Interpreting the Nature of the Scottish
National Identity and Nationalism
MASTER THESIS POLITICAL SCIENCE Political Science: European Politics and External
Relations: 31 August 2017 Supervisor
Prof. Dr. Eric Schliesser SecondReader Dr. P. Raekstad Author Dimitar Stoichkov Student ID – 11138092 Email – stoichkov.dimitar@gmail.com
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Table of Contents:
Chapter 1: Introduction p. 2-5 Chapter 2: Literature Review p. 6-14 Chapter 3: Research Method p. 16-18 Chapter 4: The Development of the Scottish National Identity p.19-29 Chapter 5: Alternative Explanations for Scottish Nationalism p.30-35 Chapter 6: SNP’s Manifesto and Guide on Independence. p.36-41 Chapter 7: Conclusion p.42-43 Bibliography p.44-47
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Interpreting the Nature of the Scottish National Identity and Nationalism
By Dimitar Stoichkov
Introduction
The main topic of this thesis is the interpretation of the nature of nationalism and national identity in Scotland. The question of how to interpret Scottish nationalism and identity is an important one as it fits both the general debate about the character of modern secession movements, and the narrower debate about the future of Scotland in light of the possible new independence referendum.
The central hypothesis of the thesis is that Scotland is an example of nationalism characterized by the development of public culture and civic consciousness. Therefore, it is fully compatible with traditional liberal values such as the freedom of speech/press, freedom of religion, civil rights, secular governments and international cooperation. (Liberal International, 1997) Discussing the effect of civic consciousness and public culture on the nationality in Scotland provides an alternative to the view that the Scottish nationalism movement emerged solely due to the favorable political environment in the UK after WWII. (Nairn, 1981)
Thesis Structural Outline and Theoretical Background
The opening chapter of the thesis is a review of the main works on liberal nationalism and Scottish nationalism. It begins by discussing J.S Mill’s On Representative Government. Special attention is paid to chapter 16 – On Nationality where Mill shares his ideas about the creation of the ‘spirit of nationality’ and the function nationalism serves in a representative government. Understanding Mill’s thoughts on nationalism is also helpful when analyzing contemporary liberal national theorists. For example, David Miller’s position that liberalism can be compatible with demands from nationality and cultural rights (Lopez, 2014) is clearly influenced by Mill’s philosophy. Miller’s work is also included in the literature review. Another author included in the chapter is Giuseppe Mazzini. Writing in the same epoch as J.S Mill, Mazzini is much more
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focused on the role of nationalism in politics thus providing a more complete overview of the 19th century idea of liberal nationalism.
Along with the main literature on liberal nationalism, attention is also paid to the concepts of public culture (Miller, 1995) and civic consciousness (Mayerfield, 1998). Civic consciousness and public culture are regarded as qualities which liberal nationalism should possess. The process of development of these, and their incorporation into the national identity of Scotland is discussed in the later chapters by revisiting the history of the development of the Scottish national identity.
After the literature review, there is a short chapter on research method. The main research method to be used in the thesis is the case study. Such method is useful because it allows more in-depth understanding of the specific development of nationalism in Scotland. Although working within a more limited context undermines the external validity and generalizability of the main thesis, it also allows us to generate a more precise theory and hypothesis. The case study method is also useful for testing already existing claims and theories made about Scottish nationalism. Additionally, the method of process tracing will be employed in order to explore how the ‘initial conditions’ in Scotland transformed into the outcome we see today.
(Vennesson, 2008)
The fourth chapter is dedicated to a modernist interpretation of the nature of the Scottish
national identity. Historical overview of the way Scottish nationalism developed since the union
of parliaments in 1707 is also presented. Special attention is paid to the 19th century. This is the
time when nationalism started spreading across Europe (Scotland included.) It is also the time when authors like G. Mazzini, and J.S. Mill pioneered the idea of liberal nationalism.
The main goal of the chapter is to show that the development of the Scottish National Identity was revolving around major societal changes in religion, education, industry etc. that are highlighted by a series of important events. Using the mentioned above process tracing method, this chapter shows how a series of important events gave Scottish nationalism bears its distinctive civic character.
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The thesis then continues with a chapter dedicated to discussing alternative interpretations of the Scottish nationalism and identity. The chapter is divided in two sections. One provides a different approach to understanding the formation of national identities. Namely the ethno-symbolic approach according to which modern nations are connected with pre-modern tribes and societies through ethnicity and symbolism. The other section puts Scotland in the larger political narrative of Britain. As a critique to the modernist interpretation of Scottish
nationalism, chapter five argues that Scottish nationalism is merely a reaction to UK’s internal political issues. The so-called Anderson-Nairn thesis is used to depict the rise of the SNP as a result of the changing nature of the UK post-WWII. According to the Anderson-Nairn thesis, the Westminster elites were struggling to accept the diminishing imperial status of the UK after the war which left the door open for political movements promoting alternative national identities to flourish. (Jackson, 2014)
After that, in chapter six, the explanatory power of our main hypothesis is compared to that of the alternatives (as presented in chapter 5). This is done by reviewing the official 2017 SNP General Election manifesto, and the 2013 Guide to an Independent Scotland. These documents are chosen because they summarize the party’s most recent policy goals, as well as the
rationale behind organizing the 2014 Independence referendum.
Discussing SNP’s individual policies is helpful in determining the extent to which liberal values are core to the party’s ideals. Reviewing the 2017 manifesto explicitly shows that the SNP is not simply reacting to the larger political landscape in Britain (as the Anderson/Nairn suggest), but is looking to lead pro-active policies targeting Scotland’s education, healthcare and industry. In addition to that, an analysis of The Guide to an Independent Scotland document contributes to understanding the way SNP perceives the Scottish National Identity.
The concepts of civic consciousness and public culture are once more put forward as an addition to Miller’s (1995) ideas on national consciousness. Miller’s argument is that public culture within a national identity is a necessary condition for the development of democracy and social justice. According to him, the existence of a public culture is a precursor for social
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cohesion. However, this is not enough for sustaining the liberal values of our society. Hence, the idea of public culture must be further developed. Here is where civic consciousness becomes important. The difference between the two is that civic consciousness suggests that fellow citizens are united not only on national terms, but by their strong commitment to constitutional order and protecting civil rights. (Habermas, 1992) Also, in the same chapter, civic consciousness is presented as a self-reinforcing principle based on mutual engagement in democracy. The continuous commitment to which builds a sense of togetherness among fellow citizens, and a shared responsibility in protecting the constitutional order. That last point is crucial for the chapter. It shows how prolonged participation in a civic project may alter or create an entirely new national identity (Ignatieff, et al., 1993).
After establishing that civic consciousness can produce national identities , the thesis moves on to test that theory using case of the SNP. Process tracing will be employed here again. SNP policy documents will be analyzed in order to tie the development of the political agenda of the party with the principle of civic consciousness. One such document is the Constitution for a Free
Scotland. (2002)
The thesis then finishes with a conclusion. In it, all the claims pursued above are summarized, in order to show how in the particular case of Scotland, nationalism developed together wi th liberal values, rather than opposite them. The chapter concludes that the Scottish case shows that nationalism and national identity can be changing and fluid. This claim is based on
Ignatieff’s point that societal participation in civic projects can create new national identity. The Scots are able to continuously reinvent their national identity. Beginning in the 19th century by
separating from the church and educational system of England, to modern times, and the independence referendum in 2014. All these events have shown that nationalism and national identity can be sustainable if they are firmly based on the otherwise fluid notion of civic consciousness.
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Chapter 2 – Literature Review
J.S. Mill’s contribution to liberal nationalism
Any account of liberal nationalism must begin by discussing John Stuart Mill. His 1861 work –
Considerations on Representative Government is one of the classic contributions to both
liberalism and liberal nationalism. This text is an important milestone for the liberal
commitment to democracy as it develops Bentham’s idea of representative democracy (Kelly, 2015, p. 14). In chapter 16 of his book, J.S. Mill’s shares his views on the role of nationality within the representative government. He also gives his own definition of a nation:
‘A portion of mankind may be said to constitute a Nationality if they are united among
themselves by common sympathies which do not exist between them and any others – which make them co-operate with each other more willingly than with other people, desire to be under the same government, and desire it should be government by themselves or a portion of
themselves exclusively’ (Mill, 1861, p. 181)
In the same chapter, Mill goes on to portray the spirit of nationality through concepts such as language, race/descent, and geographic location. However, he places the utmost importance on emphasizing the significance of shared political history (or history of ‘political antecedents’ as he calls it) for the formation of nationality. For Mill, nations are not fictional constructs, but existing objects whose actions and political demands have real-life implications over the world. In line with his liberal conviction, Mill understands nations as groups consisting of individuals who possess the spirit of nationality (common goals, desires, and preferences) (Kelly,2015, p.16).
That is why in Mill’s variation of nationalism there is no need for individualism to be removed. Instead, Mill combines the liberal idea of a people with the sociological/historical category of nation - ‘Where the sentiment of nationality exists in any force, there is a prima facie case for
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The same approach to nationalism is very similar to the 20th century work of Ernest Gellner.
(Gellner, 1983) In Nations and Nationalism, Gellner theorizes that nations are a product of modernity and are as such almost inevitable features of state building. In that model, nationality becomes a mechanism for consolidating state power and gaining legitimacy:
“The general emergence of modernity hinged on the erosion of the multiple petty binding local organizations and their replacement by mobile, anonymous, literate, identity –conferring cultures. It is this generalized condition which made nationalism normative and pervasive ”
(Gellner, 1983: p.86)
In both Mill and Gellner, nationality is linked to self-government and it is also used as a tool to securing political stability and effective government.
Both authors considered nationality as a way to unite together a group of individuals into a focused and functioning political entity working in accordance with a liberal repres entative democratic government. In other words, representative governments can benefit by instilling nationalism in order to ensure ‘soft’ or non-invasive government (Calhoun, 2007).
Put in such terms, support for nationalism should extend insofar as the nation is able to sustain a non-invasive government. Similar sentiment is also echoed in Wilson’s Fourteen Points speech in front of congress in January 1918. In that speech Wilson argues that rejecting the desire for ‘conquest and aggrandizement’ of the warring nations will make it possible ‘for every nation
whose purposes are consistent with justice and the peace of the world to avow now or at any other time the objects it has in view.’ (Wilson, 1918: p.1)
Cosmopolitanism of Nations – G. Mazzini’s Writings on Democracy
Another work to be considered in this literature review is G. Mazzini’s writings on democracy. Giuseppe Mazzini was an Italian nationalist and revolutionary. After the 1849 republican uprising that toppled the Pope he became part of the triumvirate in charge of the city and began introducing democratic reforms. (Holt, 2017) After the French army took control of the city on behalf of the Pope, Mazzini fled Italy. As a result, most of his works were completed
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while in exile. He had a strong republican and liberal conviction, but was also a passionate nationalist. Mazzini’s writings manage to theoretically combine liberalism and nationalism. Used in this literature review is an edited book compiling Mazzini’s essays on Democracy,
Cosmopolitanism of Nations. (Mazzini, 2009). The first part of Cosmopolitanism of Nations
presents Mazzini’s views about the meaning and function of the nation. He believes that all humans are born equal therefore entitled to universal human rights. However, he takes this notion a bit further to say that liberty and equality oblige people to associate in order to pursue the common good of their society. Mazzini believed in the ‘primacy of duty and various forms of
association. He saw national self-determination as a constitutive politics, and thus as the necessary condition for the implementation of liberal rights, rather than a liberal right itself.’
(Mazzini 2009: p.9)
In order for this association to happen, what is needed according to Mazzini is a nation. Mazzini makes an important differentiation here. He says that for a nation to be formed, it is not
enough to have a group of people sharing the same territory, language, and tradition. What is needed is a shared desired to improve, and serve the common good. In Mazzini’s words, all nations should be guided by a fundamental law whose goal is ‘the development and progressive
perfection of the social forces and their activity—this is the basis that underpins every national association. The national representatives are entrusted with directing and perfecting these social forces, in view of promoting the common good.’ (Mazzini, 2009: p. 51) Only then one can
talk about a proper nation.
From this it follows that nations are not natural to people. Neither are they the end point in developing a community. In defending the fundamental law described above, nations become the vehicles needed to unite large masses of people in order to fully embrace liberty and equality. Naturally, the ideal form of government for a nation like that, is democracy. Mazzini considered democratic government – ‘the only logical and truly legitimate form of Government’ (Mazzini, 2009, p. 97).
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Next, Cosmopolitanism of Nations includes Mazzini’s theory of international relations. His strong belief in duty and association is apparent once more when looking at the role of he has for nations in the international system. He argues that no nation can truly contribute to the common good on a global level until they begin to cooperate with all other nations. (Mazzini, 2009: pp.132-134)
Cooperation and association between nations are seen as a moral obligation stemming from a dedication to the liberal values of freedom and equality. Mazzini even spoke of a “Holy Alliance
of the People” (Mazzini, 2009, p. 121) and went as far as foreseeing the creation of a ‘United
States of Europe’ (p. 135)
The last part of the book features Mazzini’s views on the ethics of international relations. He argues that international politics should not be a result of domestic grievances – ‘What purpose
would a republic serve, if it had to feed itself on the very passions, anger, and selfishness that we are fighting?’ (Mazzini, 2009, p. 157).
By emphasizing the role morality should play in international relations, two major flaws of the 19th century diplomacy are revealed. The first flaw highlighted is the secretive nature of the
diplomatic negotiations. (Chapter 14). Instead of secret talks between diplomats, Mazzini’s suggestion is to make international agreements a subject to a public debate. His firm belief is that this is the only way to achieve lasting peace. That is a point that W. Wilson repeats as the first point of his Fourteen Points speech.
Second in chapters 16 and 19, the author claims that the principle of non-intervention is used by states as an excuse for passivity. He holds that military intervention can be justified in order to address injustices. Like the wrongful occupation of Italy by the Austrian empire for example. A point is also made that if the monarchies can intervene in the domestic affairs of other states in order to protect their interests, so should the democracies be able to respond in similar manner in order to protect themselves. Considering the context in which this was written, namely, occupied Italy, it is easy to understand the Mazzini’s motives for highlight this aspect of international relations. Nonetheless, Mazzini’s argument is still relevant nowadays, as
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Cosmopolitanism of Nations does a good job in showcasing the specific way in which Mazzini
incorporate values, like liberty, freedom, and human rights, into his analysis of the legitimacy of a nation. Not enough attention is being paid however on the weaknesses of his theory. For example, Mazzini is not very convincing in his explanation why conflict can be avoided by the association of nation-states on the international level. Although he acknowledges the existence of various national prejudices, their potential influence over politics is neglected. Another issue that is left unaddressed is the danger of tyranny of the majority once a democratic nation-state is established. And finally, there is insufficient defense of the claim that colonialism serves a higher ‘moral mission’ (Mazzini, 2009, p. 238).
Although the editors point out that many of Mazzini’s contemporaries were also supportive of colonialism, (Mazzini, 2009: p.29) there is still no sufficient explanation why a thinker with such strong views on self-determination and democracy can at the same time be in favor of colonial practices.
David Miller’s On Nationality
Another book to be discussed is David Miller’s On Nationality. Its main theme is the ethical relevance of belonging to a nation.
The book begins with Miller’s account of the features that a social group must possess in order to be considered a nation. First, a nation should be comprised of people who shared the same attitudes and obligations towards one another. Second, to be considered a nation, a social group must have a shared past, be active in character, have territorial ambitions, and a distinct public culture. After providing these characteristics, Miller makes the assumption that in the modern world, most of the people possess at least some degree of national identity, and consider themselves to be a part of such a group fitting the description for a nation. (Miller, 1995: pp14-15)
On Nationality doesn’t spend much time trying to explain and substantiate this claim, and
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To do that, Miller attacks the notion that nationalism is based on myths susceptible to pol itical manipulation that render belonging to a nation irrational and morally not justifiable. Miller’s response is to accentuate that even myths can be based on some truth, and that despite all, nations provide the backbone of practices like the welfare state. Such view is reminiscent of the ethno-symbolic approach to interpreting the nature of national identity.
Another concept challenged in the book is the principle of ethical universalism. (pp. 49-81) According to this principle, moral obligations should be universal and independent of any perceived special relations between individual, hence making nationalism impermissible since it implies higher moral obligations towards a particular group of people. To that, Miller replies by saying that such a high level of moral impartiality is simply unachievable for most of humanity, and therefore a middle ground is needed in order to ensure that morality is still present in the functioning of society. This middle ground he calls ethical particularism. In particular because it recognizes the existence and influence of both agent-neutral and agent-relative moral
obligations.
After establishing its main theoretical framework, the book then moves on to address a multitude of issues related to ethics in the domestic and international policies of the nations such as self-determination, cultural pluralism and international relations.
It is important to be noted that by doing so, Miller does not aim at changing the theory of nationalism. The goals is to re-frame the discussion about it. (p. 4).
For example, Miller uses the welfare state to show how by reframing the role of nationalism in society, one can see its influence over ‘liberal’ constructs. The main argument here is that, if a group of individuals were to share only citizenship rights and not national, they would have been morally obliged to ensure a simple reciprocity of social justice, instead of redistribution based on the actual need of the citizens. On Miller’s account, this is true because citizens will work towards reciprocity based on individual contribution towards society, whereas co-nationals (due to sharing common history, culture, sentiments, etc.) will generally look to spread social in such a way as to secure the co-nationals regardless of their contribution
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towards society. That is why, the author argues, concepts like the idea of economic equality, or the welfare state have as strong national roots, as liberal.
Public Culture
On Nationality argues that public culture, is crucial in forging this balance between nationalism
and liberalism. Or to put it in other words, it is through the establishment of public culture that we can have liberal nationalism. In essence, it is the same approach as with morality and ethics. He criticizes conservative nationalism for being too focused on preserving the identity of the majority group in the nation, and being dismissive towards immigrants and minorities. On the other end of the spectrum, multiculturalism is dismissed in on the grounds that it is unable to sustain a common identity within society, which renders agent-neutral ethical obligations impossible. Miller then sees conservative nationalism and liberal multiculturalism as two extremes. So he tries to establish a middle ground. That middle ground is his definition of liberal nationalism. In liberal nationalism, he holds, public culture serves as a modifier to
nationalism so that minorities can be accepted and ethic obligations upheld. In chapter 4, Miller considers granting national communities political self-determination. Whether it is federal powers or independence, the argument goes, allowing a degree of self-determination could be helpful as it will enable communities create institutions who can administer their ethic
obligations. Moreover, public culture can modify national communities which already have some form of political representation.
The concept of public culture in Miller will play a big part when discussing the Scottish national identity. However, On Nationality, leaves this concept underdeveloped. Surely, developing public culture within national identities can improve inclusion and social cohesion. Still, Miller does not convincingly explain whether possessing common national identity alone can be sufficient for sustaining the benefits it fosters.
Civic Consciousness
Hence, the idea of public culture must be further developed. This is why I introduce the notion of civic consciousness is introduced. Mayerfield (1998) defines it as ‘an allegiance to
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of social cooperation’. To him however, civic consciousness is a theoretical concept. He does
not provide examples of a society that shares it. Instead, it is presented as an alternative to national identity.
Habermas (1992) envisages society united by a strong commitment to constitutional order and protecting civil rights instead of common national identity (Habermas, 1992). In his view, civic consciousness is presented as a self-reinforcing principle based on mutual engagement in democracy. The continuous commitment to it builds a sense of togetherness among fellow citizens, and a shared responsibility in protecting the constitutional order.
This is crucial as it shows how prolonged participation in a civic project may alter or create an entirely new national identity (Ignatieff, et al., 1993).
In this thesis, I do not treat civic consciousness as an alternative to national identity but as an addition to it. Currently authors like Miller, Mayerfield, Habermas, Ignatieff, etc. argue that in the core of society there is a place for only one doctrine. Either a commitment to universal moral obligations, or a particularist approach to moral obligations where one’s co-nationals are given preferential treatment. Liberalism doubts whether liberal nationalism can sustain and protect its liberal values. Liberal nationalists question whether ascribing to a universal approach to moral obligations can introduce liberal values in society in the first place. What if we were to combine both doctrines? As we have seen from the literature, despite having different
theoretical beginnings, both Liberalism and Liberal Nationalism can produce commitment to individual rights, social cooperation and democratic decision making. Civic consciousness can bridge those theoretical differences. How will that look like? Hopefully we can answer these questions by examining the case of Scotland and the development of its national identity.
Scottish Liberal Nationalism
James Kennedy (2006) in his Responding to Empire: Liberal Nationalism and Imperial Decline in
Scotland and Québec applies liberal nationalism theory when discussing the nationalisms of
Scotland and Quebec. The text focuses on the success that empires have had in facilitating national diversity. Similar view is also shared by authors like Hechter (2000) & Lieven (2000).
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In his article Kennedy emphasizes that while both the Young Scots and Ligue nationaliste
canadienne (both early organized expressions of nationalism In Scotland and Canada
respectively) were critical of some British imperial policies, neither of those groups were advocating for a complete exit from the British Empire. What the Young Scots andLigue nationaliste canadienne were urging for was a more equal relationship for their countries
within the Empire. Kennedy argues that such stance was dictated by the already privileged positions of Scotland and Canada within the Empire. In that sense, Kennedy concludes,
nationalism was not the most serious threat for the British Empire, but rather the competition from other superpowers (Kennedy, 1987, p. 226-7 & Ferguson 2003:295)
Responding to Empire develops this point by claiming that apart from being the instigator
behind Canadian and Scottish Nationalism, the British Empire was also spreading liberal ideas, thus directly influencing the kind of nationalism spreading within its borders. In a sense the Empire served as a network for distribution of liberal norms. The practical expression of this diffusion of liberal norms was the Home Rule system. That system provided certain territories of the Empire with a degree of self-governance and partial independence. Such was the case with Scotland. In other words, from the beginning, the modern Scottish nationalist movement, was based on and inspired by liberal values.
In a way the British Empire served as a multi-national network distributing shared norms and values. Its institutions were replicated throughout its territories. Ideas and theories received wider audience. (Mehta 1999, p.200) Both the Young Scots and the Ligue nationaliste
canadienne were inspired by those ideas. Both organizations saw the British Empire as
decentralized and based on self-government. The Young Scots in particular were extremely influenced by the idea of self-government. For them the Empire has been by ‘the Liberal
statesmen carrying out the Liberal principle of freedom” (YSS Leaflet, 1910 in Kennedy, 2013).
Self-governance became a cornerstone during their campaigns. By using other self-governing colonies like Canada, Australia, and South Africa, (YSS, 1910) the Young Scots hoped to show the benefits of an empire based on ‘home rule’, as the ‘most powerful bond of union for the
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The same sentiment was shared by the Ligue nationaliste canadienne as well. Their founder Henri Bourassa thought that the ‘The colonies were given to understand that they were to be
self-reliant and self-supporting, and that whensoever, they thought fit to sever their connection with the motherland, no obstacle would be put in the way’ (H.Bourassa, 1901 in (Kennedy,
2013, p. 116).
These quotes show that, at least in the case of Canada and Scotland, local nationalism within the UK has a strong connection with the liberal side of the British Empire. For Scotland in particular, the relationship between nationality and empire has another layer. Kennedy makes the argument that Scottish nationalism needed the larger notion of the British Empire in order to establish its distinctiveness compared to Scotland’s biggest neighbor –England. In contrast, the Ligue nationaliste canadienne was opposed to political dependence on either the British Empire, or the USA, and instead favored authonomy as means to preserve and establish the distinctiveness of French Canada. By highlighting the different relationship the Young Scots and theLigue nationaliste canadienne had with the British Empire, Kennedy provides and
understanding of the different paths on which Scottish and French-Canadian nationalism embarked upon. The comparison between Scotland and Canada also shows the different way in which Britain was behaving towards its territories during the late 19th and early 20th century.
Such fluctuations Kennedy maintains, were directly responsible for the rise of liberal nationalism within Britain during the era.
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Chapter 3 – Research Method
Case StudyThe main research method of this thesis is the case study. This particular method is used for gaining a better understanding of real-life phenomena. It is used in numerous academic fields – from psychology, to political science, to business studies (Yin, 2003). When doing a case study, the information used is naturally pre-existing which makes the method very popular among scholars (Hyett, 2014)
Due to this popularity, there are various understandings about the nature and purpose of a case study research method (Yin, 2003). Normally, the case study is considered to be an equivalent of the qualitative research method. However, the case study method can be both qualitative and quantitative. A case study can be qualitative when it analyzes a single
subject/object, or a small group of subjects/objects. Its quantitative side can be utilized when the scholar investigates the consequences of a recurrent phenomenon for example.
(Sandelowski, 2011) In our case the case study will be qualitative as we are looking to
understand a single subject – nationalism in Scotland. Another particularity of the case study is that rarely offers any statistical contribution to a given topic. (Halinen, 2005) Instead, the case study can offer a more “in-depth knowledge of an individual example is more helpful than fleeting knowledge about a larger number of examples.” (Gerring, 2007, p. 1)
Flyvbjerg (2006) adds that a case study should be context-dependent, and should provide thorough analysis of a particular phenomenon. Furthermore, a case study is supposed to be representative for a larger group of cases. (Elman, 2016) This thesis discusses the place of liberalism in Scottish nationalism, and is, thereby, hopefully relevant to other cases of liberal nationalist, independence movements, such as the Basque and Catalan movements in Spain, or the Flemish in Belgium. An important clarification must be made here. Since the case study is so focused on a single case or a problem within a given context, the results from the application of this method will almost always be accurate only within a particular moment in time a nd space. In other words, it is possible that if the same case study is carried out again at a different time, the results will be different. So it must be said here, that whatever the results of the case study
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on Scotland be, they should not be considered universally binding. Rather the result should be seen, as a snapshot of the current state of matters, that can only serve as a suggestion of how Scottish nationalism and independence movements can develop in the future.
Furthermore, a distinction should be made between the single and multiple case study research methods. Gerring (2007), argues that the case study research method can include only limited number of cases. When there are too many cases at hand, it becomes difficult to provide in debt knowledge about each case. Thus, the effectiveness of the research method is
compromised. Instead Gerring suggests a distinction between a case study and cross -case study where the defining factor is the size of the sample of cases included in the research. In that sense, the current thesis is an example of a focused single-case study approach to interpreting the role of liberalism in the formation and policies of the Scottish National Party. This
framework was chosen because single-case study is a powerful tool for supporting or rejecting a theoretical arguments. (Siggelkow, 2007) The efficiency of the method comes from applying the theoretical argument at hand to a real-life situation. That way the reader is in a better position to see the practical application of the studied theory. Case study is also a way of theorizing about a problem or an event. (Tsang, 2013)
Process Tracing
Another method that is going to be used in addition to case study is process tracing. The first full and comprehensive account of process tracing is given by George & Bennett (George, 2005) Building on research from the 1970s and 1980s they define process tracing as ‘a procedure for
identifying steps in a causal process leading to the outcome of a given dependent variable of a particular case in a particular historical context’ (George, 2005, p. 176) This definition is
formulated to highlight the existence of causal relations, and to assess causality empirically (Dessler, 1991) However, process tracing can be both positivist and interpretivist. The positivist interpretation of process tracing is useful in showcasing the causal mechanism leading to a particular outcome. Nonetheless, positivist process tracing struggles to explain how this mechanism actually works.
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On the other hand, interpretivist process tracing is very good in providing a detailed explanation of the causal mechanism and how each variable works. The weakness of the
interpretivist approach is that it fails to accurately assess the importance of each link within the causal mechanism. (Vennesson, 2008).
Vennesson (2008) argues that by emphasizing causality, deduction and causal mechanism,
process tracing is being limited to being just positivist. Despite that, process tracing can be used
to combine both positivist and interpretivist approaches in a case study (Lin 1998: 166–9). This is how process tracing will be used in this research paper. In positivist sense, the method will be used to establish the links between the different factors contributing to the current character of the Scottish independence movement. This will be done through the use of history, policy documents and manifestos. The goal is to observe whether civic consciousness played any part in the formation of the Scottish national identity. In an interpretivist perspective, process tracing will allow for the in-depth analysis of the causal links that the led to the formation of the modern Scottish nationalism, and the context in which these changes happened. So, the idea is not only to explain what happened but how it happened. Generally, process tracing consists of three major elements. First it must be focused. Process tracing deals only with selected aspects of the phenomenon. Therefore, some information and characteristics of the phenomenon at hand will be lost. Second, the structure of the process tracing must allow developing an explanation of the problem/phenomenon at hand by using a pre-selected theoretical
framework. (Vennesson, 2008). Third, and last, the ultimate goal of process tracing is to create a narrative explaining the causal links that lead to a particular outcome.
In this research paper, process tracing is used in as a combination of positivist and interpretivist perspective. The reason behind this choice is that it allows for both theoretical and empirical analysis of the case of Scotland. Employing both dimensions of process tracing is the perfect trampoline to jump from the mere recognition of causal patterns to finding solutions for a particular problem.
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Chapter 4: The Development of the Scottish National Identity
The Nature of Scotland’s National IdentityIn this chapter, we will lay out our basic argument about the nature of Scottish nationalism. Namely that, the Scottish national identity is civic in nature. And that its political ideology is flexible with strong social-democratic and neo-liberal elements. In that sense, Scottish nationalism should be considered a positive socio-political force. Such interpretation of
nationalism is opposing the ‘traditional’ depiction of nationalism as ‘unreconstructed’ negative movement (Leith, 2006). Therefore, whereas ‘traditional’ nationalism is more exclusionary as a political and social movement, the ‘modern’ (or neo-nationalism) nationalism is both socially and politically acceptable. ‘Neo-nationalism’ here is a direct quote from Nairn (1977)
Several arguments about the nature of identity in general must be made in order to make these statements about the nature of Scottish nationalism. First off, identity is not a fixed object. According to McCrone (2001:153) the nature of identity is ‘personalised and negotiated’. He also claims that on the individual level people have a choice of how to perceive themselves, and which national identity the associate with. Following that rhetoric, being Scottish differs
between space and time. The Scottish national identity is then defined by the social discourse (Leith, 2006). McCrone (2001) argues that although links can be found between the Scottish national identity in the past and the present, being Scottish during Medieval times is not the same, as being Scottish in the 21st century. That argument echoes similar point made by
Ferguson (1998:305) who stated that ‘Scottishness was never exclusive, but on the contrary, has
always been highly absorptive, a quality that it retains even in the vastly different circumstances of today’
The fluidity and inclusiveness of such national identity translates into a civic and naturally democratic brand of nationalism. McCrone (2001) echoes Linz (1985) here by highlighting the importance of the shift from ethnic to territorial/spatial nationalism for neo-nationalism. Both McCrone and Linz argue that the primordial demands of the ethnic nationalism based on exclusion is simply not relevant in the modern multicultural society.
"
Nationalist movements which take the regressive primordial route may flourish in the short term, but ultimately are20
doomed to fail’ (McCrone, 2001: p.188)
.
In other words, ethnic identities are being dismissed as morally and politically unjustifiable. In his 2002 document, McCrone outlines the main elements of the modernist understanding of national identity:Individual sense of identity is a social construct. It can be changed over time and space. Therefore national identities are not essential or inherited.
National identity, can be claimed by verbal, symbolic or behavioural acts. Those acts can be modified through social interactions. Nonetheless, the claims that individuals make about their national identity cannot be entirely separated from the characteristics that are commonly attributed to the particular nationality (ancestry, place of birth, place of residence, etc.). Therefore, national identity is a result of a process that ultimately takes place on the individual level, but is facilitated by societal interactions and changes.
Because of this social negotiation process, it is possible for nationality to be highly stable across a wide variety of contexts and situations. Due this salience of nationality, scholars often
underestimate the flexibility of national identities.
At any given moment and context, an individual may perceive their national identity as fixed and unchangeable. However, he argues, individual perceptions are a matter of empirical research, and cannot be verified by theory. Also, he assumes that the national identity exhibited by most of the people is unproblematic and latent.
Lastly, McCrone argues that ultimately ascribing identities belongs to no one else but the people themselves. Some people are well aware that their national identity is a product of their choice, whereas for others identity changes depending on context. It is mainly due to this realization, that the modernist view of nationalism sees national identity as non-essential, concrete or inherited.
The function of this chapter is to show that civic consciousness influenced the development of the Scottish national identity. Some background work must be done in order to achieve that. First, I define the process of changing national identity. According to Ignatieff (1993) the way to do change national identity is through prolonged participation in civil activities. So, this chapter
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focuses on the events in Scotland’s history that represent the nation’s participation in the Empire’s civic life. Second, I define what civil participation is. Malloch, Munro, Goodall (2013) (2017), explain that civil society and public sphere are the two elements of civil participation. They also state that both of these concepts are closely related to the 18th century in Scotland.
The period is discussed in the later sections of this chapter. Another aspect to be looked upon is the arena, civil society, where this civic participation happens. A case can be made a case that civil society is a sphere that consists of values and institutions that produce potential for social and democratic interaction. Howard (2003: p.35) provides a list of these values and institutions. To him, civil society is shaped by and consists of:
“a wide array of groups, associations, and organisations, including community and local organisations; human rights, peace, and environmental groups; educational or cultural activities; churches or religious organisations; sports or recreational clubs; and women’s, veterans’, youth, elderly, disabled, animal rights, health and self-help groups”
Following this list, the chapter traces the instances in which Scottish civil society engaged in such issues. The assumption is that:
Scottish society participated in such matters, then,
In line with Ignatieff’s definition, it is plausible that the nation’s identity was influenced by civic participation.
After this clarification, the next section provides a historical overview of the development of Scotland’s civil society.
18th Century Scotland
The Union of England and Scotland The English Perspective
At the time, a union between England and Scotland was on the cards only in Westminster, where William feared to leave Scotland open to influence from hostile France. Although the two nations had shared a king for the greater part of the 17th century, the English were still
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anxious should Scotland pick a different king (even a protestant one), they may form an alliance against England.
The Scottish Perspective
The preferred option for Scotland around the time of the Glorious Revolution was to remain independent. The main political goal for Scotland at time was to protect itself from the
predatory economic expansion of England and the competition from English businesses. To that end, in the late 1690s, the government of Scotland decides to try to establish an overseas colony. This is known as the so-called Darien Scheme. The name Darien comes from the location that was chosen for the colony – the isthmus of Darien (modern Panama). In short, the Scots believed that establishing a colony between the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific Ocean will create an alternative route to the Far East. Hence automatically improving the economy and
strengthening their position against England. The most famous proponent of the Scheme was the Scottish banker William Paterson (one of the founders of the Bank of England). Without any success he tried to secure funds first from England, then from Hamburg and Amsterdam. The rejection convinced him that the only way to realize the Darien colony is to raise the funds from within. In 1695 he created the Bank of Scotland, and the ‘Company of Scotland, Trading to Africa and the Indies’. For the short period of three years the sum of £300,000, or around 25% of the entire wealth of the country was collected for the purposes of the mission. However, lack of international support, Spanish hostility (Spain considered Darien a part of New Granada), poor choice of goods to be exported, and endemic fever doomed the mission to failure. To add to add insult to injury, there were four consecutive years of failed harvest in Scotland from 1695 to 1699 which resulted in a widespread famine.
It was only in this context that Scotland agreed to a union with England in 1707.
Outcome of the Union
Considering the historical events before the union, one can clearly say that despite legally becoming one state, Scotland and England were not the same nation. J.G.A Pocock (1982) summarises it very well: ‘"The 'Britain' of 1707 created no new nationality; it was the fruit of an English desire for stability and a Scottish pursuit of economic modernisation." (p. 328). The
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Union was not welcomed by the majority of the Scottish population at the time. There was still a sense of bitterness towards the English (Brander, 1980, p. 85).
So in short, the Union of England and Scotland came about for entirely practical and rational reasons. England wanted Scotland in check in order to prevent an attack from the French. Scotland had to gain access to the markets controlled by England in order to improve their economic situation. In return, the Scots sacrificed their parliament and independent crown but preserved their church, legislation, and education systems. The latter will turn out to be very important for the future development of Scottish nationalism. As put by Nairn (1981) – ‘the English ruling class was able to tolerate a high degree of North-British autonomy’ (p. 138) By keeping its Church, and legislation, and education systems, Scotland preserved the tools needed to ensure the survival of their national identity. From the English perspective, allowing Scotland to keep those features, meant to establish a buffer that could channel Scottish
nationalism away from a violent confrontation with England.
Jacobite Uprisings in 1715 and 1745
Nonetheless, this buffer was not very effective. There were two more Jacobite Uprisings. One in 1715, and one in 1745. As we have mentioned in the beginning, the Jacobites were the
supporters of King James II. After his dead however, their main goal became to establish a Catholic king on the throne. That transformed them into a de-facto separatists, as the line of succession laid with the Protestant house of Hanover.
The first uprising, was a direct consequence of Queen Anne’s death in 1714. Despite George I (of Hanover) successfully succeeding to the throne, James Francis Edward - a.k.a. The
Pretender, (a son of James II) saw an opportunity, and left France to lead a rebellion in Scotland. However, he only managed to arrive in Peterhead as late as the 22nd of December
1715. By that time, the rebel led by the Earl of Mar, had dwindled and despite being proclaimed a King of Scotland in 1715, The Pretender’s attempt at revolution was unsuccessful.
The second Jacobite uprising occurred in 1745. Just like the first one, the motives behind it were not exclusively nationalistic per se. At time the War of the Austrian Succession was raging on. The French needed a distraction to ensure advantage in the battles on the continent. So,
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this time with support from France, the son of the Pretender, Prince Charles Edward (Bonnie Prince Charlie) started his offensive. Thanks to his personal charisma and the ability of his military commander Lord George Murray, Charles initially succeeded in occupying most of Scotland, taking advantage of the fact that the English were busy trying to fend off a French invasion attempt at Dunkirk. (Harvie, 2002, p. 118). The tide turned in November 1745 when Prince Charles crossed the border with England. Despite reaching as far south as Derby, with no support from the English Catholics, and the unsuccessful French invasion attempt, his forces started diminishing and he had to retreat. It all ended on the 16 of April 1746, when the Jacobites suffer a heavy defeat in the battle of Culloden. Bonnie Prince Charlie managed to escape back to France, but the possibility for further outbreaks was completely neutralized. (Harvie, 2002, p. 119).
After the rebellion was crushed, strict measures were taken against the Highlanders. The Dress Act of 1746 was introduced prohibiting the Highland Dress. The punishment for wearing a kilt was up to six month’s prison for first offense, and up to seven years labour in an overseas plantation.
The only exception of the Dress Act was granted to the Highlander Regiments. A process of incorporation these into the British Army began after the failed uprising.
The Highlanders
Another important issue to be mentioned when talking about 18th century Scottish nationalism
is the faith of the Highlanders. As explained in the paragraph above, many Highlanders were incorporated into the British army. (Bingham, 1991, p. 144). Once more, that was a clever move on the side of the English. As the Highland culture was highly masculine, and militaristic, many Highlanders had no other employment than being warriors. So, joining the Highland Regiments was the only legal possibility these people had to continue their tradition and still wear the kilt. Just like the separate church, legislation and education, the Highland regiments added one more opportunity for the Scots to maintain their identity while being part of the larger empire. The English were also happy to successfully reduce the threat Highlanders possessed. Even more so, they could now use these warriors in their colonial conquests. (Bingham, 1991, p.
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144). Nairn (1981) rightfully points out the significance of the Highland regiments in bridging the gap between the Highlands and the Lowlands (p. 166) - "The Gaels, from being viewed a
barbarous nuisances, became regarded as in some ways the very embodiment of Scotland. The kilt and the bagpipes acquired popularity where hitherto they had enjoyed none. The new cult was mawkish and often at variance with the facts of Scottish life." In a nutshell, the Regiment
whitewashed the image of the Highlanders. From savage and backwards opponents of the Union, they became national heroes. (Bingham, 1991, p. 145)
Scottish Romanticism
The change of the image of the Highlanders can in part be attributed to the literary and intellectual movement of Romanticism. Romanticism developed during the late 18th and early
19th century. Its timeline partially overlapped with the Scottish Enlightenment and indeed
Romanticism is often seen as a reaction to the cold rationality of the Enlightenment. Partly inspired by the great French and American Revolutions, the Scottish Romanticism elevated the character of the simple but noble savage to new heights. Practical example for the movement is the above mentioned change in the image of the Highlanders. However it wasn’t only them. Romanticism resulted in an increased interest in the ancient history, folklore and traditions which enabled authors like Robert Burns and Walter Scott to use these sentiments in order to transform the perceptions about the Scottish national identity in the early 19th century. Walter
Scott’s work is presented in more detail in the sections below.
Overview of the 18th Century in Scotland
Scotland entered the 18th century as an economically backwards and isolated, but still
independent nation. They were forced by a series of poor political choices (the Darien Scheme) and series of natural disasters also known as the Seven Ill Years to form a Union with their rival neighbors of England. It was a conscious decision taken in the Parliament and it bears the traits of what we have described in the previous chapters as civic consciousness. Surely led by no small degree of a personal interest, the Scottish nobility was also fully aware that the only way to save the Scottish nation was to sacrifice the de-facto existence of their state. Nonetheless,
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enough measures were taken to ensure that there are enough ways in which the Scottish national identity could be showcased.
19th Century Scotland Walter Scott
No assessment of the Romanticism in Scotland can be full without discussing Sir Walter Scott. He was famous for his novels set against the background of real historical events. According to Nairn (1981, p. 102) Scott could be described as ‘Valedictory Realist’. This is meant in the sense that Scott did not want to bring back the old glorious time in order to change the present. Unlike most of the authors during the Romanticism. Scott’s main used the history in order to reinforce the present. He considered himself to be both a Jacobite (by heart) and a Unionist (by reason). This way of thinking about the past bridged two otherwise conflicting positions – the Jacobite and the Unionist and it played a major part in consolidating the position of Scotland within the United Kingdom. Cultural exchange between the two nations became fashionable. The Scots grew to respect their bigger neighbor whilst the English admired the now considered romantic and noble Scottish culture.
Plenty of examples for the friendlier relationship between England and Scotland can be found throughout the 19th century. Undoubtedly the most important of these is King George IV’s visit
in Scotland in 1822. No other than Sir Walter Scott was asked to organize the event. He used the occasion to further reconcile England and Scotland. He achieved that by organizing a highland parade in Edinburgh. It was a success in the sense that the Highland Dress was no longer a symbol of defiance but a proud component of the Union between the two nations. (Brander, 1980, p. 155).
The event was a turning point in the evolution of the Scottish national identity. Scotland now appeared a ‘nation of Highlanders’. (Creevey, 1904, p. 45). Thus Sir Walter Scott effectively invented the concept of tartanry. As well as glorifying the Highland history, Sir Scott’s work had another effect. It reconciled the English and the Scottish views on history, Walter Scott de-facto merged the Scottish national identity into the larger British identity. Moreover, where it could not stand out individually (Lynch, 1992, p. 343), thanks to its’ newly attached tartanry, the
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Scottish national identity was now distinctive. Even if only a part of a larger concept –
Britishness. This is important as it is at the core of the argument that Scottish nationalism
should be discussed solely within the context of Britain. This argument is going to be covered in the next chapter.
As Bingham (1991, p. 181) puts it: "Scott's orchestration of neo-Jacobitism in honour of George IV had the surprising effect of translating what might have been an ephemeral fashion for tartan into a lasting national symbol."
Here we must come back to the idea of civic consciousness. We can argue that the work of Walter Scott put the consciousness into civic consciousness in Scotland. The Scots were now consciously aware of two elements. The first was that they possess a distinct, albeit somewhat manufactured, national identity. The second was that they were now an integral part of a union.
More concretely speaking, the gentry and the bourgeoisie were all happy with the economic benefits of being in a Union, whilst the tartanry fulfilled the need for a clear and distinctive national identity. That way, the Scottish brand of nationalism avoided violence, unlike many other nationalisms during the 19th century (e.g. the Balkans, Italy, Poland, Hungary, etc.).
However, it was three other major events during this century that would put the civic in civic consciousness – the Industrial Revolution, the Disruption of 1843, and the 1872 Education act.
The Industrial Revolution
By 1830s the industrial revolution had already begun in the rest of the Kingdom. In Scotland however, the unions were still protecting the interests of the workers and prevented the introduction of machinery in the factories. It all changed in 1837. After the unsuccessful strike of the ‘Cotton Spinners’ strike, the union lost their influence, and that opened the door to the mass industrialization of the Scottish factories. (Fraser & Morris, 1990, p. 267) With the industrialization came a high unemployment rate for the skilled workers as they became increasingly replaced by machines. In other words the industrialization in Scotland increased created a new divide. Whereas in the 18th century Scotland was divided based on religion, in
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the 19th century it was divided based on income. Moreover, as we shall see in the section, due
to the Disruption of the 1843, the poorest strata was further deprived of its social net – the Church.
The Disruption of 1843
Around a decade after the Scotland began experiencing the negative effects of the industrial revolution, the Church of Scotland broke apart. The unclear regulations concerning who was eligible to run a school played a key role in the schism. This was a crucial event, as before only one body held a monopoly over the education and social care systems. Following the schism, the Free Church of Scotland emerged and began building churches all over the country. (Lynch, 1992, p. 397). Since the education system was still non-secular, the proliferation of churches also meant proliferation of the right to provide care and education. As the new church had to develop the same networks and services in order to match its bigger and better established rival (Fraser & Morris, 1990, p. 294) As a result, Scotland did not simply end up with two churches but two parallel educational systems as well.
This fact also contributed to the growing class division of the population. It was a common phenomenon for people from the middle-class to refuse to attend churches that were close to the slums. Naturally this led to class segregation in both churches. There was a “frequent
removal of gratis and low-priced pews". In the short term this lead to the poor being excluded
from congregation, and in the long term the ‘middle class’ churches simply moved to the suburbs. (Fraser & Morris, 1990, p. 321). Leaving the poor isolated.
In short, the class division post 1843 created demand for different sources of information, education, religion, etc. The Disruption of 1843 practically ended the monopoly over education and social care in Scotland. It showed the people, that laws, tradition and opinions could now be contested. In a way, the Disruption gave birth to the Scottish civic society. It also set the stage for the Education Act of 1872.
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The educational system of Scotland prior to 1872 was closely tied to the churches. This dynamic was legally acknowledged in the previous Education Act of 1669, which survived the Union. This document however did not provide a clear framework of how exactly education was to be delivered by the churches. It was more of a recognition and legalization of the proliferation of schools in churches during the time. It must be said that this was not a problem during the 18th
century as the strong national church (Kirk) had enough influence to create and maintain educational standards without the help of the government. (Lynch, 1992, p. 353). It all changed with the Disruption of 1843. There was no concrete legislation determining the content of what should be taught in schools. Also, the government lacked a long-term plan as to how education as such should be developed. As we mentioned in the beginning of this section, the Education Act of 1669 was nothing but a formalization of an already ongoing process. So considering all this, it was relatively easy for the Free Church of Scotland, or any other religious group, to establish an alternative educational system without having to comply with any governmental requirements.
Naturally, such uncontrolled diversification of schools alarmed the government. It meant the government could no longer hold the monopoly over official education. And so the Education Act of 1872 was passed. It was a real turning point for Scotland, as education was now taken away from religious control and placed under state administration. (Fraser & Morris, 1990, p. 291).
A special institution was established to deal with the development of education in Scotland was created – The Scotch Education Department (SED) (Fraser & Morris, 1990, p. 295). The new body was located in London which naturally made it somewhat dependent on the similar English Education Department (EED). It was not until 1885 when the SED got its first secretary when the organisation assumed a larger degree of independence from the EED. (Fraser & Morris, 1990, p. 295).
With this, the doors were open for Scotland to fully develop its civic consciousness. As the Scots were able to determine what should be taught at schools without interference from neither church nor the crown. This was very important as a larger degree of cultural influence could be exercised over the adolescence which one day was to become the backbone of Scottish society.
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Chapter 5 - Alternative Explanations for Scottish Nationalism
After presenting our main claim, it is also appropriate to discuss other explanations of the nature of Scottish nationalism. There are two ways in which one can object to our model: The first is by challenging the modernist definition of national identity that is adopted by this paper. The other is by interpreting the political aspects of Scottish nationalism as a part of general political landscape in Britain.
Challenging the Modernist Approach to National Identity
One way to challenge the modernist idea of identity is to argue that identity is bas ed on ethnicity. This theory is called ethno-symbolism and argues that there is a connection between modern nations and the ethnic societies of the past. Smith (2001, p.12) labels those societies
ethnie’s after the French term for ethnic community. In Nationalism, Theory, Ideology, History
(2001), Smith’s main thesis is that there is a concrete relationship between modern nationalism and the ethnie’s. Ethno-symbolism challenges that modernism does not take into account the ‘vital symbolic issues of ethnic identity, myth and memory’ (Smith, 2001: 60-1). Despite accepting the influence of economics and social construction for the formation of the modern nation states, ethno-symbolism rejects the notion that nations are a completely modern construct. Such definition of a nation is seen as limited. Hence a concept such as the ethnie is needed in order to connect the past societies with the modern nations. Ethnic Origins of
Nations (1986) provides the key aspects of ethnie: collective name, common ancestry, shared
history, culturally distinct from other groups, link to specific territory (homeland), and a sense of solidarity. These aspects are instrumental in the ethno-symbolic approach to bridging pre-modernity and the currently existing nations.
So using the concept of ethnie, it can be argued that the nature of the Scottish national identity is not modernist, but ethno-symbolic. Indeed such claims have been made by authors like Cowan (1998 & 2003). Proper defense of this approach however requires a deep historical discussion which is bound to outstretch the scope of this essay. Actually, this is the weak point
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of the ethno-symbolic approach. It neglects the political implications of nationalism. With the SNP in power and enjoying popular support and share of the electoral vote, the political face of Scottish nationalism must be represented in any serious attempt to explain the nature of nationalism in the country. Although one could argue that the Scottish nationalist movement has a history dating centuries ago. Little of that history is relevant to the current political landscape in the UK.
“Ethno-symbolism focuses on the cultural aspects of nations and nationalism. The political
aspects are left practically untouched” (Guibernau 2004, p.126) Guibernau too considers that
any complete theory of nationalism should include both cultural and political considerations. Therefore, by neglecting the political side of nationalism, ethno-symbolism is failing to properly explain the nature of national identities and nationalism in general.
However, it must be said that the same argument can be used to challenge the modernist approach. By Guibernau’s standards, the modernist interpretation fails to entirely explain the nature of national identity, since it too fails to recognize the concrete relationship between ethnicity and nationalism. Despite this criticism, Guibernau admits that ethno-symbolism is not completely apolitical. This is so because concepts such as myths, symbols, tradi tions, heroes, and holy places can be crucial for any nationalist doctrine: ‘ethnosymbolism provides powerful
arguments to those who seek to reinforce the political legitimacy of their nations and the power of the states claiming to represent them’. (Guibernau, 2004: 127) In other words, albeit
somewhat unintentionally, ethno-symbolism serves political doctrines by providing the cultural and ethnic tools to legitimize nationalist claims.
Going back to the work of Cowan (1998 & 2003), the ethno-symbolic approach is used to make a connection between Scotland’s traditions and symbols of the 14th century and the modern
Scottish political doctrine. Example is Cowan’s (2003) representation of the Declaration of Arbroath. In his book For Freedom Alone: The Declaration of Arbroath. 1320, the author carefully strips the myths surrounding the document and its significance, in order to put the Declaration in the proper historical context. The conclusion reached after that is that there is lack of evidence that the Declaration achieved its original purpose (to asserts Scotland’s
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position as an independent nation and to seek papal support for a defensive war against England)
After presenting the hard evidence, Cowan focuses on explaining the importance of the myths surrounding the document. The point made is that mythology surrounding the event has significance in itself. Cowan, shows how through many reinterpretations throughout history, the Declaration of Arbroath becomes a manifest of Scottish independence and nationali sm. Thus inflating the importance of the event and creating a connection between 14th century
Scotland’s ethnie and the contemporary Scottish national identity.
This example shows that ethno-symbolism possesses a certain political focus, even if secondary to the ethnic/cultural one, and that I allows room for discussing the political effects of
nationalism and national identity. Nonetheless, it must be acknowledged that the
predominantly historical focus of the approach is limiting the opportunity for such discussion. To summarize, ethno-symbolism provides an excellent alternative theoretical framework within which the nature of Scottish nationalism and identity can be discussed. However, while it manages to address some of the limitations of the modernist approach, it is only partially aware of the political ramifications of ethnicity, symbols, traditions, etc. So, in order to for such
approach to be truly effective it must be modified in order to account for this criticism.
Scottish nationalism as a part of the larger political narrative of Britain.
Another way to challenge the modernist approach to Scottish nationalism and national identity is to discuss Scottish nationalism a part of the larger political narrative of Britain. Such approach considers Scottish nationalism to be a comparatively new phenomenon. The medieval period, as well as the industrial age are usually neglected as too distant and irrelevant to what the movement is today. In this interpretation, the timeline of Scottish nationalist movement begins in the 1960/70s and peaks in the 1980/90s with the two devolution referendums in 1979 and 1997. The most recent independence referendum can be added to that. (Jackson, 2014) (Nairn, 1968). The proponents of this thesis, understand the unusual character of Scottish nationalism in the following way:
