toutenburg 53

4.2 From Fulnaho to Vollenhove: origins and development of the town 57

4.3 Outer appearance 62 4.4 Inner appearance 67 4.5 Discussion 69 5. Conclusion 71 6. Future research 75 Bibliography 77

Published historical sources 81

Internet sources 81

Preface

All my life, I have spent my summers camping in France and visiting at least one castle in the region during each vacation. When I was old enough to travel on my own, I continued this tradition. A holiday or weekend break without a visit to a castle was not a proper holiday for me. From my garden, I even had a view on the twenty-first century castle that had fallen into ruins over the years in my hometown Almere. My interest and passion for these buildings and life in and around it kept growing during my studies: bachelor of Cultural Sciences and later the bachelor Archaeology and Prehistory. Eventually in the Research Master Archaeology at the University of Amsterdam, I filled the study program with research on medieval castles and its material culture, mainly pottery. The highlight of my study was travelling to France and Italy to participate in excavations for four months during which I excavated at two castle sites, both with an extraordinary view and an interesting setting in the landscape.

During my master, I realized which areas of castle studies in the Netherlands lacked certain knowledge. This became even more apparent when I visited a workshop at Kiel University in Germany where several papers were presented on the relationship between castles and landscapes. A contextual approach was used to gain a more complete understanding of these elite buildings from the Middle Ages and Early Modern Age. By identifying and analyzing the interplay between the castle and surrounding landscape of several elite residences in this thesis, I want to explore the potential of a contextual approach towards castles in the Low Countries.

I could not have written this thesis without the help of others. Firstly, I would like to express my gratitude to my supervisor Hanneke Ronnes for her advice and patience throughout the entire process of writing this thesis. Guiding me during the past year was not an easy task, but she got me to the finish line. She also encouraged me to continue with research on castles throughout my studies. And many thanks to the second reader James Symonds for reading my thesis.

I am very grateful to Geert Overmars, a friend and former fellow-student, for helping me with some of the digital maps included in this thesis and to the staff of the Special Collections from the University of Amsterdam who helped me with finding the historical maps.

I would like to thank Arno Verhoeven, medieval archaeologist at the University of Amsterdam. He taught me almost everything I know about medieval history and archaeology over the past few years. Arno made studying archaeology, despite our differences on the topic of castles, exciting and fun with his lectures and occasional trips to historic towns and archaeological sites.

Also, many thanks to my parents, Jacqueline and Peter, who always inspired me to follow my own path and my sisters (especially Nadine), friends and Leon, for their help, continues support and faith in me when I struggled. I could not have written this thesis without them.

1. Introduction

Castles, both medieval and early modern, appeal to people’s imagination. Partly due to popular books, television series and movies in which castles play important roles. For example, Disney movies or

television series such as Game of Thrones or Downton Abbey. The elite buildings are always described or presented with a certain mystique and status. The increase in the number of visitors that castles welcome every year, especially on the Dutch day of the castle during which many castles open their doors to the public, reflects the attraction towards these historic monuments and ruins.1 _{However, it is not just the}

building itself that attracts our attention and contributes to our perception of these great medieval and early modern structures. The surrounding landscape and the location in the landscape, whether natural (original) or altered by people through time, is equally important in our perception of castles. This aspect, and especially the interaction between castle and its surroundings, has become an important research theme within castle studies during the past three decades.2 _{It is this interrelationship that I would like to}

study within the framework of this master thesis.

1.1 Landscape approaches in castle studies: current state of research

The European landscape, both urban and rural, was and is still filled with medieval castles. Though these castles have attracted the attention of many hobbyists and academic scholars from the nineteenth century onwards, it took a while before castle studies became a (separate) academic discipline in most of the Northwest European countries.3 _{Despite this slow development, castle studies have taken a flight during}

the past couple of decades. Overall, the focus has shifted from the building itself and its military role towards social, residential, political and economic functions and developments.

Another aspect that has been explored and developed during the past three decades by archaeologists and landscape historians is the role of the landscape that surrounded the castle. This landscape-based perspective has its roots in England where it was first introduced at the end of the last century.4 _{Central to this perspective was the impact of the castle on its direct surroundings in the early and}

late modern period. These surroundings, that comprised of structures such as gardens, mills, fishponds, parks and dovecotes, were ‘designed’ for reasons of social expression and aesthetic appeal and were not purely constructed for functional purposes. Scholars define such landscapes as designed landscapes. At some castle sites, even the entire surrounding landscape was designed.5 _{By studying these landscapes, a}

broader understanding of castles was gained. It is this notion of the castle and its surrounding landscape that was further developed at the beginning of the twenty-first century by archaeologist Oliver Creighton. Inspired by studies in landscape history and archaeology, he urged for an interdisciplinary study of the 1 _{Berkelbach 2017, 3.}

2 _{E.g. Austin 1984; Creighton 2002; Johnson 2002; Liddiard 2005; Creighton 2009; Spiekhout 2012; Van Doesburg 2012.} 3 _{For a more elaborate historiography of castle studies throughout Europe see for example the publication by A.M. Flambard} Héricher/M. Allainguillaume/A. Dubois, 2008: Château Gaillard 23; études de castellologie médiévalee; Bilan des recherches en catellologie, Caen.

4 _{Austin 1984; Liddiard 2005, 97.} 5 _{Liddiard 2005, 97; Creighton 2009, 1.}

interrelationship between the medieval castle and the surrounding landscape in all its facets, in his pioneering work published in 2002.6 _{These facets or contexts of the castle could be characterized by}

different elements; e.g. geographical, tenurial, ecclesiastical and urban landscapes and landscapes of status and symbolism.7 _{Matthew Johnson, archaeologist, also published a ground-breaking study in 2002.}8 _{In his}

publication, he urged people to view castles in relation to their inhabitants and showed how these elite structures acted partly as stage-settings against which the identities or roles of people were played out. As the identities of people changed, so did the meanings of the actual buildings and the surrounding

landscape.9 _{In 2009, Creighton published another important study in which he demonstrated that}

designed landscapes were not merely a phenomenon of the modern times. Elite residences of the Middle Ages could also be embedded within settings that were not purely functional but designed or altered for reasons of aesthetic appeal and social expression.10

Since the publication of these studies by Creighton and Johnson, the landscape approach is increasingly applied to castle landscapes in both England and other north-western European countries. The theme of the latest congress of Château Gaillard in 2016 was even Castles and Landscape.

The Netherlands

In Dutch castellology, the study of the castle landscape is slowly gaining popularity.

Historical-geographical research on the location and distribution of Dutch medieval castles has been rare before the twenty-first century, but a few exceptions are the work by A. Steegh and Hans Renes.11 _{Academic studies}

that have taken a landscape-based approach during the past decade are the interdisciplinary research by Diana Spiekhout on the medieval castle landscapes of the Gorecht region (Groningen), in which she focused on the interrelationship between the location in the landscape, its appearance and the historical function of medieval castles, and the exploratory study of the Langbroeker castle landscape (Utrecht) by Jan van Doesburg.12 _{Another recent study (2013) on castle landscapes is the publication Kasteel en landschap}

in Limburg.13 _{Here also, an interdisciplinary approach was used to show the cultural-historical}

interrelationship between castles and the adjacent landscape. Regrettably, as concluded by Hanneke Ronnes in a review of this book, it does not provide us with more information on the castle landscape from the Limburg region than the article Kastelen in het landschap published by Renes in the volume Middeleeuwse kastelen in Limburg twenty years earlier.14 _{The book Kastelen in Gelderland, published in 2013,}

contained one chapter that focused on location choice within castle building. It showed that location choice was not only based on physical-geographical parameters, but political and social factors also played

12 _{Spiekhout 2012; Van Doesburg 2012.} 13 _{Hoebens & Oberndorff 2013.} 14 _{Ronnes 2013, 177.}

an important role.15 _{This publication took an historical-geographical approach and unfortunately did not}

take archaeological sources into account. In both publications, Kasteel en landschap in Limburg and Kastelen in Gelderland, the castle landscapes were studied within their present province and borders. Even though these publications provide a valuable overview of the castles in both regions, it is not always the best approach theoretically and methodologically speaking. Not only does this approach disregard the historical boundaries within the Low Countries, but it also precludes a wider context.

During the latest congress of Château Gaillard there were two contributions by Dutch researchers on castles and landscape. One by Hans Renes, Jan van Doesburg, Taco Hermans and Bas van der Laan on the relation between castles and fenland reclamations.16 _{The other by Diana Spiekhout and Theo Spek on}

the medieval castle landscape in Goor and Diepenheim, two areas in the east of the Netherlands.17

Recently carried out research by Spiekhout on the castle landscape in the Oversticht territory (North-eastern Netherlands) awaits publication.

This short overview presents the meagre current state of (academic) research on castle landscapes within Dutch castellology. Nonetheless, a slight increase in research is visible. A growing awareness of the importance of the landscape approach becomes clear from the latest national research agenda of

archaeology (Nationale Onderzoeksagenda Archeologie 2.0) that was published on the website of the Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands in 2016. Two research questions on castle landscapes are included in this research agenda.18 _{Yet, this landscape approach is just starting to develop in Dutch castle studies and I}

think that in order to gain a more complete understanding of the multifaceted and complex nature of the elite buildings and how the castle and landscape impacted on each other, further research is absolutely necessary. It is important that the discipline moves away from the predominantly historically based approach and starts seeing these buildings as complexes of interaction. These buildings can never be fully understood without taking the landscapes in which they are set into account. Therefore, this study aims to contribute to a more complete understanding of the castle and its surroundings in the Low Countries by taking a contextual approach. Not studying just one aspect, but many different elements that might have interacted with the building and approaching the subject as an interwoven entity brought about through these elements.

1.2 Research question

The meagre current state of research in Dutch castellology, the importance of further research and the potential of a contextual approach resulted in the following research question: ‘To what extent does a contextual approach contribute to a better understanding of the urban castle and landscape from the Middle Ages and Early Modern period?’

15 _{Jas/Keverling Buisman/Storms-Smeets/te Stroete/Wingens 2013, 23.}

16 _{Van Doesburg/Hermans/Van der Laan/Renes 2017. Edited translation of the English contribution to Château Gaillard 28 (in} press).

17 _{Spek & Spiekhout 2017. Edited translation of the English contribution to Château Gaillard 28 (in press).} 18 _{NOaA 2.0-question 95 & 103 < http://noaa.rce.rnatoolset.net/Viewer/#/search> 3 February 2017.}

1.3 Theoretical framework and methodology

In order to answer this research question and an attempt is made to identify and analyse the interrelations between castles and landscapes. The contextual approach, proposed by Creighton and Johnson, will form the basis of this thesis. By conducting interdisciplinary research on the context of a castle, Creighton argued, much more aspects of the interrelationship between castle and landscape could be studied. Aspects such as castle siting and distribution, the castle as an icon in landscapes of status and symbolism, the castle as estate centre in tenurial landscapes, castles and urbanism, castles and ecclesiastical landscapes, and castles in the countryside.19 _{This relationship between landscapes and castles was twofold. The}

landscape had impact on the castle and the castle had impact on the landscape.20 _{For example, the location}

choice and design of the castle were influenced by the physical geography of the landscape and the availability and accessibility of building materials and labour. But in turn, by building a chapel or church in the surrounding landscape or diverting or damming nearby streams on aesthetic, defensive or other functional grounds, castle lords and their families changed the immediate physical setting of a castle site.21

The different contexts or settings could be altered for various reasons that were not necessarily solely functional. Past landscapes were images full of social and symbolic significance. They were designed to communicate a certain message, make a social statement or for the purpose of aesthetics.22 _{Several of}

these aspects of the interrelationship between castle and surrounding landscape will be explored throughout this study of castles in the Netherlands.

However, a critical remark is in order. Both scholars predominantly focus on the archaeological evidence in their publications and use relatively few historical sources, unfortunately. Written documents are important and valuable sources of information and by not using the available documents of individual castles their studies of the interrelations between castles and landscapes can become biased. Though Creighton’s work on castle landscapes is a ground-breaking study, one must also be cautious in uncritically transferring his approach directly on to the Dutch castle landscape. Some restraint is necessary. Not only is the political and economic history in both countries very different, but the physical geography as well. Nevertheless, by using this approach an attempt is made to provide an interesting new perspective on the interrelationship between medieval castles and their landscapes in the Netherlands, but also on their diversity in function.

In 1996 the castle specialist Hans Janssen defined a castle as a medieval building combining defensive and residential functions.23 _{Creighton’s definition of castles from the medieval period, however,}

offers a wider perspective:

[…] the defining aspect of medieval castles was, indeed, their truly multifaceted nature.

All castles had a wide range of functions – military, domestic and residential, social and symbolic,

administrative, economic and judicial – that varied not only through time, but also regionally and in some response to different demands of lordship, in a manner so complex as to almost defy classification.24

The castle and the individual

An important aspect that is not discussed by Creighton, or most other castle researchers for that matter, is the individual experience and perception of the people that lived in the past landscapes. Both the social and natural dimensions of the landscape are part of the human life world, the direct experienced world of the individual.25 _{The ability of landscapes on the one hand to absorb part of people’s lives, thoughts and}

works, and on the other hand to form their own life histories within various time frames, creates a severe intertwining of the individual and the landscape, of ‘personhood and place’. These life histories of landscapes are ‘imprinted by human existence, affecting personal lives and transcending individual human life cycles’.26 _{When studying the landscape in its historical context, we cannot underestimate the impact of}

the human life world, the direct experienced world, of people who walked through or lived in these landscapes.27

Phenomenology studies these experiences and the consciousness of the individual in everyday life.28 _{The phenomenological approach in archaeology has its roots in post-processual thinking and was}

developed by the British archaeologist Christopher Tilley.29 _{Post-processual thinking proposed that}

landscapes are always viewed and experienced in different ways by different people. The understanding of the landscape was perpetuated and transformed by farming, domestic activities and mundane movements through the landscape.30 _{Instead of finding the meaning of objects and landscapes, archaeologists should}

try to understand and experience these subjects, ‘how people move through monuments, what they can or cannot see from different points, how the physical experience of the monument affects its perception’.31

Phenomenology makes these aspects of experience (sight, hearing, touch, taste, smell) actually accessible and observable for archaeologists. At the same time, this is also a problematic aspect. The assumption that ‘our’ present experience can be linked to ‘their’ experience in past society is questionable.32

One way to connect the ideas of Creighton and Johnson with the phenomenological approach is by visualising the perception and experience of the individual in and around the spaces designed for the total performance of life. This method was proposed in an article in 1998 by the archaeologist David Austin. Different groups of people, i.e. the lord and his family, servants and farmers, viewed different areas of the castle and the surrounding landscape differently throughout time. These perceptions and experiences were also dependent on the public or private character of the spaces in and around the castle.

24 _{Creighton 2002, 7.} 25 _{Kolen & Renes 2015, 21.} 26 _{Idem, 21-22.} 27 _{Idem, 31.} 28 _{Johnson 2010, 242; Tilley 1994, 12.} 29 _{Johnson 2010, 118.} 30 _{Idem, 107.} 31 _{Idem, 117.} 32 _{Idem, 118.}

As different people move through rooms and yards, various patterns of meaning are identified.33 _Austin

changes the proportions of the buildings and certain spaces depending on the perception and experience of the individual (fig. 1). Archaeologists and historians merely present their (floor) plans and the possible appearance of historical buildings, depicting only the boundaries and not the contents such as the perceptions, attitudes, feelings and actions filling these spaces.34 _{The physical properties of a place or}

space, the experiences that took place and events that were celebrated and remembered by people in these spaces form the meaning of a place.35 _{The Swedish archaeologist Ludvig Papmehl-Dufay poses that places}

would lose much of their meaning without memory in the sense of emotions, actors and events. Both the castle and landscape were used to communicate prospective memories. For the castle lord the very act of constructing a castle and adjusting the landscape indicates a perception of time directed towards an eternal future. New meaning is brought to past objects and places by archaeologists that establish extra memories through excavation and interpretation.36 _{Archaeological, historical and historical-geographical}

sources contribute to create and maintain meaning of the place, in this case the castle and the surrounding landscape.

The individual perception or experience connects the object (castle) and landscape. The approach that is used in this study can be seen as a triangle in which landscape, castle and the individual all interact (fig. 2). By moving through the castle and diverse landscape as different individuals various patterns of meaning should be identified. These meanings could then contribute to a more complete image of the castle.

Figure 1. The perception of the lord, vassal and famulus (from left to right) of the space of Barnard Castle around 1150. From Austin 1998.

Figure 2. Schematic depiction of the interaction between the landscape, castle and individual. Drawing by the author.

Urban castles

Since this is an exploratory study, this thesis will only focus on urban castles. The following three urban castles in the Low Countries will function as case studies; Binnenhof in The Hague, Schoonhoven and Toutenburg in Vollenhove. Whereas most studies focus on a certain region or province, the castles in this thesis are dispersed throughout the Netherlands (fig. 3).

In England, two types of urban castles can be distinguished from the eleventh and twelfth century onwards; the urban castle and the castle-borough. Whereas the first are confined to castles established within existing urban centres, the latter can be defined as primary features built in non-urban areas from which the lord either created a new town or allowed or encouraged the growth of a community. The relationship between such castles and the adjacent settlement is to an extent symbiotic: the castle provided commercial benefits and perhaps security for the community while the settlement provided services, labour and a market for the maintenance of the castle. Urban castles are located on the edges of towns, of which most even lie outside the limits of the town.37 _{The Low}

Countries lack a specific definition of the urban castle, therefore the above described definition is used in this study. Method

To identify the possible interrelations between the castle and its surroundings it is important to obtain a wide range of knowledge about the different contexts; the urban castles, the location, their residents, the town, and the ecclesiastical landscape. Therefore, interdisciplinary research will be carried out by

consulting archaeological, historical and historical-geographical sources for each case-study. For instance, reports of archaeological research, that has taken place in and around the discussed castles will be taken into account. The quality and extent of the archaeological research varies largely.38 _{Archaeological research}

can, nevertheless, provide valuable information on castle landscapes. Historical sources too. These predominantly consist of charters, accounts and estate inventories in this thesis. A problem with these documents however, is that they were drawn up by the elite for administrative and economic purposes. The documents are relative and should be interpreted as such, subtle and intensive.39 _{They were never}

created to provide information to answer modern-day research questions. Historical-geographical maps

37 _{Drage 1987, 117; Wheatley 2004, 48.}

38 _{Professor Hans Janssen formulated the state of research of castles for the field of archaeology and building history already in} 1990, and again in 2008. Some of the major problems for the archaeological field were, and still are, the lack of published old excavations, the almost complete absence of information of the bailey and the buildings it contained, but also the lack of detailed stratified excavation and publication of the finds such as artefacts, animal bones or samples of botanical and insect remains. See Janssen 1990; 2008.

39 _{Austin 1990, 12.}

Figure 3. Location of the discussed castles on a map of The Netherlands. Source: PDOK.

and current air photographs could provide a detailed picture of the landscape surrounding the castle. The combination of these sources will enhance our knowledge on the subject, the interrelations. After a short introduction on the origins and early development of the castle, the building and surrounding landscape will be described through the eyes of the individual, whether castle lord, burgess or servant. By describing the movement of the individual through the castle landscape, not only the interrelations between the castle and landscape are explored but it will also reflect a sense of the possible perception and experience of the medieval and early modern people living in and around these elite buildings. The possible

perception and experience of the individual is schematically represented in each case study. High nobility residences

The case studies that will be researched are all castles that belonged to the higher nobility, either from the beginning or at some point. The first two, the Binnenhof in The Hague and Schoonhoven castle, were erected in the thirteenth century by respectively the count of Holland and a nobleman and were located in the former county of Holland. During the High Middle Ages the counts of Holland and Vlaanderen and the dukes of Brabant and Gelre ruled over most of the areas in the Low Countries. Territories were expanded by conquests and marital politics. Large-scale (fenland) reclamations, mostly under the control of the counts of Holland and the bishops of Utrecht, characterized the landscape from about the tenth until the thirteenth century. The landscape of Holland changed considerably from the thirteenth century onwards until about 1500: the emergence of towns, international trade and shipping and the export industry. These cities originated out of thirteenth century pre-urban settlements. The count did not rule over Holland alone, he depended on a good collaboration with the nobility in his territory. Both the extent of prestige that the count had at his disposal and his material position played an important role in the counts authority. Therefore, they needed to confirm and display their social and political status continuously.40

Toutenburg in Vollenhove, the third castle researched in this thesis, was founded in the sixteenth century by a nobleman belonging to the high nobility and was situated in the ‘Land of Vollenhove’ which was part of the Oversticht and later province of Overijssel. During this century, the political landscape had changed substantially. Karel V became the sovereign of all Dutch counties in 1506, king of Spain in 1516 and emperor of central Europe in 1519.41

These particular castles were chosen among others because relatively many historical sources remain due to the status of the buildings and its residents. Archaeological sources of these castles are an altogether different matter of which the value is dependent on the urban developments throughout the centuries and archaeological policy of the local government over the past decades. The developments and policies have influenced the presence and state of the archaeological remains from these buildings and their residents. Another reason for choosing Toutenburg, the Binnenhof and Schoonhoven as case studies

40 _{De Nijs & Beukers 2002.} 41 _{Idem, 271.}

is that research on these objects has been elaborately published. Also, it is important to show how this approach might affect our understanding of both medieval and early modern castles.

2. Binnenhof - The main house

The Hague: the administrative and governmental centre of the Dutch monarchy. At the basis of this town, that is situated in the current province Zuid-Holland, lies the urban castle the Binnenhof (fig. 4). It was one of the last castles erected by the counts of Holland.42 _{Due to the high status of this building,}

belonging to the counts of Holland and becoming the political centre of the Low Countries, relatively many historical sources, such as accounts, charters and inventories, remain and different archaeological observations and excavations have been carried out from 1770 onwards. Plenty of research based on these sources, has been conducted and published throughout the years.43 _{These thorough publications, generally}

combining historical and archaeological sources, are mostly written with the objective of understanding the spatial development of the town from its origins in the thirteenth century, through to the Modern period up until today. However, less emphasis is laid on the integration of the castle in its contemporary surroundings and the perception of the individual. By analysing these aspects an attempt is made to identify different interrelations between the castle, landscape and the individual and gain a broader, more holistic, understanding of the castle.

Throughout the years much attention has been paid to the social and political status of the building and its residents.44 _{Therefore, this aspect of the Binnenhof will not be elaborately discussed in}

this thesis. Before possible interrelations are identified by moving through the different spaces within and around the castle as the individual, the origins and early development and location of the castle are described briefly.

42 _{Van Veen 2015, 14.}

43 _{Important publications presenting an overview of the development of the Binnenhof and The Hague are Calkoen 1901;} Calkoen 1902; Smit 2004; De Hingh & Van Ginkel 2009; Janse 2011; Van Ginkel & De Hingh 2013; Van Veen 2014; Van Veen 2015.

2.1 Origins and early development

Only little is known about the earliest history of the area where the castle of The Hague is situated. Both historical and archaeological sources of the thirteenth century are scarce. Nevertheless, its origins and early development have been thoroughly researched and the most recent view will be mentioned here.

Shortly before 1230, count Floris IV (period of office 1222-1234) bought a court from the Wassenaar family, the court of the late lady Meilendis. According to the charter mentioning the purchase, this was an agrarian domain (curtis) with jurisdiction and included all the men (hominibus) and tenants (mansionariis) and everything else that belonged to the territory.45 _{This domain presumably lay at the basis}

of the foundation of the Binnenhof. It is assumed that Floris IV built a new residence on or near the place where the main building of the court of lady Meilendis was situated, but the actual course of events remains unknown. A charter from 1242, issued by count Willem II (period of office 1234-1256), mentioning the ‘Haga’, was the first historical evidence for a residence of the counts. He issued several more charters from this place between 1248 and 1254, but it took until 1276 before an actual house is mentioned. According to medieval annalist Johannes de Beka, Willem II started with the foundation of a royal palace in 1248, which could be connected to his acquired status as a king that same year.46 _{This royal}

palace was presumably the Oude Zaal (old hall), but during construction work around 1900, walls of an even older building were discovered. These walls might have belonged to a hunting residence built by Floris IV. Floris V, count of Holland from 1256 until 1296, then built the Grote Zaal (great hall) at a right angle of the older building between 1279 and 1295. Receptions and meetings between the count and his court took place in this hall. With the construction of the great hall, the other part of the castle - the old hall - probably began to function as the more private space of the count. The Binnenhof was walled around 1300. Several additions and extensions were made to the castle from the fourteenth century onwards by the counts of Holland, resulting in an enormous complex by the end of the Middle Ages,47 _a

complex that consisted of different areas distinguished by their public, semi-public or private character. Figure 5 shows a reconstruction of the complex around 1450 and will be discussed elaborately in the third paragraph. A map by Bos and Van Harn from 1616 of The Hague gives an idea of how this might have looked in the Middle Ages (fig. 6).

46 _{Van Veen 2014, 109.}

Figure 5. Reconstruction of the Binnenhof around 1450. From Van Veen 2014.

2.2 Location in the landscape

The Binnenhof is situated on a small dune ridge at a former natural lake.48 _{Dune ridges were an excellent}

place for habitation due to the elevated position in the landscape. From the eleventh century onwards, fenland reclamations were carried out in Holland. It is assumed that the peat between Rijswijk and the city centre of The Hague was reclaimed in the twelfth century. Regular elongated stretches of land

characterized the landscape of Holland during the Middle Ages.49 _{However, at the time the castle was}

constructed, the immediate surrounding landscape of the court was still predominantly untamed and consisted largely of woods, dunes and peat.50

It was an appealing location for multiple reasons. The natural lake secured the supply of fresh water, but it also gave the building a certain status. It is not certain whether the building could have been seen and enlarged in the reflection of the water, because it was possibly situated too far from it. Adjacent to the castle on the northeast side was the Haagse Bos. A stretch of woodland that extended into the forests in Kennemerland and formed an unbroken hunting ground that already existed before Willem II erected the castle.51 _{This location, near extensive hunting grounds, was common for a court belonging to the high}

nobility.52 _{Apart from the practical and social aspect (food supply and status symbol), the hunt mainly}

functioned as a recreational activity, being the favorite pastime for the medieval elite.53

From a defensive point of view the Binnenhof was also well situated. It was difficult to access from all sides by possible hostile troops. The forest restricted the northeast, the southwest consisted of loose sandy grounds and the southeast was a bog like area. People were obliged to follow the

Binckhorstlaan or Haagweg in the southeast to reach the seigniorial court.54

Another important reason to buy an estate here was supposedly the absence of an urban elite in this area.55 _{The absence of an urban elite probably made the area an economically attractive location for}

the count. But in any case, castle siting is first and foremost subordinate to the control and ownership of land and king Willem II probably had the entire dune area between Leiden and Loosduinen in his possession. Therefore, he had a wide choice for the location of his royal court.56 _{But why did Willem II}

choose this exact location if he could pick any location in this stretched out area? If all these strategical and practical aspects of the particular location are taken into consideration, one might conclude that this location was chosen with care. Perhaps because this location was chosen with such care and was therefore the most optimal location in the area, practically and strategically, it has developed into the administrative and political centre it still is today. Yet, if we look at the other residences of the count throughout Holland (Alkmaar, Haarlem, Leiden, Delft, Dordrecht and Vlaardingen), this location in The Hague might also

show the need of the counts to move between estates that were widely scattered.57

Watery settings

The topographical setting of a noble building was often altered, as demonstrated by Creighton in his publications from 2002 and 2009. He argued that certain social and symbolic messages or statements could be communicated by remodeling the setting of a castle.58 _{The pond and double moat surrounding}

the Binnenhof are such altered or ‘designed’ features within the topographical landscape. The double moat was apparently constructed to drain the area south of the Binnenhof, but it also enhanced the prestige of the court. Archaeological and historical sources could not establish the date or period of construction. Both the thirteenth century as the first half of the fourteenth century are plausible periods.59

The double moat probably served as a defensive system too. For the count, it symbolized a sense of security and for visitors or enemies it stated that the castle was fortified. However, at the same time it increases the distance of the public to the court. An effect that was also achieved by the large pond (Hofvijver) north of the castle.

The Hofvijver originated as a small natural dune lake or pool, but was enhanced to a rectangular shaped and walled pond by count Albrecht van Beieren around the middle of the fourteenth century.60

Apart from being a practical pond (water reservoir, watering place for horses and cattle, fishing grounds and open sewer), it also served as an area for entertainment from the thirteenth century onwards as historical sources and archaeological finds confirm. For example, jousts were held on the pond until the seventeenth century.61 _{And several skates and clubs (used for playing a form of hockey) were found in the}

moat that could be dated to the late medieval period. One skate even dates to the end of the thirteenth century,62 _{indicating that the recreational aspect was integrated within castle life at the Binnenhof from the}

beginning.

Both the pond and double moat must have had an ornamental function within the castle

landscape too. The castle’s imposing appearance was visually enhanced by the watery settings, in particular its reflective qualities. These qualities of water had the unique capacity to transform the human experience of the landscape. The relationship between residence and water is twofold: watery settings could influence the way outsiders experienced and approached a residential site, while viewed from within the building this scenery could structure the landscape setting.63 _{Although it is not certain to what extent the reflection}

of the Binnenhof was visible in the pond and moat, it did influence the way the residence was experienced and approached by outsiders. Both features added to the iconic status of the castle. And from the inside of the castle the sight of the pond and moat must have been aesthetically appealing. Especially since the old hall, probably dating to the mid-thirteenth century, was constructed at a right angle of the pond.

57 _{Creighton 2002, 39-40.}

58 _{Creighton 2002, 65; Creighton 2009, 45-99.} 59 _{Van Ginkel & De Hingh 2013, 131.} 60 _{Smit 2004, 111; Van Veen 2015, 151.} 61 _{Smit 2004, 291.}

62 _{Van Veen 2015, 273-276.} 63 _{Creighton 2009, 77-80.}

2.3 The castle: inner, middle and outer ward

The following two paragraphs describe different elements of the castle landscape through the possible movement of the count of Holland (the lord of the castle) around the middle of the fourteenth century. His perception of the Binnenhof and its surroundings is schematically depicted in figure 7.

Court yard

The world of the count of Holland and his immediate family, when in residence in the castle, would circle around the court of the inner ward and its buildings (court yard in figure 7). This is the most private and familiar area to the count and his family and as close to something we might see as our home. Here is where the count lived his personal life and actions such as sleeping, consuming, loving, conception, bearing and dying took place. But also, celebrating and entertaining: feasts and banquets were held in the hall, some form of tennis was played on the fives court and the count and his family could walk through the pleasure garden where the senses were stimulated by the smell and look of different flowers.64 _{At the}

same time the court yard, especially the great hall, was also the centre of the social life of justice, administration and the affirmation of the counts role. Where actions such as planning, discussing and judging took place.

Court chapel

From his court yard, the count could turn left and pass a gate that would lead into the ecclesiastical yard or area where the court chapel was situated. This was a relatively private area. Here, together with the other residents of the castle, the count would attend services, pray and be confronted with his ancestors and death. The Hofkapel or court chapel is the first religious building in The Hague known from historical and archaeological sources. It was founded around 1289 by Floris V.65 _{Four chaplains were appointed by}

the count to celebrate Mass and perform daily services. These chaplains were prominent and erudite priests who also functioned as legal, administrative and governmental advisers of Floris V. The status of the Hofkapel was enhanced in 1367 when Albrecht van Beieren and his wife Margaretha founded a collegiate within the chapel. This new status changed the character of the chapel into a parish church for courtiers.66 _{The presence of a chapel was no small expenditure due to the maintenance costs and the}

performance of its daily services.67 _{Possible reasons for such a building could be pride, piety and}

convenience.

A parish church that was situated in the inner or outer ward of a castle, was often also accessible for the surrounding community, forming both a bridge and barrier at the same time between the lord and the people from the village.68 _{However, this parish church was solely built for the courtiers and therefore}

created a barrier and a certain distance between the community and the count.

The Hofkapel was not the only chapel at the Binnenhof. A room within the Haagtoren, tower adjoining the old hall, was in use as private chapel for the count for some time.69 _{It remains unknown}

when this chapel was erected. Opperhof and Nederhof

After the count would have visited his court chapel he could either turn back to his court yard or turn right, pass a gate situated in a wall between the great hall and the chapel and enter another area familiar to him: the middle ward or Opperhof. This middle ward would have been the formal meeting with the famulus and the area where the count gave out orders. Staff residences and buildings containing the food- and beverage supplies could be found here. It also functioned as the public area or communal yard in the perception of the count. Guests were welcomed, tournaments were held and ceremonies took place in this yard.70 _{The kitchens and bakery were situated south of the great hall, a semi-public space. An area the}

count would barely or never visit and was known to him as the servant yard.

If the count of Holland wanted to visit the town, travel to another of his residences or participate in the hunt, he needed to pass a fourth area first: the outer ward (outer bailey) known as the Buitenhof or Nederhof. This outer ward, that could be reached through a gate and bridge west of the castle (Middenpoort),

65 _{De Hingh & Van Ginkel 2009, 157.} 66 _{Janse & Van Veen 2004, 217-219, 222.} 67 _{Pounds 1990, 243.}

68 _{Creighton 2002, 113.} 69 _{Van Veen 2014, 108-109.} 70 _{Van Veen 2014, 114.}

is the area where a farm, workshops and stable were situated and the vassals gathered for the hunt. He probably only entered the stable in this yard and not the other buildings servicing himself, his family and the court. The other buildings must have been predominantly unknown spaces to him. Therefore, he perceived the outer ward as the vassal yard.

Spatial metaphor of social status

The castle complex consisted of different areas that could be distinguished by their public, semi-public or private character as described above. The layout of the entire complex and the relationship between these different spaces of the Binnenhof communicated a certain message or social statement. Historian Antheun Janse described in his 2011 article on beds at the Binnenhof how the construction of new buildings such as the court chapel and the great hall, both erected at the end of the thirteenth century, reflected the general trend of physically separating political, public and more private spaces in castles.71 _{This distinction}

between for example the more public great hall and the private chamber has been crucial for the layout of many manorial estates. A structure that is clearly visible in the layout of the Binnenhof and was carefully build up throughout the years. Initially the roofing material of the buildings even reflected this structure as historical sources show. Work- and storage spaces were covered with reed and the chambers and halls of the count with slate.72

Furthermore, dividing walls with gateways on both sides of the great hall were at least present from 1343 onwards.73 _{As described in the perception of the count, these walls separated the Binnenhof in}

four areas: public, semi-public and private spaces. The division in different areas by the walls emphasized the carefully planned structure. Figure 8 shows a reconstruction of the layout of the Binnenhof around 1450 (the walls are marked dark blue).

The typical structure of the court can be understood as a spatial metaphor of social status in medieval times. It communicated a certain hierarchy and distance between the different residents of the court (count and family members, secular clergy, staff and servants), guests and the public. By

communicating this hierarchy and distance the experience and perception of the individual was influenced automatically because it dictated the course of movement through the different areas. For example, for the kitchen staff the most familiar area was the kitchen area since they spend most of their time there. It is likely that they were not permitted in the more private spaces on the north side of the great hall, the residences of the count and his family, making it unfamiliar distanced spaces in their experience.

72 _{Janse 2011, 27-28.} 73 _{Calkoen 1902, 48.}

Figure 8. Reconstruction of the Binnenhof around 1450 (Veen 2014). The blue lines represent the walls between the different areas as discussed in paragraph 2.3.

Gardens

When the count was not performing his official duties entertainment was sought. Gardens and game parks or forests functioned as recreational and aesthetical areas among others. These features are found in close connection with most significant medieval residences.74 _{This also applies on the castle grounds of}

the Binnenhof. Around 1350 the gardens within the defences of the castle, the more private gardens that were more or less secluded from the view, comprised of different rectangular shaped sections (priëlen) in which herbs, flowers and small fruits were grown. Some of the chambers directly overlooked these gardens. From the end of the fourteenth century onwards the ‘priëlen’ were combined with recreational features such as a summer house and benches.75 _{Several gardens and orchards were also situated outside}

the walls of the castle, on the northeast side. Two gates, the Spuipoort and the Uiterste Poort provided access to the vegetable gardens (kooltuin) and the orchards (poten and akerland) that were surrounded by moats and transected by ditches.76 _{These garden areas were less secluded and private. Thus, apart from the residence}

a certain hierarchy was also apparent in the gardens.

Several garden features of the Binnenhof were a symbol of the high standing of its buildings and

74 _{Creighton 2009, 45.}

75 _{Smit & Van Kan 2004, 108; Van Veen 2014, 115.} 76 _{Smit & Van Kan 2004, 109-110; Van Veen 2014, 113.}

residents. Orchards for example, especially moated orchards, were associated with status, offering shade, peace, beauty and interest.77 _{Another feature are trees. Trees were not merely seen as functional but as}

metaphors of the ideas in the human mind. A certain maturity of a residence could be communicated by incorporating ancient trees in the immediate surroundings.78 _{Perhaps the large lime tree, that was situated}

near the court chapel already in 1361, could be interpreted as such. This tree must have been important to the counts because it was fenced-off at the end of the fourteenth century.79

The areas between the residence, gardens and forest, the koekamp and voorhout were initially part of the forest. The koekamp became in use as pasture for cows in 1316 until about 1500 when Philip the Handsome (1494-1506) replaced the cattle with deer for the hunt.80 _{The Voorhout, a spur of the forest}

(hence the name Voorhout which loosely translated means wood in front of the forest81_{), became in use as}

afforestation area (fig 9).82 _{Exceptionally, both areas have retained the same function or appearance since}

the Middle Ages. The location of the gardens and pasture, between the residential complex and the parkland or forest beyond, is a recurring theme in castle gardens in England. Situating the gardens at this point of interface provided a fluid passage from the domestic buildings to the hunting grounds, linking the residence to its environment.83

78 _{Creighton 2009, 75-76.}

79 _{Smit & Van Kan 2004, 110; interpretation author.} 80 _{Koopmans 2000, 20.}

81 _{Koopmans 2000, 14.}

82 _{Smit & Van Kan 2004, 108-110.} 83 _{Creighton 2009, 71.}

Forest

The hunt played a large role in the counts’ life. In order to participate in the hunt, the count could leave through the vassal yard where the stable was situated or directly pass through a gate east of his court yard that would lead through the orchards and vegetable gardens into the forest. This outstretched forested area, situated next to the Binnenhof, was called the Haagse Bos (fig. 10). That this forest functioned as a hunting ground for the counts of Holland is, in particular, underlined by the place name of the medieval settlement where this forest is situated. The place name of The Hague (Den Haag/’s-Gravenhage) is first mentioned in 1242 as in die Haga. The term haag means enclosure or fencing, but also the area within the enclosure.84 _{In medieval England the words haga or haia can be defined as a secure enclosure or hedge}

around a forested area in which deer were kept.85 _{Renes suggests that such a meaning, a game or deer}

park, can be linked to the earliest history of The Hague when count Floris IV built the court around 1230.86 _{Other researchers have also implied this connection.}87 _{Apart from their importance for food}

supply, game parks also functioned as status symbols and were aesthetically valued by the medieval people.88 _{From the east side of the Binnenhof, where the more private areas of the castle were situated}

from the fourteenth century onwards, the residents had a good view on the forest.

Figure 10. A map of The Hague, by Jacob van Deventer, dating to approximately 1560. Collection Nationaal Archief, Den Haag.

Game parks in medieval England contained several buildings and certain features. One of these features that was visible in the forest of The Hague too, is the hermitage.89 _{Serving the solitary needs of the hermit}

by providing a location that consisted of wilderness and forest could be understood as an act of piety. But for the counts it was also a recreational or ornamental feature in the hunting landscape. It added to the mystique.90

That the Haagse Bos was important to the counts of Holland is reflected in the historical sources. Already in the middle of the fourteenth century, the counts had appointed a gamekeeper who had the following task: ‘het in het getrouw bewaaren, beschutten en beschermen van het Bosch’ en ‘allen die het zelve beschadigen… te vangen en te gyzelen…’.91 _{Also, accounts from the fifteenth century show that}

count Philip the Good (1419-1467) surrounded the forest with ditches and had gatekeepers guard the two gates, the Westpoort or Boschpoort and the Oosterpoort, providing access to the forest. And when the States of Holland decided to cut down the forest and sell the timber in 1575 to finance the Eighty Years’ War (1568-1648), Willem of Orange (1533-1584) obstructed these plans by signing an act of redemption in 1576, which stated that both the land and trees were never to be sold and that the state was ought to oversee that the forest was maintained well.92 _{Furthermore, the high status of The Hague, the measures}

taken by the counts and the act of redemption guaranteed the existence of the forest even up until today. 2.4 In die Haghe

By passing the last gate in the outer ward, the Voorpoort or Gevangenepoort (number 22 in fig. 8), the count would depart his castle and enter the town from whereon he could visit the parish church to attend Mass or make a donation, perhaps collect money by visiting tenants or leave the town to go out hunting in the nearby forest or to travel to one of his other residences.

The town started as a settlement west of the elite structure and arose during the construction of the Binnenhof or slightly later. Historical sources have shown that some sort of community already existed around 1275.93 _{The reason for people to settle near the Binnenhof was the mere presence of the}

court. These people were noblemen in the immediate vicinity of the count or craftsmen whose building activities gradually reduced the area of untamed forest and dunes.94 _{The settlement grew into a large town,}

yet it was never walled and city rights were never granted. Unfortunately, both historical and

archaeological sources cannot shine light on the date or period the settlement was founded. Yet it is clear that the castle and its residents have influenced the development and vice versa. This reciprocal relation between the castle and the town will be explored in this paragraph.

90 _{Creighton 2009, 139-140; interpretation author.}

91 _{Anema 1999, 8. Loosely translated to English: ‘reliably preserving, guarding and protecting the forest’ and ‘to capture everyone} who damages it’.

92 _{Koopmans 2000, 14-15.} 93 _{Stal & Kersing 2004, 40.} 94 _{Koopmans 2000, 14.}

Permanent residence

The counts of Holland did not have a permanent residence, but travelled from court to court.95 _However,

under the government of Floris V, after the great hall was constructed, The Hague became the favorite residence of the count.96 _{Most of the charters were emitted in The Hague and he might have even called it}

their home in a charter from 1286: ‘in onse woninghe ter Haghe’.97 _{But the exact meaning of his use of the}

words in our home will never be certain. After Floris V, several counts continued to spend between one third and three quarters of a year at the Binnenhof.98 _{The presence of the castle and semi-permanent}

attendance of the counts had a substantial impact on the village ‘die Haghe’, especially during the third quarter of the fourteenth century when the population grew until about 1500 inhabitants. This increase in population is visible in the tenancy records.99 _{It is also in this period, after 1350, that the castle was}

significantly expanded. Tenancy

Tenancy was an important source of income for the count, who was the landlord of The Hague and the surrounding Haagambacht, an area between Loosduinen and Wassenaar. He had the exclusive right to carry out reclamations or build on the land. By emitting building plots, which were administered by the audit office, the court remained in control over the town planning until around 1600.100 _{The Hofboeken}

(1458-1561), a register of the tenancy of land, even show that almost everyone leased a house or land from the count. Exceptions were knights among others, to whom the count expressed his gratitude for their services by granting them land or a house.101

Interesting about these tenancy records is that the rate of the issued (building) plots, charged by the court, was undeniably low in the fourteenth century. The rate in Rotterdam in 1334, when the town was not walled yet, was twelve times higher than in The Hague which was also not walled (apart from the Binnenhof itself).102 _{A study of the history of planning control in the latter town concluded that this low}

tariff was charged to foster settlement in ‘die Haghe’. It also shows that the fact that The Hague was an open space, and not a walled town offering their residents protection, played a role. And because the local government didn’t want people to leave, most likely for economic reasons, they decided in 1370 that people who left the village within five years, were obliged to pay ten pounds.103

The right of tenancy had a major influence on urban planning and has impacted onthe landscape until today. By giving out (building) plots, the counts decided which areas of the town were built-on and which areas remained vacant. Initial building was situated around the parish church, along the north south route (Noordeinde, Hoogstraat and the Wagenstraat) and south of the castle on the west side of the Spui

(fig. 11).104 _{Some of the open sites, such as the Lange Voorhout and de plaats, remained empty from the}

fourteenth century onwards. Multiple other undeveloped areas of the castle grounds also had a permanent impact on the landscape throughout the centuries as can be seen on the historical maps (fig. 12a till 12c) and current aerial photograph (fig. 13). Various reasons probably lie at the basis of this phenomenon. The wide and open character of the town must have influenced the continued use of these areas as green spaces or later public areas. A large part of the Haagse Bos retained its function as a forest or park because it was opened up to the public already in 1613, the first green space in Europe that was publicly accessible to the inhabitants.105

Figure 11. The development of The Hague around 1300 (red), 1400 (brown) and 1500 (yellow). From Stal & Kersing 2004.

Figure 12a. Sixteenth century map of The Hague by J. de Gheyn II (1598). The Lange Voorhout, plaats and koekamp (all green spaces) still had the same functions. Other empty spaces are also clearly visible. Collection Haags Gemeentearchief.

Figure 12b. Seventeenth century map of The Hague by C. Elandts (1666). The Lange Voorhout, plaats and koekamp (all green spaces) still had the same functions. Other empty spaces are also clearly visible. Collection Haags Gemeentearchief.

Figure 12c. Eighteenth century map of The Hague by J. Besoet (1747). The Lange Voorhout, plaats and koekamp (all green spaces) still had the same functions. Other empty spaces are also clearly visible. Collection Haags Gemeentearchief.

Figure 13. Recent aerial photograph of the Binnenhof and its immediate surroundings. The green coloured spaces or areas that remained empty from the Middle Ages until today (as could be seen on the previous maps). The castle landscape left a permanent mark on the town. Source aerial photograph: PDOK.

Parish church

Religion was an important aspect of medieval life and led to substantial investments in chapels, churches and monasteries by the medieval elite. The counts of Holland and the other noble families who resided at the Binnenhof or in the village invested in these buildings too.

Around the same period Floris V founded the Hofkapel, he also erected a (possibly wooden) church for the residents of the settlement next to the Binnenhof. The foundation of this independent parish church was a result of the separation of the village of the parish of Monster in 1276.106 _{But it might}

also be an act of piety, expression of wealth or an important social statement. Perhaps a parish church would attract more people willing to settle in the small village next to the castle. Due to the growth of the settlement that was probably caused by the (semi-permanent) presence of the counts, this church was expanded in beginning of the fourteenth century. Though the exact construction date of this new building is not known, large bricks were found during archaeological excavations dating between 1290 and 1340. An historical record from 1335 mentioning the ‘grote kercke’ (large church) attests this expansion.107

Later alterations of this church were financed by different counts of Holland.108 _{For example, a}

new church, the St. Jacobs church or Grote Kerk, on this location was commissioned and financed by count Albrecht van Beieren at the end of the fourteenth century. Albrecht and his court attended several services in the St. Jacobs church and participated in processions. After his death in 1404, his body was laid out in church. From 1420 until 1423 the construction of the iconic St. Jacobs tower was partly financed by duke Jan van Beieren. And in 1434, duke Philip the Good (1396-1467) donated 300 gold coins for the renovation of the church. Residents of The Hague were also charged for the improvements through taxes among others.109

Expansion ecclesiastical landscape

Due to the expansion of the town, the ecclesiastical landscape was expanded too in the fifteenth century through the agency and donations of the counts of Holland and the local nobility. Albrecht van Beieren and his second wife, Margaretha van Kleef (1375-1411), were granted with permission in 1403 by the abbot of Middelburg to found the St. Vincentiusklooster, a Dominican monastery. This first and oldest monastery of The Hague was situated between the Lange Voorhout and the Kazernestraat. After Albrechts death, Margaretha endowed the monastery financially between 1404 and 1405. During this initial period count Willem VI and his illegitimate son Lodewijk and duke Jan van Beieren continued these donations in the form of annuities. Willem VI also donated reed and stained-glass windows for the building. Other court nobility endowed the monastery with donations or valuable objects used during services performed in the church too.110 _{During archeological excavations at the site of the former}

monastery, some parts of a sculpture belonging to the altar tomb of two patrons of the monastery were

106 _{De Hingh & Van Ginkel 2009, 157.}

107 _{Boissevain & Nigten 1987, 12; Toebes 1969, 357; De Hingh & Van Ginkel 2009, 157.} 108 _{Van Ginkel & De Hingh 2013, 145.}

109 _{Boissevain & Nigten 1987, 11-14; Toebes 1969, 360-412.}

found. The patrons depicted are Lodewijk and his wife Alienora van Floyon, who passed in away respectively in 1440 and 1455.111

Four more convents were erected during the course of the fifteenth century. It remains unknown who founded and funded these nunneries. What we do know is that the counts endowed these convents with donations or privileges in return for prayers and reading Mass.112

The Hague had an extensive and institutionalized ecclesiastical landscape that was predominantly formed by the castle lords and other nobles who placed their mark on the village and later town by investing in these buildings (fig 14). This institutionalized landscape must have had a significant influence on the perception of the community. People were confronted with the external characteristics of religion everywhere, once stepped out of their door. For example, the St. Jacobs tower with its 65 metres tall rose above all the houses.113

5. Sint-Jacobskapel; 6. Kapel bij het Sint-Nicolaasgasthuis; 7. Kapel Vrouwke met de kruik; 8. Sint-Agnietenconvent; 9. Sint-Barbaraconvent; 10. Sint-Elisabethsconvent;

11. Sint-Maria in Galileaconvent; 12. Maria- of Viskapel.

111 _{De Hingh & Van Ginkel 2009, 166-167; Toebes 1969, 360.} 112 _{Janse & Van Veen 2004, 235-242.}